[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 44, Number 13 (Monday, April 7, 2008)]
[Pages 453-458]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
The President's News Conference With President Viktor Yushchenko of 
Ukraine in Kiev

April 1, 2008

    President Yushchenko. Dear Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and 
gentlemen: This is a great honor for Ukraine and Ukrainian Government to 
welcome the delegation of--chaired by the U.S. President. We just had 
one-on-one negotiations and expanded negotiations, and we can make 
general assessment of our talks. We are very pleased with the frankness 
and the atmosphere that the talks were carried out in.
    And they were about the positions of our bilateral relations, the 
visit of His Excellency President Bush--is very--[inaudible]--documents 
that were signed. And we also touched upon the issues of the 
international politics and regional politics. I also want to say that 
one of the major issues that a lot of attention was paid by us is 
Ukraine's joining the NATO Membership Action Plan.
    And once again, I wanted to prove to Mr. President and the American 
delegation that when we're speaking about the MAP, we mean political and 
security essence. The political essence of it is that this country, when 
we are speaking about the 20th century, has many times announced its 
independence, but many times this independence failed. For the last 80 
years, Ukraine has declared its independence six times, and five times 
it failed. It failed probably because there were no international 
signatures--honor our sovereignty. And very often, Ukraine looked like a 
diversified country, a parted country in an international community. And 
we are speaking here about the system of political decisions that fixed 
it right, and on the other hand, we are speaking about the security 
context.
    In my opinion, there are no alternatives for the--against the idea 
of collective security. And I believe that collective responsibility for 
security policy, or defense policy, if you may, is the best response to 
the challenges that currently exist in this society, that exist in the 
system of international coordinance.
    And we received full-fledged support from the U.S.A. in Ukraine's 
plan to join the MAP.

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And in the course of the Bucharest summit, I'm sure that we will receive 
a positive signal in Bucharest. And that's the spirit that we're going 
there with. And we're sure that it will be also an advantage for those 
countries who are only about to determine their way there. And it was 
very important for us to have the roadmap signed. It will determine, 
actually, our applicable action plan.
    This complex document determines the priorities of our cooperation 
in many sectors, starting from political dialog, space exploration, 
nuclear policy, and ending with ecological and environmental issues.
    During Mr. President's visit, we signed a very important agreement, 
which is a trade and investment framework agreement. It lays the 
necessary foundation for--to start negotiations on the free trade area 
between our countries. And in my opinion, it's also--not less important 
is the framework agreement on research and use of space in peaceful 
manner. It opens new prospects for our relations. Still, the relations 
has already had good practices.
    And we also touched upon the energy issues and diversification of 
energy supplies. We paid attention to the energy summit that will take 
place in Kiev on the 22-23 of May, on the issues regarding Odessa-Brody 
EU pipeline project, in the concept of energy security, and other issues 
that will be considered in the course of the summit.
    We also spoke about the domestic political situation in Ukraine. And 
I would like to thank very much to Mr. President for this very fruitful 
and dynamic dialog and for that open and trustful atmosphere that was 
during our dialog. I thank you very much indeed. I really appreciate it.
    President Bush. Dobryi den. Thank you all very much. I am thrilled 
to be here, as is my wife. And thank you for your gracious hospitality, 
Mr. President.
    I am proud to be sitting next to a leader who has strong convictions 
and a lot of courage. We come with a message for the people of Ukraine: 
Your sovereign nation has a friend and a solid partner in the United 
States.
    Our nations have built our friendship on the love of liberty. Our 
people believe that freedom is the gift of an Almighty to every man, 
woman, and child. And President Yushchenko and I understand that 
democracies are the best partners for peace and security in every part 
of the world. So we spent a lot of time talking about NATO.
    First, I do want to remind people that Ukraine and the NATO alliance 
have built a strong partnership. Ukraine is the only non-NATO nation 
supporting every NATO mission. In Afghanistan and Iraq, Ukrainian troops 
are helping to support young democracies. In Kosovo, Ukrainians are--
help keep the peace.
    Ukraine now seeks to deepen its cooperation with the NATO alliance 
through a Membership Action Plan. Your nation has made a bold decision, 
and the United States strongly supports your request. In Bucharest this 
week, I will continue to make America's position clear: We support MAP 
for Ukraine and Georgia. Helping Ukraine move toward NATO membership is 
in the interest of every member in the alliance and will help advance 
security and freedom in this region and around the world.
    We also share more than security interests; we share democratic 
values. Ukraine has demonstrated its commitment to democracy and free 
markets. You've held three elections since the Orange Revolution. Your 
commitment to open markets has allowed your economy to grow and earned 
your nation the opportunity to join the World Trade Organization.
    I know you're proud of these accomplishments, and you should be, Mr. 
President, and so should the people of Ukraine.
    We're working together to help the Ukraine--Ukrainians build a 
better life. You're on the path to reform, and you can count on our 
continued support. We work together to fight corruption and support 
civil society groups and strengthen institutions of a free and 
prosperous economy. And as you mentioned, Mr. President, we're expanding 
our economic partnership through a trade and investment cooperation 
agreement.
    And so, Mr. President, we have a deep relationship, an important 
relationship. And I want to thank you for your friendship. Appreciate 
what you've done to advance the cause of freedom. And I look forward to 
continuing to work with you during my time as President

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to make sure our relationship endures for the years to come.
    President Yushchenko. Thank you.
    President Bush. Thank you, sir.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization/Missile Defense System

    Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Do you think that Russia is applying 
undue pressure and threats to accomplish its goals at NATO on missile 
defense and stopping the Membership Action Plans of Ukraine and Georgia?
    And President Yushchenko, what do you think of Moscow's tactics?
    President Bush. Just because there was a bunch of, you know, Soviet-
era flags in the street yesterday doesn't--you shouldn't read anything 
into that. I--look, this is an interesting debate that's taking place. 
And it's--you know, as every nation has told me, Russia will not have a 
veto over what happens at Bucharest, and I take their word for it. And 
that's the right policy to have.
    I'm going to work as hard as I can to see to it that Ukraine and 
Georgia are accepted into MAP. I think it's in our interests as NATO 
members, and I think it's in Ukrainian and Georgian interests as well.
    And on missile defense, we'll see. I've made it abundantly clear to 
the--President Putin that the missile defense system is not aimed at 
defending against Russia. After all, Russia could easily overwhelm the 
missile defense systems that we have in--that we've envisioned. These 
systems are aimed at a nation out of the Middle East, for example, that 
could launch an attack against Europe and--just like our systems out in 
the Far East are aimed at helping protect ourselves from single- or 
dual-launch regimes.
    So obviously we've got a lot of work to do to allay suspicions and 
old fears, but I believe we're making pretty good progress along those 
lines.
    President Yushchenko. When we're speaking about Ukrainian politics 
of joining the MAP and NATO membership, I would like to mention a couple 
basic things. First, this is not a policy against somebody. We are 
taking care of our national interest.
    Taking a look at our history, it's very rich in many tragedies for 
Ukrainian state that only the system of collective defense and 
security--international guarantees of the political sovereignty for 
Ukraine and territorial integrity will give the full response to the 
internal question in Ukraine. And I'm sure that for any Ukrainian who 
takes care of the future for Ukraine, a stable future for Ukraine, the 
issue of joining the MAP is probably the most high-quality response to 
all the basic and fundamental interests of Ukraine.
    Secondly, I would like the debates that are now being carried out in 
Europe and in the world regarding Ukraine's prospects of joining the MAP 
and then after, NATO--form any new obstacle. I'm sure that we are 
going--we're taking the right track, and we are acting within the 
framework of our national sovereignty. Our nation is determined, and it 
corresponds to our political reasonability for the security of the 
state.
    I would like the basic and fundamental principle of work of the 
alliance--I mean, the open door policy would be replaced by the veto 
right by the country which is not even a member of the alliance. I'm 
sure that we're witnessing a very hot and overheated emotional 
discussion where there are few rules or even sometimes very little 
respect. But at the end of the day, the wisdom should win.
    And I want to firmly state that I'm only governed by a single issue. 
I want to bring calmness, stability, and security stability, in 
particular, to this state. We want to be speaking about the Ukrainian 
presence in the world. We want to speak about the internal country. 
That's why only through these motives shall we want to have that dialog, 
the talks.
    And what we have in our society--I mean, the part of the political 
forces who do not share this opinion--I think that this is all natural, 
because it's quite natural that today, like, hundreds--some hundreds of 
people and red flags were in the square. This is a remarkable because 
the Ukrainian famine was built under the same flags as the Ukrainian 
oppression. These were the flags that caused totalitarianism and 
sufferings that caused many deaths of millions of people. And I'm sure 
that the Ukrainian Communist Party may also appear one day in Ukraine 
that will be standing under the flags of the

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nation. But apparently we still need to have another Moses to bring 
people over the desert for 40 years, for those who lost national 
interest and forgot about it and continue living in the past. I don't 
want this personality, in person, and I just want to show my vision and 
the ideology.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization/Ukraine

    Q. The question to President Bush--were you able to persuade France 
and Germany to give positive answer on the Ukrainian issue, and how your 
visit is remarkable to deciding--having that decision?
    President Bush. Thank you very much. We have been working with all 
nations in NATO for a positive outcome, because I strongly believe NATO 
membership is in--for Ukraine and Georgia is in the interest of our 
organization. And so I have personally talked to quite a few leaders. 
Secretary Rice has been talking to her counterparts. Mr. Hadley has been 
talking to his counterparts. And there's a lot of discussions going on. 
And I wouldn't prejudge the outcome yet. The vote will be taken in 
Bucharest.
    And my stop here is--should be a clear signal to everybody that I 
mean what I say, and that is, I mean that it's in our interest for 
Ukraine to join. I mean, that's--and so therefore, one should--but you 
ought to take more than my stop--more from my stop than just a--trying 
to send a signal on NATO. I firmly--well, first of all, I was impressed, 
like most Americans, by the Orange Revolution. You probably don't know 
this, but a lot of Americans were really, really touched and pleased to 
see what took place here.
    And I told the President that Ukraine is--you know, has caught the 
imagination of a lot of our fellow citizens over the last decade or so, 
and that you'll have good friends. The key, of course, is to have 
government that's open, government that's transparent, government that's 
noncorrupt, government that actually listens to the voices of the people 
as it makes laws, which is what's happening.
    But, no, this is a good trip, and I'm really thrilled to be here. As 
the President said, ``It took you too long to get here,'' and I admit 
it. But nevertheless, better late than never, as they say. And I'm 
thrilled to be here, and I want to thank you for your hospitality.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization/Missile Defense System

    Q. Thank you, Mr. President. How confident are you of resolving your 
differences over the missile shield with President Putin during your 
talks in Sochi? And also, sir, there was a growing impression that you 
are looking, perhaps, at a tradeoff in which the U.S. would soften its 
push for Membership Action Plans in NATO for Ukraine and Georgia if 
Russia acquiesces on missile defense. Could you please address that as 
well?
    President Bush. Yes, I'll be glad to address it. That is a 
misperception. I strongly believe that Ukraine and Georgia should be 
given MAP, and there's no tradeoffs, period. As a matter of fact, I told 
that to President Putin on my phone call with him recently. I said: 
``You just got to know, I'm headed to Bucharest with the idea in mind of 
getting MAP for Ukraine and Georgia. And you shouldn't fear that, Mr. 
President. I mean, after all, NATO is a organization that's peaceful, or 
NATO is an organization that helps democracies flourish. Democracies are 
good things to have on your border.''
    And on the second point, on missile defense, it's in his interests 
that we participate and share information. After all, a missile from the 
Middle East can fly north just as easily as it could fly west. And the 
capacity to be able to share information and share technology to be able 
to deal with these threats is important for a lot of countries, 
including Russia.
    So, yes, there's all kinds of rumors about things, but thank you for 
asking and giving me a chance to clarify. My position is absolutely 
solid. My position is absolutely solid. Ukraine and Georgia should be 
given MAP. Thank you.

Missile Defense System/Russia

    Q. [Inaudible]--what are the chances, in your opinion, of achieving 
an agreement at Sochi on missile defense?
    President Bush. On Sochi, I don't know, but the chances are--
advancing my logic is good, since I'll be there talking about it. And

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we'll see whether or not there's an agreement. But obviously, we've got 
work to do to convince the President and people around him that the 
missile defense system is not aimed at Russia. In other words, it's 
viewed as an anti-Russian device. Well, it's not, and therefore, it 
requires a lot of time, a lot of discussion. That's what Condi Rice and 
Bob Gates spent time doing when they were there in Russia, and that is 
to defuse any notions that this is aiming something at somebody in 
Europe. This is all aiming to protect people in Europe.
    Yes, I mean, the truth of the matter is, the Russian system could 
overwhelm the missile defense systems we have envisioned. I mean, these 
systems are designed to deal with, you know, limited launch 
capabilities. And they've got multiple launch capabilities. And so it's 
just--it requires a lot of work. We're dealing with a lot of history and 
a lot of suspicion throughout governments. And so the President and I 
will try to work through these for our common good. And I'm hopeful we 
can have some breakthroughs. We'll see.
    The other thing is, is that this will be my last chance to visit 
with him face-to-face as, you know--and I've worked with him for 8 
years. We've had a very interesting relationship. I like him. He's a 
person that has been a strong leader for Russia. And my view all along 
has been that it's in our interest--our interests, Ukrainian interests, 
European interests--to be able to have a working relationship with 
Russia. And I've had that. And this will be a chance to say, ``I 
appreciate being able to work together,'' and to be able to try to find 
some common interests in the waning days of his Presidency.

Ukraine/North Atlantic Treaty Organization

    Q. The question to President Yushchenko--please, Mr. President, say, 
if the positive decision is not taken in Bucharest on Ukraine, what are 
the next steps of Ukraine then?
    President Yushchenko. If not, the--I'm sure that we will win because 
the arguments that were just mentioned by Mr. President and the 
positions that Ukraine is standing with, within the framework of the 
international debate on this issue--we are every day approaching to the 
positive final result. This is a colossal international work, and I 
would like to thank you all--in your presence, I would like to thank 
President Bush for the work that's been done and that will be done in 
both public and nonpublic way.
    And we fully understand the value of the issue and its importance. 
Of course, we still have a lot of effort forward to receive a positive 
answer. I have very good belief that the position of our friends in the 
EU will play a very important role for tomorrow's decision. And I hope 
that we will be able to convince those states that still have an 
opportunity--that will have an opportunity to get more information about 
it and eliminate all the doubts.
    I--frankly speaking, I don't see any other way for Ukraine, no other 
alternative maybe--emotionally, I would like to say that for the nation, 
for the political forces, should be more devoted to this way. And the 
issue of whether Ukraine joins or not--the MAP--is not the complete 
target, the final target that we have in the Ukrainian society. And I'm 
sure that in order to avoid speculations on an international level, when 
somebody refers to the fact that the Ukrainian nation has not decided 
yet--I'm sorry, we have decided already. We're not speaking about 
joining NATO. We are only speaking about MAP.
    Why Ukraine should be deprived of that sovereign right is--there is 
a principle of open doors, which is the basic principle for NATO. Why 
can't we join MAP, and then let's have a meeting in a year or 2, when we 
explain to the nation that--what the NATO mission is and what the 
collective security mission is and then how important is--a response for 
Ukraine it is and why there is no alternative answer for us. If any 
politician is troubled about this nation and is worried about this 
future, I am sure that the Ukrainian nation is very wise, and it will 
make positive decision in the course of the referendum that we going to 
have regarding Ukraine to join NATO.
    I recall when, 3 years ago, we started this discussion, I think, 
from 17 percent of those who are for and who supported the alliance 
integration--a year ago, we were supported by 33 percent. During the 
last live debates, we've seen the analytics that raised up to 40

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percent. And we haven't started our work yet--I mean, the profound work. 
So this is the--quite a situation. I mean, the attention to this issue 
in the parliament for the last 2 months just made that big progress, and 
the nation started knowing better what NATO is and what its concept is. 
So I think everything will be fine.
    Thank you.

Note: The President's news conference began at 11 a.m. in the House of 
Chimaeras at the Presidential Secretariat. In his remarks, the President 
referred to President Vladimir Putin of Russia. President Yushchenko and 
some reporters spoke in Ukrainian, and their remarks were translated by 
an interpreter.