[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 44, Number 12 (Monday, March 31, 2008)]
[Pages 431-437]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at the National Museum of the United States Air Force in Dayton, 
Ohio

March 27, 2008

    Thank you all very much. Thank you all. General Metcalf, thanks. 
Thanks for welcoming me back here. I am really pleased to be back to 
Wright-Patt, and it's great to be on the inside of the National Museum 
of the United States Air Force, which is a fabulous place. I hope our 
fellow citizens come and see it. It is a great tribute to the airmen 
who've flown the missions and secured the skies and defended America's 
freedom.
    I want to thank the folks who maintain this shrine. I thank you for 
giving me a place to park Air Force One. [Laughter] And I appreciate the 
hospitality of the people who serve our country here at Wright-Patt. And 
I want to thank you for coming to give me a chance to share with you an 
update on the historic work our Nation is undertaking in Iraq.
    Over the past year, we have seen significant security gains result 
from the surge. Less visible are the political and economic changes 
taking place, from major pieces of legislation being passed to simple 
signs of normalcy. This progress isn't glamorous, but it is important. 
And that's what I'm here to talk about today.
    But before I do so, I want to thank not only General Metcalf, but I 
want to thank Congressman Jim Jordan for serving our country. I 
appreciate the State auditor, Mary Taylor, for joining us today. Thank 
you for coming. I am grateful that the mayor, Mayor McLin, took time to 
come by and say hello. Madam Mayor, thank you very much for your--
[applause]. Appreciate the other State and local officials.
    I do want to thank General Bruce Carlson, commander of the Air Force 
Materiel Command, Colonel Colleen Ryan, and all those who wear the 
uniform. I'm proud to be with you, and I'm proud to be your Commander in 
Chief.
    I thank very much the fact that Susan Kettering came, vice president 
of the Kettering Family Foundation. And the reason why she's important 
and the foundation is important is, they've been strong supporters of 
this museum.
    And finally, I want to recognize Amanda Wright Lane, great 
grandniece of Orville and Wilbur Wright. Thanks for coming. Nothing 
wrong with having famous relatives. [Laughter]
    This museum pays tribute to a--to great aircraft and great airmen 
and women, from the first fliers of the Great War to the aces of World 
War II to the daring pilots of Korea and Vietnam. And over the past 6 
years, a new generation of American airmen and women have joined that 
storied history. After all, the Air Force was critical in liberating the 
people of Afghanistan and the people of Iraq and taking the fight to the 
enemy overseas so we do not have to face them here at home. On a fateful 
day in this war, airmen delivered justice to the Al Qaida terrorist 
Zarqawi in the form of two precision-guided, 500-pound bombs.
    The military achievements in Iraq have been accompanied by a 
political transformation. It can feel like distant history, but it was 
only 5 years ago that Iraq was one of the most brutal dictatorships on 
Earth, a totalitarian nightmare where any election was a sham and 
dissenters often found themselves buried in mass graves. In a matter of 
15 months, the Iraqi people reclaimed their sovereignty. They went on to 
choose an interim Government and to ratify the most democratic 
Constitution in the Arab world. And in December 2005, 12 million Iraqis 
elected a Government under that Constitution, a display of courage that 
defied the terrorists, disproved the critics, and should always inspire 
the world.
    Tragically, the progress threatened to unravel in 2006. The new 
Government Iraqis elected took months to form. In the meantime, a 
terrorist attack on a Shi'a shrine in Samarra drove sectarian tensions 
past the breaking point. Sunni extremists, including Al Qaida 
terrorists, and Shi'a extremists, some backed by Iran, slaughtered 
innocent Iraqis in brutal attacks and reprisal killings. And across the 
country, political and economic activity was set back.
    We took a hard look at the situation and responded with the surge. 
This dramatic shift in policy had two primary goals. The first was

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to improve security conditions. So I ordered 30,000 additional soldiers 
and marines into Iraq and gave them a new mission: to focus on 
protecting the Iraqi people and to hold the gains that had been made.
    The other goal of the surge was to open up space for political and 
economic progress after security returned. So we deployed additional 
civilian experts and more than doubled the number of Provincial 
Reconstruction Teams, with a mission to ensure that security gains were 
followed up by improvements in daily life.
    General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker will provide more details 
about the progress of the surge when they testify before Congress early 
next month. But this much is clear: The surge is doing what it was 
designed to do. It's helping Iraqis reclaim security and restart 
political and economic life. It is bringing America closer to a key 
strategic victory in the war against these extremists and radicals.
    On the security side, the surge has brought important gains, which I 
discussed in detail last week in a speech at the Pentagon. In Baghdad, 
we've worked with Iraqi security forces to greatly diminish the 
sectarian violence and civilian deaths. We've broken the grip of Al 
Qaida on the capital. We've weakened the influence of Iranian-backed 
militias. We've dramatically improved security conditions in many 
devastated neighborhoods in what some have deemed a reliberation.
    In Anbar Province, which 18 months ago was declared lost to Al 
Qaida, we joined with the brave local sheiks who launched the first 
large-scale Arab uprising against Al Qaida. Together we've 
systematically dismantled Al Qaida in that Province. In just over a 
year, Ramadi, the capital of Anbar, has seen its average number of 
attacks plummet from more than 18 per day to less than 1 per week. It's 
becoming clear that Anbar has not been lost to Al Qaida--that Al Qaida 
has been--has lost Anbar. And that's important because this is the place 
where Al Qaida leadership has said they will find safe haven from which 
to launch further attacks against the United States of America.
    In other parts of Iraq, from Baghdad belts to Diyala Province to 
parts of the south, we've worked with coalition and Iraqi forces to 
drive the terrorists out of strongholds and put them on the run. Now Al 
Qaida's concentrated its efforts in the area of Mosul, which is in 
northern Iraq. And there's going to be tough fighting in Mosul and in 
areas around Mosul in the weeks and months. But we are determined, along 
with the Iraqis, to make sure Al Qaida meets the same fate there that it 
has met elsewhere in Iraq.
    A key factor in these security gains has been new cooperation from 
the Iraqi people. Ordinary Iraqis have come forward with intelligence 
tips. Citizens who were once hostile to the coalition have switched 
sides and are now joining with us. Over the past year, more than 100,000 
Iraqis have joined their nation's security forces. In other words, there 
was an Iraqi surge to match our own. These Iraqis are fighting and 
sacrificing for their country. They want to live in a free society. 
Iraqi mothers want their children to grow up in peace, just like 
American mothers do.
    The Iraqi forces are growing in capability. Recently, they planned 
and executed a highly effective operation to secure nearly 9 million 
pilgrims celebrating the religious holiday of Arbaeen. And as we speak, 
Iraqi security forces are waging a tough battle against militia fighters 
and criminals in Basra, many of whom have received arms and training and 
funding from Iran.
    Prime Minister Maliki's bold decision--and it was a bold decision--
to go after the illegal groups in Basra shows his leadership and his 
commitment to enforce the law in an evenhanded manner. It also shows the 
progress the Iraqi security forces have made during the surge. Iraqi 
forces planned this operation, and they deployed substantial extra 
forces for it. They're leading the operation. Prime Minister Maliki has 
traveled to Basra to oversee it firsthand.
    This offensive builds on the security gains of the surge and 
demonstrates to the Iraqi people that their Government is committed to 
protecting them. There's a strong commitment by the central Government 
of Iraq to say that no one is above the law. This operation is going to 
take some time to complete, and the enemy will try to fill the TV 
screens with violence. But the ultimate result will be this: Terrorists 
and extremists in Iraq will

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know they have no place in a free and democratic society.
    The surge is yielding major changes in Iraqi political life, and 
that is important. Before the surge, politics at every level was 
shutting down. I mean, for leaders, security crisis prevented the 
routine conduct of government. You know, for ordinary citizens, politics 
were a distant concern. I mean, after all, they were simply trying to 
keep their families alive. And for all Iraqis, the violence hardened 
sectarian attitudes and made tough political compromises impossible.
    A year later, 1 year later, after we sent additional troops into 
Iraq, the situation has changed markedly. With security improving, local 
citizens have restarted the political process in their neighborhoods and 
cities and Provinces. Let me give you an example. In Ramadi, tribal 
sheiks who led the uprising against Al Qaida are now leading a revival 
of politics. With the support of our PRTs, Ramadi now has a fully 
staffed mayor's office, and neighborhood councils have formed. Judges 
are presiding over courts and restoring the rule of law.
    As the news of the success in Anbar has spread, similar grassroots 
movements have sprung up all around the country. Today, some 90,000 
Iraqis belong to local citizens group bearing the proud name Sons of 
Iraq. Many of these groups are Sunnis; some are Shi'a; some are mixed. 
But whatever their makeup, these groups of citizens are determined to 
protect their communities; they are determined to fight extremism; and 
they increasingly participate in civic life. In other words, people have 
stepped up and said: ``We're sick and tired of our families having to 
live in violence. We can't stand the thought of people who murder the 
innocent to achieve political objectives, and we intend to do something 
about it.'' And they have.
    And the central Government is beginning to respond to these Sons of 
Iraq. And it's not easy. I mean, after all, some of them were former 
regime members or former insurgents. Yet the Iraqi Government has 
pledged to incorporate about 20 to 30 percent of the Sons of Iraq into 
the Iraqi Army and police forces. For the rest, the national Government 
has now committed $196 million to fund jobs programs so that brave 
Iraqis who stand up to the extremists and the murders and the criminals 
can learn the skills they need to help build a free and prosperous 
nation.
    The Sons of Iraq movement is only one element of the bottom-up 
political process. You know, sometimes it requires grassroots politics 
to get the folks in central Government to respond. Sometimes that 
happens in our own country. [Laughter] Well, it's happening in Iraq.
    You know, another sign of bottom-up political progress is the 
rebirth of Iraqi civil society. We take civil society for granted in 
America. But civil society was destroyed during the time of the brutal 
dictator, Saddam Hussein. And yet it's now coming back to life. Civic 
organizations are springing up. Institutions that sustain a free nation 
are strengthening. Our PRT in Karbala, for example, helped local 
residents establish a women's center that will provide education and 
promote equality. In Anbar, they just had a 5k race on what used to be 
the most dangerous streets in Iraq.
    I talked to General Odierno; he's the number-two man in Iraq. He 
just came back after courageously serving our country, and he came to 
the Oval Office. And here's what he told me. He said he flew over 
Baghdad 15 months ago, and he couldn't see a single soccer game. On his 
final flight last month, he counted more than 180. Now, that may sound 
normal to us, and we take it for granted, but it is a sign that the 
surge is working and civil society is beginning to grow. It is a sign 
normalcy is returning back to Iraq.
    And over time, these developments at the local level have increased 
pressure for action at the national level. Leaders in Baghdad are 
responding. By any reasonable measure, the legislative achievements in 
Baghdad over the past 4 months have been remarkable.
    In December, the Government enacted a pension law that will allow 
tens of thousands of Sunnis to collect the retirement benefits they were 
promised. Part of reconciliation is to reach out to groups who may not 
have trust in central Government, and you build trust by honoring 
commitments.
    In January, leaders enacted a de-Ba'athification law that allows 
mid-level Ba'ath Party members to reenter political and civic life. 
There was a period of time

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that if you were associated with the Ba'ath Party, you couldn't teach in 
a school, and yet there was a need for teachers. And this law will make 
it easier for civil society to grow and helps reconcile the past.
    In February, leaders enacted a budget that increases spending on 
security and capital reconstruction projects and Provincial governments. 
And on the same day, leaders enacted an amnesty law to resolve the 
status of many Iraqis held in Iraqi custody. Last week, leaders reached 
agreement on a Provincial powers law that helps define Iraqi federalism 
and sets the stage for Provincial elections later this year. And that's 
an important piece of legislation because it will give Iraqis who 
boycotted the last Provincial election, such as Sunnis in Anbar or 
Ninawa Provinces, a chance to go to the polls and have a voice in their 
future.
    These pieces of legislation deal with complex issues that are vital 
for the reconciliation of the country and fundamental for a democratic 
society. I mean, we've been arguing about the role of the Federal 
Government relative to the States for a long time here in America. We've 
been trying to get the balance right. There's a constant struggle 
between the proper role of State and local government versus the role of 
the Federal Government. Well, that's what the Iraqis are now struggling 
through.
    You know, they got their budget passed, and sometimes it takes our 
Congress awhile to get its budget passed. [Laughter] Nevertheless, some 
Members of Congress decided the best way to encourage progress in 
Baghdad was to criticize and threaten Iraq's leaders while they're 
trying to work out their differences. But hectoring was not what the 
Iraqi leaders needed. What they needed was security, and that is what 
the surge has provided. When the security situation improved and the 
Iraqi leaders were reassured that America wouldn't leave them, that 
America would support them, they then made tough compromises necessary 
to get key pieces of legislation passed.
    And it is a lesson worth remembering as Iraq's national Government 
goes about the substantial work that remains, including implementing the 
laws it's passed, reviewing its Constitution, drafting a electoral law, 
and passing laws to reform its oil sector and codify revenue sharing. 
It's also worth remembering the enormity of what the Iraqis are trying 
to do. They're striving to build a modern democracy on the rubble of 
three decades of tyranny in a region of the world that has been hostile 
to freedom. And they're doing it while under assault from one of 
history's most brutal terrorist networks.
    When it takes time for Iraqis to reach agreement, it is not foot 
dragging, as one Senator described it during Congress's 2-week Easter 
recess. It is a revolutionary undertaking that requires great courage. 
You know, one Iraqi leader recently acknowledged that he's faced four 
assassination attempts a year since liberation. Yet he proudly serves 
his nation with strong determination because he wants to live in a free 
society. And he understands what I understand: Free societies yield the 
peace we want. And it's in our interests to stand strongly with the 
leaders like that in Iraq and give them all the support necessary to 
succeed.
    The improvements in security resulting from the surge are also 
enabling Iraqis to make progress on their economy. Iraq has great 
economic potential. They've got a young, energetic population; it's got 
a lot of natural resources. Yet in many ways, the legacy of the tyrant 
continues to haunt the Iraqi economy. The Government is forced to rely 
on the centralized food and fuel rationing system that Saddam used to 
control his population and to punish his enemies. The infrastructure for 
Iraq's oil sector is still owned and managed by the central Government 
and suffers from decades of underinvestment. Iraq's economic problems 
grew worse during the sectarian violence that preceded the surge. Oil 
revenues declined; businesses closed their doors; and infrastructure was 
destroyed.
    A year later, almost every key economic indicator has turned around. 
Since the surge began, business registrations have increased by more 
than 9 percent. Total inflation has fallen by more than 60 percentage 
points. Investment in the energy and telecom industries has increased. 
The agricultural sector is improving. Oil production is up, particularly 
north of Baghdad. The oil fields there

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have more than doubled production, and exports through Turkey have 
expanded significantly.
    The national Government has announced a plan to reform the food 
rationing system. Economic growth is projected to be a robust 7 percent 
this year. And the confidence of Iraqis is rising. They're beginning to 
see a more hopeful future. More than 75 percent of Iraqi businesses, 
according to a recent survey, expect the economy continue to growing 
over the next 2 years.
    As the economic situation stabilizes, Iraq's Government has stepped 
forward to meet more of its own expenses. This is a mark of pride for 
Iraqis, and it is a point of insistence for us. Early in the war, 
America funded most of the large-scale reconstruction projects in Iraq, 
and we've changed our focus. Now we're focused on encouraging 
entrepreneurship. The Iraqi Government is stepping up on reconstruction 
projects. They have outspent us in the recent budget 11 to 1, and soon 
we expect the Iraqis will cover 100 percent of those expenses.
    The same is true when it comes to security spending. Initially, the 
United States paid for most of the costs of training and equipping the 
Iraqi security forces. Now Iraq's budget covers three-quarters of the 
cost of its security forces, which is a total of more than $9 billion in 
2008. And soon Iraq should, and we expect them to, shoulder the full 
burden of their security forces.
    They have other work to do in their economy. The reforms needed to 
transition from a command-and-control economy to a modern market-based 
system are complex, and it's going to take some time. Centralized 
electricity generation is now above prewar levels, but it is not 
sufficient to meet the needs of Iraq because demand is growing. Other 
key infrastructure needs to be upgraded, especially energy pipelines and 
storage facilities. Unemployment is still too high. Corruption remains a 
challenge. But the good news is, the Iraqis recognize these 
shortcomings. They understand what they have to do. And we're going to 
help them succeed. We're sending experts to help them succeed in their 
goals.
    Listen to the words of Iraq's Deputy Prime Minister: ``Last year was 
the year of security,'' he said. ``This year is the year of 
reconstruction; it is the year of services; and it's the year of 
combating corruption.'' And we're going to help them meet those goals.
    The surge is also helping give Iraq's leaders the confidence to 
expand their international engagement. Iraqi leaders are working hard to 
meet the criterion required to join the WTO, which would help its 
entrepreneurs benefit from the opportunities of a global economy. Iraq 
has taken steps to attract foreign investment, including holding its 
first Business to Business Expo since the gulf war. The Government is 
meeting its pledge to reform its economy in exchange for development 
assistance and debt relief through the International Compact for Iraq.
    Much of the world is increasing its commitment to Iraq. The United 
Kingdom, Italy, and South Korea are leading PRTs. The United Nations is 
playing an expanded role in Iraq and will help prepare for this year's 
Provincial elections. And next month, the third Expanded Neighbors 
Conference will meet in Kuwait City to discuss ways the region and the 
world can further support Iraq's political, economic, and security 
progress. This is a key diplomatic initiative. It will include all of 
Iraq's neighbors as well as the permanent members of the U.N. Security 
Council, the G-8, the Arab League, and the Organization of Islamic 
Conference.
    Iraq's neighbors can do more, and we're constantly sending out 
diplomatic missions to encourage them to do more. Earlier this week, the 
King of Bahrain came to visit me in the Oval Office, and his Government 
announced that he will send an ambassador to Iraq. And I appreciate that 
and urge other nations in the region to follow his lead. It's in their 
interest that a peaceful Iraq evolve. At the same time, the regimes in 
Iran and Syria must stop supporting violence and terror in Iraq.
    Iraq also wants to solidify its relationship with the United States. 
Last year, Iraqi leaders came to us with a request to form a long-term 
strategic partnership. This partnership would help assure Iraqis that 
political and economic and security cooperation between our nations will 
endure. This partnership would also ensure protections for American

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troops when the U.N. mandate for multinational forces in Iraq expires 
this December. Now, this partnership would not bind future Presidents to 
specific troop levels. This partnership would not establish permanent 
bases in Iraq. It would be similar to partnerships that we have with 
Afghanistan and other free nations around the world. My administration 
will work to complete this strategic partnership in the coming months. 
The Iraqi people have chosen to stand with America against our common 
enemies, and it's in our interest that we stand with them.
    Having witnessed all this progress from the surge, the natural 
question is, what are the next steps? Well, this week, I've been 
discussing that question with my national security team in Washington as 
well as with General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker in Baghdad. They 
will discuss that questions with Members of Congress when they come and 
testify in April. They'll outline the achievements of the surge as well 
as the challenges that remain, including the continued presence of Al 
Qaida, the violence caused by Shi'a extremists, the destructive 
influence of Iran, the flow of suicide bombers through Syria, the 
activities of PKK terrorists.
    I'm going to carefully consider the recommendations of Secretary 
Gates and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and those on the ground, General 
Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker. And I'll announce my decisions soon 
after I have fully met with them and heard their recommendations. And as 
I consider the way forward, I will always remember that the progress in 
Iraq is real, it's substantive, but it is reversible. And so the 
principle behind my decision on our troop levels will be ensuring that 
we succeed in Iraq.
    As this debate unfolds, I ask people on both sides to keep an open 
mind and to take a close look at the situation on the ground. Here is 
what one scholar and critic of the war recently said: ``No one can spend 
some 10 days visiting the battlefields in Iraq without seeing major 
progress in every area. If the United States provides sustained support 
to the Iraqi Government--in security, governance, and development--there 
is now a very real chance that Iraq will emerge as a secure and stable 
state.''
    Some, however, seem unwilling to acknowledge that progress is taking 
place. Earlier in the war, they said the political situation wasn't good 
enough. Then after Iraq held three historic elections, they said the 
security situation wasn't good enough. Then after the security situation 
began to improve, they said politics, again, wasn't good enough. And now 
that political progress is picking up, they're looking for a new reason.
    But there's one thing that is consistent. No matter what 
shortcomings these critics diagnose, their prescription is always the 
same: retreat. They claim that our strategic interest is elsewhere, and 
that if we would just get out of Iraq, we could focus on the battles 
that really matter. This argument makes no sense. If America's strategic 
interests are not in Iraq--the convergence point for the twin threats of 
Al Qaida and Iran, the nation Usama bin Laden's deputy has called ``the 
place for the greatest battle,'' the country at the heart of the most 
volatile region on Earth--then where are they?
    The reality is that retreating from Iraq would carry enormous 
strategic costs for the United States. It would incite chaos and 
killing, destroy the political gains the Iraqis have made, and abandon 
our friends to terrorists and death squads. It would endanger Iraq's oil 
resources and could serve as a severe disruption to the world's economy. 
It would increase the likelihood that Al Qaida would gain safe havens 
that they could use to attack us here at home. It would be a propaganda 
victory of colossal proportions for the global terrorist movement, which 
would gain new funds and find new recruits and conclude that the way to 
defeat America is to bleed us into submission. It would signal to Iran 
that we were not serious about confronting its efforts to impose its 
will on the region. It would signal to people across the Middle East 
that the United States cannot be trusted to keep its word. A defeat in 
Iraq would have consequences far beyond that country, and they would be 
felt by Americans here at home.
    For the same reason, helping the Iraqis defeat their enemies and 
build a free society would be a strategic victory that would resound far 
beyond Iraq's borders. If Al Qaida is defeated in Iraq after all the 
resources it

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has poured into the battle there, it will be a powerful blow against the 
global terrorist movement. If Iran is turned back in its attempt to gain 
undue influence over Iraq, it will be a setback to the--its ambitions to 
dominate the region. If people across the Middle East see freedom 
prevail in multiethnic, multisectarian Iraq, it will mark a decisive 
break from the long reign of tyranny in that region. And if the Middle 
East grows in freedom and prosperity, the appeal of extremism will 
decline, the prospects of peace will advance, and the American people 
will be safer here at home. The surge has opened the door to this 
strategic victory. Now we must seize the opportunity and sustain the 
initiative and do what it takes to prevail.
    Realizing this vision is not going to be easy. Yet we should never 
let the difficulty of the fight obscure the justice of the cause. We 
should never let the difficulty of the moment cause us to shirk our duty 
to lay the foundation of peace for generations of Americans to come.
    You know, when I mentioned justice of the cause, you see that when 
Americans in full battle gear hand out books to children, hand out books 
to total strangers. You see it when they defuse bombs to protect the 
innocent or help organize a town council meeting. And when you see that, 
there could be no doubt that America is a force for good and decency.
    Four thousand of our finest citizens have sacrificed their lives in 
this mission. Every one of them was loved; every one is missed. And we 
thank God for the gifts of these brave Americans, and we ask Him to 
comfort their families. Every one of them will be honored throughout our 
history. But the best way to honor the fallen is to complete the mission 
and lay the foundation of peace.
    All those who serve on the frontlines of this struggle, this 
ideological struggle, this confrontation against those who murder 
innocent men, women, and children to achieve their political objectives, 
are patriots who are upholding the highest ideals of our country. Many 
of them are airmen and women. They're adding to the tradition of the 
great aviators honored by this museum and of others known to us as 
family, friends, neighbors, or, in my case, dad. The work that today's 
generation is doing is every bit as challenging, every bit as noble, and 
every bit as vital to our security as any that came before. When the 
history of this era is written, it will show that the Air Force and all 
of Americans' Armed Forces performed with unfailing skill and courage. 
It will show that the United States of America prevailed, and freedom 
advanced, and so did peace.
    May God bless you. May God bless our country.

Note: The President spoke at 10:21 a.m. at Wright-Patterson Air Force 
Base. In his remarks, he referred to Maj. Gen. Charles D. Metcalf, USAF 
(Ret.), director, National Museum of the United States Air Force; Mayor 
Rhine McLin of Dayton, OH; Col. Colleen M. Ryan, USAF, commander, 88th 
Air Base Wing, and installation commander, Wright-Patterson Air Force 
Base; Gen. David H. Petraeus, USA, commanding general, Multi-National 
Force--Iraq; Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki and Deputy Prime Minister 
Barham Salih of Iraq; Lt. Gen. Raymond T. Odierno, USA, commanding 
general, Multi-National Corps--Iraq; King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa of 
Bahrain; Usama bin Laden, leader of the Al Qaida terrorist organization; 
and Ayman Al-Zawahiri, founder of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad and senior 
Al Qaida associate. The Office of the Press Secretary also released a 
Spanish language transcript of these remarks.