[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 44, Number 6 (Monday, February 18, 2008)]
[Pages 202-212]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Interview With Foreign Radio Journalists

February 14, 2008

    The President. Thank you all. Just a couple of comments. I'm very 
much looking forward to the trip. This will be my second trip to the 
continent of Africa, my wife's fifth trip. The reason why I'm looking 
forward to it is I want the people on the continent of Africa to know 
that the American people care deeply about the human condition; that 
when we see suffering, it troubles our conscience, and we want to help. 
I believe to whom much is given, much is required. A lot has been given 
to America, and therefore, a lot is required of us to deal with human 
misery in the form of hunger and disease and hopelessness.
    And so this is going to be a trip that I bring the good will of 
American people, with

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a strategy to help nations deal with the problems they have. I 
appreciate the leadership on the continent of Africa, and I'm looking 
forward to working with the leaders there as partners in solving some of 
the problems that I believe can be solved.
    And so thank you for coming. I'd be glad to answer questions.

Democracy in Benin/U.S. Foreign Policy in Benin

    Q. I'm Jean Jonas from Benin.
    The President. Yes, sir. First up.
    Q. Well, people from my country are very delighted to welcome you on 
Saturday. And I wish to say what they are expecting from you and from 
America. You, President Bush, have said that the best way we can build a 
peaceful world for the future is to share the principle of freedom with 
other nations. I took this from the U.S. Government site--this is a word 
I appreciate. But we highly appreciate how your Government fight poverty 
and encourage growth building. But we would like all this take place in 
a perfectly democratic context. What will be the implication of your 
trip to Benin, in terms of guaranteeing a perfect democracy for building 
hope and prosperity?
    The President. Democracy is a commitment by government and by 
people. The people of Benin have committed to democracy. However, to 
achieve a perfect democracy is very difficult. In my country, we're a 
great democracy. We were imperfect. After all, we enslaved people. And 
democracy is work and requires a lot of work. And it requires support 
from--to help leaders deal with everyday problems.
    One such problem in Benin is malaria. Your President has made a 
strong commitment to help eradicate malaria. Today in a speech that 
inaugurated my trip--or kicked off my trip, I talked about your 
President's commitment to provide nets to every child 5 and under. 
That's a strong commitment. We have got what's called Millennium 
Challenge Account programs. These are significant aid programs, but 
they're given to countries that adhere to rule of law and fight 
corruption and invest in the health and education of their people.
    This is a different type of foreign policy. It's a different type of 
foreign aid. Foreign aid in the past was just, here, take and spend. 
This is foreign policy that reinforces the conditions necessary for just 
and peaceful societies to develop. And Benin is such a country. And so 
I'm looking forward to confirming our desire to help and reinforcing the 
President's desire to achieve a democracy in which people have got 
confidence.
    Yes, ma'am, Yvonne.

U.S. Foreign Policy in Africa

    Q. I'm Yvonne from Tanzania. I was happy to hear about you 
congratulating President Kikwete, calling him a good guy, because I 
agree he's a good guy as well. [Laughter]
    The President. Well, actually, that's just Texas vernacular, you 
know, it's not a very--[laughter]--it's not diplomatic talk, but, you 
know--[laughter]--he is a good guy.
    Q. He's a good guy, yes, and we're happy to receive the MCC money, 
which we're about to receive when you come down to Tanzania. Now my 
question is that Tanzania is among 15 countries that have benefited from 
the U.S. initiative on HIV/AIDS, PEPFAR program, as well as the malaria 
initiative. But being an undeveloped country, while--would expect that 
to see more assistance in terms of helping poor countries such as 
Tanzania develop economically.
    So I'd like to know, as you're winding your term in office, what 
commitment has America made to ensure that developing countries such as 
Tanzania is assisted in terms of trade and development issues and 
private sector development as well?
    The President. That's good. First of all, just in general, our 
commitment to the continent of Africa was doubled when I first came into 
office, and then when I got--started my second term, doubled again.
    Secondly, I do agree that the most substantive way to help any 
developing nation is through the development of commerce and wealth as a 
result of growing industry and businesses, both small and large. And the 
best way to foster that is through trade. And that's why AGOA, passed by 
my predecessor, reauthorized during my Presidency, is a great source of 
hope for people on the

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continent of Africa because they now have a market in which to sell.

    Today in my speech, I talked about this statistic: Exports to the 
United States from the continent of Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, have 
tripled. Exports from the United States to sub-Saharan Africa have 
doubled. In other words, this trade has been good. One way to firm up 
the commitment to make sure that our Nation remains nonprotectionist--in 
other words, a free trading nation--is to complete the Doha round. 
That's a difficult set of negotiations. The United States has made it 
clear that we will reduce our agricultural subsidies, but in return, we 
expect other developed nations--and developing--large developing 
nations--to also reduce their tariffs and subsidies so that I can come 
to the Congress and say, here's an agreement that is fair for everybody.

    And so the other thing we can do is--so, our assistance aid, by the 
way, is helping--in some cases helps business. One way to do that is 
through OPIC. And I announced today a new multimillion dollar--hundreds 
of millions of dollars of OPIC-type investment funds that will be 
available for African businesses.

    What's interesting is, capital inflows into Africa now exceed 
grants, development aid. And that's important because capital inflows 
means jobs and commerce and hope and small businesses. So our plan is a 
plan that hopefully will sustain the gains that have been made. It's not 
like a one-time shot. It's got structural implications.

    The other thing is, is that you can't have a hopeful economy if your 
people can't read. And so education is a vital link to providing hope. 
And we've got a strong education initiative on the continent--and 
started early in my administration; we're following through on it. We're 
trying to get, I think, like, 12 million textbooks and train 900,000 
teachers and provide scholarships to 550,000 girls, all aiming to 
provide a basis by which these investments and these capital flows will 
actually be able to take hold--and that is an educated workforce, an 
educated population.

    Albert.

Millennium Challenge Grants/Democracy in Africa

    Q. Mr. President----
    The President. You're living in Rwanda now?
    Q. Yes, I do.
    The President. Good.
    Q. And I hope I'll be there before you reach, so I can welcome you.
    The President. Thank you, sir.
    Q. You somehow already replied to the question I wanted to ask you, 
but I can maybe define it a bit more. It is clear that the increase of 
support of your administration--your two mandates--increased a lot. And 
don't you think the U.S. should maybe also develop a higher level 
political strategy on Africa, that would benefit the U.S. and Africa?
    The President. That's a very interesting question. A couple of 
approaches to aid in the past; one was, ``We're feeling terrible for 
you. Here's money,'' and not much asked in return. The other approach 
oftentimes has been, ``You've got resources; we want them. We'll exploit 
them and leave behind something that really doesn't benefit the 
people.'' I know those are extreme cases, but nevertheless, if you 
really think about the history of supporting Africa, it's one way to 
characterize how things were approached. Some of it had to do with the 
guilt of colonialism; some of it had to do with just the gluttony of 
need for raw materials. In either case, it didn't work.
    So we've taken this approach that said we will invest in countries 
where leadership has made a firm commitment to some basic principles: 
rule of law; fighting corruption; investment in people through health 
and education programs; and adherence to the marketplace. Nations that 
have received Millennium Challenge grants have met a test. In other 
words, there is a criterion to qualify for the money.
    What's happening, Albert, is that other nations desirous of a 
Millennium Challenge grant ask, ``What did you do to get your grant,'' 
to other leaders. And so the habits of a just society become an integral 
part of the receiving of help. We're more than willing to help, but in 
this case, we're saying the help has got to be to reinforce those 
decisions by leaders that'll have a long-lasting impact

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toward a free society. There's nothing more debilitating to a society 
than corruption. If the people think that the leadership is there to 
enrich themselves, they'll have no trust in government. There will be no 
trust in form of--any form of government.
    And so one of the criterion for Millennium Challenge is honesty. We 
want the leadership and government to be honest with the people. And 
when we first put out--when I first put out this initiative, I was 
criticized by some. That's just part of the job, evidently. And it was, 
``How dare you insist upon conditions for your aid.'' And my answer is, 
how can we not? Shouldn't we expect good leadership? Shouldn't we have 
faith in people from a different part of the world demanding the same 
things that we expect of our Government?
    The answer is, absolutely we should hold people up to a high 
standard. Absolutely we should expect leaders to adhere to some basic 
principle. And absolutely we should trust people to want to live in a 
free society.
    And so we changed the policy. Not only did we have a more robust 
approach to the issues facing Africans than ever before in our Nation's 
history, by a significant amount, but we have a strategy to do just what 
you asked. How do we make sure that a free society is lasting, that it's 
not just a moment--you know, let's just do what old George wants us to 
do, and then he'll go away and then societies can revert back its norm. 
And so we have--there's a constant evaluation of results based upon high 
standards.
    Edwin. How are you?

U.S. Role in Africa

    Q. Thank you very much. I'm fine.
    The President. Yes, good, me too.
    Q. Mr. President, I'm impressed by your policy statement on Africa 
today.
    The President. Were you listening?
    Q. Yes, for the--yes.
    The President. You were the only people in this room; the rest of 
them fell asleep back there. [Laughter]
    Q. But just what I've from the--what I've listened to here now, I'm 
mostly impressed; it's quite encouraging. But I just want to know, what 
is the motivating factor for the increasing interest in Africa?
    The President. Why?
    Q. The motivating factor of the interest in Africa. Well, somebody 
may say it's the new oil finds or the fight against terrorism or we want 
to promote democracy.
    The President. Yes. A couple of things, Edwin; first of all, my 
passion toward Africa has been sustained throughout 7 years. In other 
words, my speech today, if you listened carefully to it, indicated a 
strategy that was first adopted early in my administration.
    Secondly, there are two reasons why. Now, one, conditions of life 
overseas matters to the security of the United States. In other words, 
if there's hopelessness, then it's liable that extremists who are 
recruiting people to create havoc not only in their respective countries 
or neighborhoods but also in our country--if there's hopelessness, they 
have a better chance to recruit. So it's in our national security 
interest, Edwin, that we deal with the conditions that enable 
ideologues--the ideologues of hate to recruit.
    Remember that the ideology that is prevalent, that uses murder as a 
weapon, cannot recruit in hopeful places. I mean, who would want to 
follow somebody that says, ``Follow me. My vision is--if you're a 
female, follow me. My vision is, you have no rights''? Or, ``If you 
disagree with my religious interpretations, you'll be whipped in the 
public square.'' So it's in our national interests.
    Equally, if not more important, it is in our moral interests that we 
help people. I firmly believe--as I said earlier, I firmly believe in 
the admonition that to whom much is given, much is required. I believe 
that is a principle by which people should make decisions in their 
individual lives and for the collective conscience of the United States. 
It is in our moral interest that we help a brother and sister who's 
dying of AIDS. And by helping that soul, it really helps ourselves.
    America's generosity has been prevalent throughout the decades. And 
every time America reaches out to help a struggling soul, we find that 
we're a better nation for it. And so my interest and my focus and my 
insistence upon results on the continent of Africa are based on those 
two premises.
    The other thing, Edwin, I will tell you is that I've got a lot of 
resources--or we have a lot of resources at our disposal. And the

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idea of an entire generation of people dying because of HIV/AIDS 
troubled my heart. And I felt like America could do something about it. 
Fifty thousand people were receiving antiretroviral drugs when we first 
started PEPFAR. Today, 1,300,000 people are receiving antiretrovirals in 
a very short period of time.
    And it's not enough. It's just a beginning. And so you say, ``Why, 
Mr. President, do you feel that way?'' It's because I couldn't live with 
myself if I didn't develop an effective strategy and call upon the 
American people to help. And the good news is, the American people have 
responded--$15 billion over 5. We're now going to double our commitment.
    Equally important, other nations have stepped up. The G-8 has 
committed to match the U.S. So all of a sudden, the strategy--and most 
of these strategies, Edwin, are really based upon--oftentimes when you 
see human suffering, it's based upon something that affects your heart. 
And so that's why I've made the decisions I made.
    Patience. You've been very patient so far.

Liberian Refugees in the U.S.

    Q. Well, Mr. President, I would like to thank you for considering 
Liberia as one of the countries you are going to be visiting this time.
    The President. Yes, ma'am.
    Q. And the Government and the people of Liberia do appreciate all 
that you've done for us. Now, Mr. President, last year, your 
administration extended by 1 year the temporary protective status of 
hundreds of Liberians. Now what happens when you leave office?
    The President. Yes.
    Q. Is your Government considering anything permanent for them, like 
what most host countries did for Liberian refugees, integrating them 
locally, those who wanted to stay. And those who wanted to go back home, 
taking them back home? Because this might--it will definitely allow 
these Liberians to continue to contribute to the growth of the economy 
of the country and also support their families back home.
    The President. Interesting; yes, thank you for that. I did extend 
TPS to Liberians here in America for, I think, 18 months. And there are 
no plans to make it permanent. I would hope that many of the Liberians 
who have come and been fine contributors here in America think about 
going home to help this young country get on its feet after unspeakable 
violence and terrible times.
    You've got a great President, in my judgment. I gave her the 
National Medal of Freedom. After all, she's the first woman President on 
the continent of Africa. And she--you know, in my speech today, I said, 
Africa's greatest resource is not oils or diamonds or rubber; it's 
really people.
    And so, my hope, of course, is that people that have been here 
trying to save themselves from the violence go help this young--not 
young, but this country get back on its feet.
    Donaig.

Darfur and Chad

    Q. Mr. President----
    The President. What kind of name is that, Donaig?
    Q. Actually, I'm French, but it's a Celtic name.
    The President. Really?
    Q. Yes.
    The President. That's a pretty name.
    Q. The situation in Darfur has always been a matter of great concern 
for you. U.N. officials say that the situation on the ground has been 
worsening over the last few days. There's also been very heavy fighting 
in Chad. Do you think there's a link between the two, between Darfur and 
Chad?
    The President. I do, yes.
    Q. And where do we go from there?
    The President. I appreciate that. I do think there's a link, first 
of all, and I think that--let me just step back and say that the United 
States has called the situation in Darfur a genocide. And I made a 
decision early on that we would work through the United Nations to help 
expedite troops that would help alleve the suffering and provide some 
breathing space, hopefully, for the negotiations between rebel groups 
and the Government.
    Unfortunately, the rebel groups that were one time three, are now a 
multiple of three. And unfortunately, a government that could have made 
a difference early on in Khartoum chose not to do so.

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    So the United States continues to work with the international 
community to put pressure on the Sudanese Government. I have issued very 
harsh sanctions against individuals and Sudanese companies. I also did 
so against at least one rebel leader I'm aware of, because I wanted to 
send a signal that your behavior is causing there to be some 
consequences. We're continually working with other nations to get them 
to take the same tough approach--nations throughout the world. Some are 
reluctant to move; some are anxious to help.
    In terms of the conditions on the ground, one thing the United 
States has done is we're providing enormous amounts of aid and, 
obviously, are concerned as to whether or not that aid makes it into the 
camps.
    Secondly is, I have told the folks at the United Nations that we 
would provide training and equipment to expedite the movement of troops. 
The question is, will the troops show up? One way I can help call the 
world to action is when I'm in Rwanda to thank the troops of Rwanda, the 
Kagame Government, for being so proactive.
    I'm frustrated by the pace of development on the ground. I am not 
pleased that other nations--some other nations don't take necessary 
steps to pressure the Government. I am--I've named another Envoy to the 
Sudan, whose job it is to really help bring a negotiating framework that 
will work.
    And again, I'll repeat to you, one of the unfortunate issues has 
been that the rebel groups have gone from 3 to more than 10--12, I think 
it is, or 18, if I'm not mistaken. And there needs to be the U.S. and 
others to pull the groups together so that there is somebody to 
negotiate with--that can speak with--more likely with a unified voice.
    And I do believe that the instability in Darfur affects Chad and 
French interests. And I do thank the Sarkozy Government for being a 
responsible nation, rallying EU forces to come and provide some help.
    And it's a very unfortunate, sad situation that is frustrating. And 
on the other hand, there are some hopeful moments, such as the fact that 
many in the world are providing help for the people in the camps. The 
problem is the people who are in the camps. And obviously, we'd like 
them to get back to their villages.
    Scott.

Zimbabwe

    Q. In your first trip to Africa, you embraced President Mbeki as the 
honest broker in Zimbabwe. It looks like President Mugabe is a month 
away from being reelected. So, what now?
    The President. Well, obviously, we're disappointed that the 
situation in Zimbabwe since my first trip has gotten worse. And it's 
very important for people to recognize types of government can affect 
the well-being and welfare of a country. Zimbabwe used to be a net 
exporter of food. Today, it is a net importer of food. Mr. Mugabe has 
ruined a country, and we have--we and, frankly, Great Britain have been 
the most vociferous advocates for change, and we still are advocates for 
change.
    I was hoping that the South African Government would have been more 
proactive in its intercession to help the people of Zimbabwe. It's not 
anti-anybody; it's pro-people, and that has yet to happen, admittedly.
    One more round here real quick. Yes, Jean.

U.S. Trade With Africa

    Q. Thank you, Mr. President.
    The President. Is that ``Jean?''
    Q. Jean Jonas. I will----
    The President. Like they say ``Juan''--[laughter]--where I'm from?
    Q. Mr. President, I will recommend you, during your short visit to 
my country, to have a taste in our juicy, tasty, and nicely perfumed 
pineapples.
    The President. Pineapples.
    Q. Yes. And then you will figure out that it will be an opportunity 
for all the American people to have a taste--[inaudible].
    The President. Yes, that's a smart move. That's good marketing. 
[Laughter] It's called a taste test. [Laughter]
    Q. But, yet, my country does not benefit much from----
    The President. From AGOA?
    Q. Yes.

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    The President. Why? Because fruits are not a part of the AGOA----
    Administration official. Pineapples can be imported under AGOA.
    The President. So then what we're going to have to do is, I'm going 
to have to talk to your President and point out the opportunities that 
pineapples are a part of the AGOA trade list that can enter into the 
United States relatively duty free.
    Q. Yes, but apart from the pineapple, we have so many things and so 
many products that can profit from the AGOA but do not----
    The President. You need some export credit--I mean, not export 
credit, you need some help in developing industries that know how to 
export. Yes, I'll be glad to talk to the President about that. There are 
several ways the U.S. can help. Some grant money that encourages people 
to learn how to be an exporting company, microloans can also help. And 
so can OPIC, which is a way for people to get the capital necessary to 
be able to develop an infrastructure so that they can take the pineapple 
from the field, do whatever you're supposed to do, put it in a crate and 
ship it to the United States for sale--if you know how to market.
    In other words, this is a--and so, yes, we'd like to help 
enterprise. The whole purpose of our strategy, which is commerce, is 
much more effective than aid to governments. It's got a more lasting 
impact. And one of the things I'm going to do in Ghana is visit 
entrepreneurs that are taking advantage of marketplace access. And I'm 
confident I'm going to hear from leaders in the region saying, ``That's 
fine; you're talking about nice things, and we like AGOA, but you've got 
to do something about your agriculture, because it provides a distinct 
disadvantage for our farmers.''
    And my answer is going to be, we're more than willing to do so, but 
we expect other partners in the world to do the same thing. We expect 
there to be fairness. And this is a tough issue to get all countries to 
agree to have equity when it comes to reducing our respective subsidies 
and tariffs, including African nations.
    One of the things I point up to African leaders--point out to 
African leaders is that oftentimes it is virtually impossible to ship 
goods from one African country to the next because there are high intra-
Africa tariffs and barriers to trade. And so it's a--trade is 
complicated, and we just want to be treated fairly in America. In order 
to get something passed, it has to be viewed as a fair and equitable 
transaction, and I believe we can achieve such a thing. I'm looking 
forward to that pineapple. [Laughter]
    Yvonne.

Government Corruption/Millennium Challenge Corporation

    Q. Mr. President, your Government has been supporting Tanzania 
address the issue of corruption as well as good governance through the 
MCC initiative and through the Threshold Program. And it is now been 
eligible to receive the funds, but what's going to happen once you step 
down to make sure what is being done--to make sure that it's going to be 
sustainable----
    The President. That's a good question.
    Q. ----it won't end with you.
    The President. You're right; my Presidency does end. And that's one 
of the great things about American democracy: There will be a peaceful 
transfer of power. And yet I'm hopeful that we leave behind an 
institution such as the Millennium Challenge Corporation, which has a 
monitoring device that will more likely assure the people of Tanzania 
that today's anticorruption measures are for real and lasting.
    It's a very interesting question. I mean, you know, today's concern 
about corruption may not be tomorrow's. I suspect any American President 
is going to be worried about corruption, particularly since we've 
changed how aid is granted in the first place. And so the fact that the 
Millennium Challenge exists will make it more likely future 
administrations will ask the very same questions we've asked.
    Albert.

Democratic Republic of the Congo/Rwanda

    Q. Mr. President----
    The President. Your thing turned off there, by the way, Yvonne. It 
clicked off. I

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think yours did. Anyway, far be it for me to interfere with your----
    Q. Mr. President, you will see when you visit Rwanda that 14 years 
later, after the genocide, Rwanda has incredibly developed. But for 
development in Rwanda, one of the things that are key--that is key is 
security. And when you started your first mandate, there was already a 
threat, and 8 years later, the threat is still there, Mr. President. 
What do you forecast for the future?
    The President. I presume you're referring to those groups that 
exist----
    Q. FDLR.
    The President. ----in your neighbor.
    Q. Yes. And which are even listed as terrorist organizations, even 
by the U.S.
    The President. Right, right, right, right; we're working with 
President Kabila on a disarmament program. We've been very engaged 
diplomatically in the eastern part of the Congo. I've talked to him 
about this personally. Our diplomats out of the State Department and on 
the ground are very actively engaged in getting people to honor the 
agreement. And I fully understand the issue and the concerns.
    Q. Because we don't want to be dragged again----
    The President. Back into the--no, no question. First of all, the 
amazing thing is, is that the recovery of your country. And I'm really 
looking forward to going. President Kagame has been a very strong leader 
in the right sense of the word. To be able to come from where you were 
to where you are today is pretty remarkable. I think I said Rwanda is 
one of the fastest growing economies in the world, if I'm not mistaken. 
Now, obviously that's really good news, and, of course, one of the 
things that's going to matter is that the people benefit from that 
economic vitality and growth.
    But you're right, it's one of the ongoing issues that I talked about 
in my speech today, and the reason I did so is I wanted the President 
and the people of Rwanda to know that we understand the seriousness of 
this issue; that nobody wants a replay of a very difficult--very 
terrible period in your history.
    Edwin.

Africa-U.S. Relations/Trade

    Q. Yes, Mr. President, your planned visit to Africa shows that the 
continent has become important to you and your country. Well, that's why 
the administration has set up AFRICOM for development but not for war--
--
    The President. Africa for development but not for war.
    Q. War, war fighting, and then the AGOA, Millennium Challenge 
Account, all for development--but to the ordinary African, he or she can 
see these things clearly or feel the impact well, maybe because of the 
gravity of the situation or poverty. And one way you made mention of it 
is to trade, not just aid. But we have problem with the African culture 
produced cotton and all that, because of the subsidies here, the effects 
are depressed prices back in Africa. What's official--what are you doing 
to solve this problem of subsidies? Is delicate issue.
    The President. Well, thank you. First of all, if you're a mother 
who's worried about a child dying of malaria, and you see a net provided 
by an American child, then all of a sudden, the--you get a direct 
connection between the hearts of Americans and your life. So in other 
words, you asked me whether--how does the average person sometimes feel 
the effects of American commitment to the continent?
    And my answer to you--and I'll answer the subsidy thing--but my 
answer to you is, first of all, it's a very important question, because 
oftentimes, years ago, aid would never make it beyond the palaces. They 
would kind of end up in a handful of people's pockets. And our program, 
Edwin, is really aimed at focusing on individuals. If you believe every 
human life has dignity, therefore, your programs ought to reflect that 
concept. And the way you do that is you make sure that the aid gets to 
the people. In this case, we're focusing on problems that affect the 
people most directly.
    And so, at Christmas, I got a--a couple years ago, I got nets given 
in my name or in Laura's name to families on the continent of Africa. 
I'll never know who they were, and they probably don't know who I am, 
but the idea that an American family decided to spend money on a 
Christmas gift aimed at

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helping a stranger is really an important part of an effective foreign 
aid policy.
    Secondly, our AIDS initiative works very closely with the leaders to 
design programs that meet the needs of the country--not meet our needs 
but meet your needs. But the other thing that comes with the AIDS 
program is a great outpouring of faith-based groups from America. There 
are thousands of my citizens, Edwin, that would--that long to spend time 
in parts of Africa delivering help to a total stranger. Other 
countries--I'm sure that happens, but I happen to say that this is the 
greatest strength of America.
    And so there will be hopefully somebody in a village in Ghana that 
runs into one of these missionaries on a mission of love, that will see 
the direct help of an AIDS program or a malaria program and education 
benefits. It may not be that somebody recognizes that a teacher has been 
trained by U.S. dollars, but our policy is to--we're more focused on the 
person learning. Maybe there will be a benefit to the United States, a 
direct benefit, where somebody says, wow, this is great; America did 
this. On the other hand, our focus is more on making sure that the child 
learns to read in the first place, because our overall objective is a 
hopeful society and a peaceful society.
    To subsidies--I fully understand the angst about the leadership--by 
the leadership on U.S. subsidies. And I've said I'm more than willing 
to--on the Doha round--by the most effective place--first of all, AGOA 
has helped address that to a certain extent. One way it has--because 
it's opened up markets. On the other hand, it has not made your farmers 
feel more comfortable because of the--in their view, that the United 
States farming is not only efficient, but there's a subsidy to make it 
even more competitive. I understand that.
    In order to deal with this issue, however, there has to be full 
reciprocity by developing--large developing and developed nations. In 
other words, the United States farmer is willing to take less of a 
subsidy if his--can be assured that his product will get a fair hearing 
in somebody else's market--particularly those that can afford to buy 
crops on a large scale--and that's not the case. Same thing if we reduce 
our subsidies on agriculture; we expect other nations to be more opening 
to manufactured goods and services.
    And it's a very complex issue, but it's one that we're trying to 
work through. And hopefully, if we can get a successful Doha round, your 
very question will be answered in a way that is hopeful to the farmers 
there in Ghana.
    Patience. Patience, where were you educated? I know I'm not supposed 
to be asking questions, but--[laughter].

Growth of Liberia

    Q. Some part of my education was in Nigeria.
    The President. Oh, really? Interesting.
    Q. Yes. Well, sir----
    The President. Are you living----
    Q. I'm living in Liberia right now.
    The President. Are you? Good. How's it going?
    Q. Good.
    The President. Is the capital, like, improving----
    Q. Well, we're sort of, like, accelerating----
    The President. This is off the record, right? [Laughter]
    Q. ----road construction work, so you can have a safe----
    The President. Well, you don't need to worry about me. [Laughter]
    Q. We're rushing up everything so you can----
    The President. You're building things because of my arrival? Maybe I 
ought to come every other month. [Laughter]
    Q. Okay. [Laughter]
    The President. Is there noticeable construction now----
    Q. Yes.
    The President. ----besides my trip?
    Q. Yes. Yes. From 2003 to date, there has been an increase in road 
construction. We've got infrastructure----
    The President. Can you see it; a big difference?
    Q. Yes, you can. Yes, you can.
    The President. Are people feeling safer?
    Q. Yes. People are feeling safer. Those on the ground are feeling 
safer.
    The President. Particularly in the city?

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    Q. But, like, for Liberians here in America--I have been talking to 
most of them--for them to go back home and join in this young democracy.
    The President. Thank you.

Security Situation in Africa

    Q. And some of the things they've been saying is the security. And 
some of them went back, after the first bout of war and were forced to 
come back. Now they keep saying security, and each time, I say, we have 
the U.N. mission down there. But right now the U.N. mission is gradually 
drawing down faces.
    Now, will your Government consider establishing AFRICOM in Liberia, 
which would consolidate security there? You know, like a couple of the 
subregions bring in investment into Liberia, which is what mostly 
Liberia needs right now.
    The President. First of all, AFRICOM is a brand new concept aimed at 
strengthening nations' capacities to deal with trafficking or terror, 
but also to help nations develop forces capable of doing the 
peacekeeping that unfortunately too often is needed on the continent.
    Secondly, we are in the process of evaluating exactly how AFRICOM 
will work. Now, because it's a new concept, it was a brand new military-
type command--and, by the way, it's going to be more than just military; 
there will be a State Department component with it, which makes it a 
very interesting issue. And so we're in the process of determining where 
and how AFRICOM should be situated on the continent. I'm not avoiding--I 
guess I'm avoiding your answer, but I don't mean to be avoiding it. I'm 
just telling you exactly where we are in the process.
    And obviously, if there is going to be a physical presence on the 
continent of Africa in the forms of a headquarters that you just 
described, obviously we would seriously consider Liberia. Liberia is a 
friend. The President has made it abundantly clear to me that she would 
like us to seriously consider Liberia, and I have told her I would.
    I just want to make sure people understand that the makeup and the 
construct of AFRICOM is still really being thought through, because, as 
I mentioned to you, this is not--I mean, when you think of, you know, 
U.S. command structures, you think military, which is fine. But this is 
a different military mission than Central Command, for example. And as I 
told you, there's going to be a strong State Department component with 
it, and we're in the process of making sure we understand what that 
integration means and then evaluating if and where the facilities will 
be built. It's on my radar screen.
    Donaig.

Kenya's Presidential Election

    Q. About Kenya, Mr. President, there's been a month-and-a-half now 
of continuous ethnic violence. Who won this election, and what should be 
done to stop this violence?
    The President. Yes. I don't think we can say we're certain to who 
won the election. That's part of the problem. Secondly, there is a way 
forward, which is for the parties to come together in good faith and 
work out a way forward until there are new elections, the date of which 
would be determined by the parties.
    I don't think the United States ought to go in, or anybody else, to 
say, ``You must have an election now.'' But I do think we can go in and 
help Kofi Annan convince the parties to work together in a cooperative 
way so that the people can see there's a way forward. And to this end, 
when I'm in Rwanda, I'm going to ask Condi to go over to Kenya and sit 
down with the leaders in Kenya to see if we can't help Kofi advance 
the--Kofi Annan advance the way forward.

Situation in the Horn of Africa

    Q. One of the U.S. counterterrorism efforts in Africa has centered 
on the Horn. Any concern about the continuing instability in Somalia 
and, again, worsening relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea, the impact 
that that has not only on stability on the Horn but counterterrorism 
efforts?
    The President. Yes, we're concerned about instability anywhere, 
really, but instability is what--and confusion and chaos and fear is the 
conditions under which a group like Al Qaida can thrive. That's why they 
like to kill people, innocent people, to create doubt about existing 
security, to create fear among the population. So any time you see

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that kind of instability, we're deeply concerned about it.
    Secondly, there have been Al Qaida--some Al Qaida operating out of 
Somalia, and therefore, when you know some Al Qaida have been in and out 
of Somalia and there is some chaos and confusion, the conclusion is, we 
better be worried about it and do something about it. And we are. We've 
got cooperative arrangements in the region that will make it more likely 
for us to be able to provide protections for the people in the region 
and ourself.
    In terms of--yes, and we're also conscious of Ethiopia and Eritrea's 
border dispute. And I'm constantly talking to Condi about making sure 
that we're on top of the situation as the best we can make a positive 
contribution. I feel pretty comfortable that the State Department and 
our Embassies are fully aware of the issues on the border and are making 
sure that the respective leaders understand the position of the U.S., 
which is to solve this thing through mediation and not stack up the 
troops to the point where they get--where some spark ignites some kind 
of border dispute.
    But the Horn is an area of deep concern for the U.S. We actually 
happen to have a base there as well, in Djibouti. And we take the issues 
there seriously and are very engaged with it on a regular basis.
    Okay, here's what we're going to do: We'll get a picture, unless you 
don't want one. [Laughter]

Note: The interview began at 1:18 p.m. in the Roosevelt Room at the 
White House. In his remarks, the President referred to President Thomas 
Yayi Boni of Benin; President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete of Tanzania; 
President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia; President Paul Kagame of 
Rwanda; U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan Richard S. Williamson; President 
Nicolas Sarkozy of France; President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe; 
President John Agyekum Kufuor of Ghana; President Joseph Kabila of the 
Democratic Republic of the Congo; and former Secretary-General Kofi 
Annan of the United Nations. A reporter referred to President Thabo 
Mvuyelwa Mbeki of South Africa. The transcript was released by the 
Office of the Press Secretary on February 15. A tape was not available 
for verification of the content of this interview.