[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 44, Number 5 (Monday, February 11, 2008)]
[Pages 165-171]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks to the Conservative Political Action Conference

February 8, 2008

    The President. Thank you all. Good morning. Thank you all very much. 
I thank you for coming. I apologize to my friend; he likes to sleep in. 
[Laughter]
    I really do want to thank you all for adjusting the schedule. Right 
after the speech, I'm going to get on an airplane and fly to Tennessee. 
I'll be taking the prayers of the American people to those who suffered 
from the devastating tornadoes.
    Mr. Leader, thank you for that introduction, and I appreciate your 
outstanding leadership in the United States Senate. You

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know, Mr. Leader, I used to think that leading a group of strong-willed 
Senators was one of the toughest jobs in the country. I may have found 
one even tougher one: father of the bride. You know, I told Laura I was 
going to say that, and she said, well, you might add another one: son-
in-law to the President. [Laughter]
    I thank you for the invitation. I appreciate the fact that you've 
invited our candidates to your forum, and thank you for the hearing you 
gave them. These are good, honorable people. And I appreciate the fact 
you invited Vice President Cheney here. He is the best Vice President in 
history. Mother may have a different opinion. [Laughter] But don't tell 
her I said this, but my opinion is the one that counts.
    Since I spoke with you last, some things have changed. It seems like 
my hair is little grayer. [Laughter] And my jokes are a little older. 
And some say my speeches are a little windier. Some things haven't 
changed: the principles I believe in and my deep, abiding faith in the 
American people.
    It just doesn't seem all that long ago that David invited me here, 
but it's been about 7 years. And during that time, we have stood 
together, and we have advanced a philosophy of freedom and 
responsibility that's made our Nation a better place and a stronger 
place. And today I want to talk to you about what you and I have 
achieved together, what it tells us about the stakes in the year ahead, 
and why it is so important that we keep the White House in 2008.
    I thank the leader, David Keene. He's a good guy. You know, this is 
the 35th--yes--anniversary, which means he started the deal when he was 
15. [Laughter] At least that's what he claims. [Laughter] But thank you 
for your leadership. I thank you for your board. I've got a lot of 
friends up here at the head table and a lot of friends in the audience, 
and I really do appreciate what you've done.
    Audience member. We love you, George.
    The President. Well, thank you.
    A lot has happened over 8 years--that was the last time I spoke to 
you, was 8 years ago. And we've seen vigorous debates, a lot of debates 
on nearly every conceivable issue, matters that affected the prosperity 
and peace.
    Our views are grounded in timeless truths. During these debates, we 
stuck to timeless truths. We believe that the most reliable guide for 
our country is the collective wisdom of ordinary citizens. We believe 
our culture benefits from a diversity of faith, a respect for values, 
and the guidance of a higher power. We believe in personal 
responsibility. We believe in the universality of freedom. We believe 
our Nation has the right to defend itself, even if sometimes others 
disagree. And we believe America remains a force of good in our world.
    There's another philosophy, and it's advanced by decent people who 
see the world differently. They tend to think Washington has the answers 
to our problems. They tend to believe our country only succeeds under 
the expansive Federal Government. They tend to be suspicious of 
America's exercise of global leadership, unless, of course, we get a 
permission slip from international organizations. [Laughter]
    Over the past 7 years, we have engaged this opposition with a clear 
and consistent philosophy. We didn't take polls to decide what to say. 
We didn't seek the advice of editorial pages to decide what to think. 
And we darn sure didn't seek the approval of groups like CODEPINK and 
MoveOn.org before deciding what to do.
    We applied our philosophy on issues relating to economic prosperity. 
When I took office, we inherited a recession, and then we acted. We were 
guided by this principle: The best way to help our economy grow is to 
leave money in the hands of those responsible for our prosperity. That, 
of course, would be the American people. And so with your support, we 
passed one of the largest tax cuts in American history, and then we cut 
taxes again. In all, we delivered nearly $2 trillion in tax relief over 
the past 7 years.
    Our critics wanted a different approach. They believed that the best 
way to keep the economy--to help the economy was to keep taxes in 
Washington and expand the size and scope of the Federal Government.
    Audience members. Boo-o-o!
    The President. One columnist wrote this--one columnist said this: 
``Tax cuts--any tax cuts--are the wrong way to go.'' A prominent 
newspaper said my administration was

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on a tax cut rampage and called our tax relief unfair and unaffordable. 
A think tank expert called our tax relief a reckless gamble.
    Despite these dire predictions, the tax cuts we passed contributed 
to a record 52 months of job creation. They helped produce strong 
economic growth, and the increased revenues from that growth have put us 
on track to balance our budget by 2012. Here is the bottom line: Tax 
relief works.
    We're in a period of economic uncertainty, and we've acted again. I 
want to thank the Members for passing a good piece of legislation, which 
I will sign into law next week. I want you all to understand that this 
bill reflects our principles. It is robust. It is progrowth. It 
stimulates business investment. And it puts money into the hands of 
American consumers.
    In the longer run, the best way to make sure that our economy 
continues to grow is to make the tax relief we passed permanent. 
Unfortunately, the other side still hasn't learned the lessons. They 
want to let the tax cuts expire, and some are claiming, of course, this 
isn't a tax increase. Yet if they have their way, 116 million American 
taxpayers would see their taxes rise by an average of $1,800. Listen, 
I'm not known for my English--[laughter]--but in my way of speaking, it 
sure sounds like a tax increase to me.
    You and I know the American people are not under-taxed. The problem 
is, Washington spends too much of your money. One of the things I have 
done is I have set priorities. And you must understand my passion about 
protecting America. My number-one priority is to protect you. And after 
9/11, we have substantially increased spending on defense, intelligence, 
and homeland security. And we will continue to provide for our troops. 
We will make sure the men and women who wear the uniform have the best 
and strongest support they need to do their job.
    And so we've worked hard to make sure we hold the line on spending 
in other areas. For 5 years in a row, my budget requests have kept the 
growth of nonsecurity discretionary spending below the rate of 
inflation. I set clear spending limits, told the Congress I was going to 
veto them if they--veto bills if they exceeded those spending limits. 
The Democratically controlled Congress, at the end of last year, cut 
spending plans by billions of dollars. Last week, I proposed a budget 
that terminates or substantially reduces 151 wasteful or bloated 
programs. Those programs total more than $18 billion. And if Congress 
sends me appropriations bills that exceed the reasonable limits I have 
set, I will veto the bills.
    Last month, I issued an Executive order that directs Federal 
Agencies to ignore any future earmark that is not actually voted on by 
the United States Congress. This Executive order will extend beyond my 
Presidency; it will stay in effect unless revoked by a future President. 
What that means is, any President who wants to return to the old ways of 
unaccountable and wasteful spending will get to do so publicly. And if 
that happens, that President will have some explaining to do.
    In the long run, you and I know the greatest threat to our fiscal 
health is the unsustainable growth of entitlement spending. We all know 
the painful choices ahead if America stays on this path: massive tax 
increases, sudden and drastic cuts in benefits, or crippling deficits. I 
have laid out specific proposals to reform and strengthen these 
programs.
    On Social Security, I took the issue head on. That's what you expect 
a President to do. I proposed a way to make this program solvent without 
raising taxes and with personal saving accounts that will give 
individuals more control over their retirement savings.
    On Medicare and Medicaid, I sent Congress a budget this week that 
saves nearly $200 billion over the next 5 years. I hear all the talk 
from the other side on Capitol Hill about fiscal responsibility, but 
they haven't put any of their ideas on the table for programs. It is 
time to stop talking; it is time for them to stop acting and not pass 
these problems on to future Congresses and future generations.
    On matters relating to our economy, our record is clear. You and I 
succeeded in cutting taxes. We're reducing wasteful spending. On these 
issues, both sides have made their case. The results are in, and they 
are proving us right.
    We applied our philosophy to questions affecting the moral fabric of 
our Nation. We

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believe that all human life is precious and deserves to be protected. In 
2001, I had a grave decision to make on the question of embryonic stem 
cell research. I believed we could empower scientists and researchers to 
discover cures for terrible diseases without crossing a moral line. So I 
authorized research on existing stem cell lines and stood against any 
effort to use Federal tax dollars to support the destruction of human 
life.
    Our critics had a different view. They thought my defense of life 
was shortsighted and harmful. When I vetoed two bills that sought to use 
tax dollars to destroy human embryos, some academics described my 
position as ridiculous and scientifically naive. One publication 
predicted our plan would not hold up over the long haul.
    Then last November, scientists announced a landmark achievement. 
They found a way to reprogram adult skin cells to act like embryonic 
stem cells. This discovery has the potential to end the divisive debate 
over stem cell research. It will allow us to expand the frontiers of 
medicine while maintaining a culture of life. In the coming year, we 
will increase funds for this type of ethical research. And I will 
continue to push for a ban on the buying, selling, patenting, or cloning 
of human life.
    When I took office, our society was grappling with a troubling rate 
of drug use among our children. A new generation of young people was in 
danger of being swept up in a cycle of addiction and crime and 
hopelessness. We believe people should be held responsible for their 
actions, and we know that people can change their behavior. Sometimes 
all it takes is the help of a loving soul, somebody who puts their arm 
around a troubled person and says,`` I love you; can I help you?'' We 
also know that----
    Audience member. [Inaudible]
    The President. My soul is not that troubled, but thank you.
    We also know that the drug crisis requires us to reduce both supply 
and demand. And so in 2002, I set our country on an ambitious goal to 
cut drug use among young people by 25 percent over 5 years. Critics 
didn't think that was possible. Some thought the drug war had already 
failed. Some said we focused too much on interdiction and not enough on 
treatment. An influential magazine and assorted commentators wanted to 
declare defeat and legalize the drug trade. A left-leaning drug 
prevention group said that our aggressive strategy was ``very unlikely . 
. . to produce any different result than we have seen so far.''
    We stood our ground. We worked with international partners to 
interdict drugs into our country. We increased funds for drug treatment 
programs. We helped move drug addicts from a culture of victimization to 
a culture of responsibility. And we have gotten results. Since I took 
office, the overall use of illicit drugs by young people has dropped 24 
percent. Marijuana use fell by 25 percent, steroid by a third, the use 
of ecstasy by 54 percent. Methamphetamine abuse has plummeted by 64 
percent since 2001.
    On matters relating to America's moral compass, we have defended 
human life. We promoted strong families. We confronted the crippling 
cycle of drug dependency. We challenged the critics, the self-proclaimed 
experts, and the status quo. Both sides made their case. The results are 
in, and they're proving us right.
    We've also applied our philosophy to issues of national security. 
Six-and-a-half years ago, our country faced the worst attack in our 
history. I understood immediately that we would have to act boldly to 
protect the American people. So we've gone on the offense against these 
extremists. We're staying on the offense, and we will not relent until 
we bring them to justice. We recognized that this is a war, not just a 
matter of law enforcement. We recognize that we're engaged in the 
decisive ideological struggle of our time.
    The first battle in this war against the extremists centered on 
Afghanistan; the 9/11 attackers had trained and planned in Afghanistan. 
We believed our military could remove the Taliban from power and that we 
could help aid the rise of a stable and democratic government.
    Critics had a different view. One commentator said most Afghans 
would oppose an American invasion and fight the foreign occupiers. 
Another declared, ``We're not headed toward a quagmire; we are already 
in one.'' Another commentator scoffed, ``Afghanistan as a democracy? 
Forget it.''

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    Well, we stood our ground, and we have seen the results. Al Qaida 
lost its terrorist camps in Afghanistan and the Taliban was driven from 
power. The Afghan people braved threats of violence to elect a new 
President and a new Parliament. Roads and hospitals are being built. 
Girls who were once forbidden from going to school are now going to 
school. America, 25 NATO allies, and 15 partner nations are helping the 
Afghan people secure their country. The Taliban, Al Qaida, and their 
allies are on the run. Afghanistan has a long road ahead, but they have 
a future that offers promise and hope. We're going to stand with the 
Afghan people; we're going to help millions claim their liberty. And we 
will always work to make sure Afghanistan will never again be a safe 
haven for terrorists and extremists who want to do us harm.
    The war against our enemies also brought us to Iraq. Our coalition 
confronted a regime that defied United Nations Security Council 
resolutions, violated a ceasefire agreement, attacked its neighbors, 
sponsored terrorism, and had a history of using and pursuing weapons of 
mass destruction. Saddam Hussein was a threat to the United States and a 
threat to the world. My decision to remove Saddam was the right decision 
at the time, and it is the right decision today.
    Because we acted, 25 million Iraqis are free. We've seen them go to 
the polls. We've seen them elect a representative government. We've also 
seen an enemy determined to roll back this progress through horrific 
acts of violence designed to pit Iraqis one against another.
    One year ago, things were not going well in that country. Terrorists 
and extremists were succeeding in their efforts to plunge Iraq into 
chaos. You see, they wanted to deny Iraqis their liberty. They can't 
stand freedom. They wanted to establish safe havens in Iraq from which 
to launch attacks against America and its allies. I strongly believe 
that America's security and peace in the world depend upon defeating 
this enemy. So we reviewed our strategy. Things weren't working; I need 
to know why and what it would take to make things better. And that's why 
you review a strategy.
    I made up my mind. I listened carefully to a lot of folks, and I 
decided to send more troops into Iraq, in a dramatic policy shift. And 
the policy shift has become known as the surge.
    Our critics had a different view. They looked at rising violence in 
Iraq and declared the war was lost.
    Audience members. Boo-o-o!
    The President. Some concluded the surge had failed even before it 
had fully begun. Two foreign affairs experts proposed ``a well-managed 
defeat . . . to boost U.S. credibility.''
    We stood our ground, and we're seeing results. A year after I 
ordered the surge of forces, high-profile terrorist attacks in Iraq are 
down, civilian deaths are down, sectarian killings are down. U.S. and 
Iraqi forces have captured or killed thousands of extremists in Iraq, 
including hundreds of key Al Qaida leaders and operatives. There is more 
work to be done. It takes awhile for young democracies to take root, but 
reconciliation is taking place. I recognize the progress in Iraq is 
fragile, and there's going to be tough days ahead. Yet even the enemy 
recognizes the progress we're being making. They recognize they're on 
the wrong side of events. They are disheartened. They are demoralized. 
And they will be defeated.
    We can have confidence in Iraq's ultimate success because we believe 
in the transformative power of freedom. We believe there is an Almighty 
God. And a gift of that Almighty to every man, woman, and child on the 
face of this Earth is freedom. We have seen that free societies become 
peaceful societies. We know that a free Iraq will be a friend of 
America, an ally in this war against these extremists, and a source of 
hope and stability in a dangerous part of the world.
    We'll fight the enemy overseas so we do not have to face them here 
at home. And as we do so, we must take measures to protect America, the 
homeland. We must give our intelligence officials the tools they need to 
uncover terrorist plots and prevent new attacks. And one of the most 
important tools is the ability to monitor terrorist communications. My 
most important job is to protect the American people. In order to do 
that job, we need to know who the terrorists are talking to; we need to 
know what they're saying;

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we need to know what they're planning. So Congress passed the Protect 
America Act. This law modernized an outdated surveillance law and closed 
dangerous gaps in our intelligence.
    Now, critics had a different view. One liberal interest group called 
the law an end run around the Constitution. Others falsely claimed law 
enforcement officials wanted to spy on Americans. Still another summed 
up the initiative as ``a groupthink travesty.''
    We countered these critics, and we stood our ground. Our ability to 
monitor the communications of terrorists overseas has helped us gain 
crucial elements on terrorist cells and helped keep our country safe. 
The Protect America Act is working. The problem is that Congress set the 
law to expire 1 week from tomorrow. I don't think the Al Qaida threat is 
going to expire 1 week from tomorrow. [Laughter] Congress must ensure 
the flow of vital intelligence is not disrupted. Congress must pass 
liability protection for companies believed to have assisted in the 
efforts to defend America. The time for temporary fixes has ended. 
Congress must pass this law, and they must pass it now.
    On matters of war and peace, we have taken the fight to our enemies 
abroad, and we are defending our people here at home. We're standing 
with new partners in Afghanistan and Iraq to help them build free 
nations. We refused to yield when the going got tough. And when the 
history of our actions is written, it will show that we were right.
    We will face other challenges ahead that will require new energy 
and, before long, new leadership. I'm absolutely confident, with your 
help, we will elect a President who shares our principles. As we take on 
the challenges, we must be guided by the philosophy that has brought us 
success. Our policies are working. The American people support our 
points of view. They share our philosophy.
    And consider our advantage on other great questions before us. On 
health care, one side says we should expand the Federal Government's 
control over your private medicine. You and I say we should expand 
access to health care, empower consumers to make choices, and ensure 
that medical decisions are left in the hands of patients and their 
doctors.
    On education, one side says we should spend your tax dollars without 
measuring whether or not our children are actually learning to read and 
write and add and subtract. You and I believe in accountability. We 
believe parents should have more options, and we believe in liberating 
children from failing public schools.
    On the rights of the unborn, the most vulnerable among us, one side 
supports abortion on demand. You and I believe in the worth of every 
human being, the matchless joy of adoption, and the right to life.
    On the Federal judiciary, one side says we should confirm judges who 
believe in the ``living Constitution,'' which basically means they can 
make up laws as they go along. I say we need judges who respect our 
values, do not follow the political winds, and revere the plain meaning 
of our Constitution. We need more judges like John Roberts and Sam 
Alito.
    On America's role in the world, some believe that our Nation is 
often the cause of global turmoil, a mentality once called ``blame 
America first.'' You and I believe that America is a leading light, a 
guiding star, and the greatest nation on the face of the Earth.
    You see, I know of America's greatness because I get to see it up 
close, and it is a privilege to see it up close. I see it in the 
footsoldiers in the armies of compassion, who perform acts of kindness 
and hope every single day. I see it in the courage of ordinary citizens 
like those who rushed toward danger when the Twin Towers fell and our 
Pentagon burned. I see it with military families who've lost loved ones, 
and every time, I come away moved and inspired by their valor, their 
grit, their pride, and their love of country. I see it when I exchange 
salutes with the finest young men and women our country has ever known. 
These Americans give me endless optimism about our future, and they have 
made my Presidency a joyous experience.
    You know, since I've come to Washington, I've been reading a lot of 
history. Laura notes it's probably because I'm making up for lost time. 
[Laughter] Over the past few years, I've read three books on George 
Washington, or as I call him, the ``original George W.''
    It is interesting to me that they are still analyzing the record of 
our first President.

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My attitude is, if they're still analyzing number 1, 43 doesn't need to 
worry about it. I'm not going to be around to see the final history 
written on my administration. The truth is that history's verdict takes 
time to reveal itself.
    But we don't have to wait on history for one thing: In the year 
ahead, the pundits, the so-called experts, commentator, analysts will 
offer more gloomy predictions and more big Government solutions. And 
when they do, let us remember their record. This is a group that is 
seldom correct--[laughter]--but never in doubt.
    You and I have seen that in our own time. Ronald Reagan was called a 
``warmonger,'' ``an amiable dunce,'' a ``movie actor detached from 
reality.'' Yet within a few years after President Reagan left office, 
the Berlin Wall came down, the evil empire collapsed, the cold war was 
won. And over the years, a strange thing has happened. A lot of people 
who spent the 1980's criticizing President Reagan now tell us they were 
with him all along. [Laughter]
    You were with him all along. And over the past 7 years, you've been 
with me. I appreciate your support.
    Audience members. Four more years! Four more years!
    The President. Thank you all. I appreciate the chance that you've 
given me--help me get this opportunity to serve our country. It's been a 
fantastic experience. I appreciate the countless phone calls you've 
made. I appreciate the volunteer work you did in two tough campaigns. 
I'll always--always--be grateful [to each of you] * for supporting our 
cause, for giving me a chance, and for loving our country. I thank you 
for that.
    * White House correction.
    I look forward to working with you this year. My energy is up; my 
spirit is high; and I will finish strong. And in the meantime, we will 
elect a new President. We've had good debates, and soon we'll have a 
nominee who will carry a conservative banner into this election and 
beyond. Listen, the stakes in November are high. This is an important 
election. Prosperity and peace are in the balance. So with confidence in 
our vision and faith in our values, let us go forward, fight for 
victory, and keep the White House in 2008.

    God bless you, and God bless America.

Note: The President spoke at 7:21 a.m. at the Omni Shoreham Hotel. In 
his remarks, he referred to David A. Keene, chairman, American 
Conservative Union Foundation and Conservative Political Action 
Conference; and President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan. He also referred 
to H.R. 5140 and Executive Order 13457.