[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 44, Number 1 (Monday, January 14, 2008)]
[Pages 1-7]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Interview With Nahum Barnea and Shimon Shiffer of Yedioth Ahronoth

January 2, 2008

President's Upcoming Visit to Israel/Former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon 
of Israel

    Q. First of all, we would like to thank you very much for your 
readiness to see us and to have this interview for us. We can assure you 
that in Israel, you can be elected for the third term--[laughter]--with 
one exception: The day after the first day in office, the media will 
kill you. [Laughter] This is Israel. But you have so many really 
admirers in Israel.
    The President. Well, thank you. I'm really looking forward to going 
again. As you know, this is my first trip as the President. I had the 
honor----
    Q. I saw you. I had the opportunity to shake your hand in the 
Knesset.
    The President. I was thrilled to go in 1998. One of the great 
ironies of my first trip to Israel was that, as well documented, I was 
given a tour of the West Bank by Ariel Sharon. Little did we both 
realize then that we would be sitting together in the hopes of 
constructing peace; that we knew we'd be--we didn't know that we'd be 
President and Prime Minister at the time.
    Q. And yet he was the leader of the opposition at the time.
    The President. Well, he was in the Cabinet. He was a settlements 
man. And we were flying--and it was a very interesting moment. And I can 
remember so well Prime Minister Sharon pointing to a hill, and he said, 
``This is where I engaged, as a young tank officer, my first battle, and 
see how far it is to our capital and our civilization.'' In other words, 
it was--his purpose was to make it clear to me the strategic issues 
facing Israel. And then we flew over the West Bank, and it was a 
fascinating moment.
    And it was--history works in odd ways, and sometimes you're never 
sure about the twists and turns that life will bring. And so I'm looking 
forward to meeting with the Sharon family and express my admiration for 
a man with whom I was able to----
    Q. Two years from today he had his stroke.
    The President. Yes, 2 years to this day.
    Q. Today; today.
    The President. Anyway, it will be an interesting moment for me, to 
express my sympathies to his family. He was an interesting man and--
anyway, I'm looking forward to going to see the current leadership in 
Israel as well as the Palestinians and the Arab region.

President's Upcoming Visit to Israel

    Q. Could we ask--could we start asking questions?
    The President. Please, yes.
    Q. Your visit to Israel--what is the vision you would like to convey 
to the Israeli public?
    The President. The vision is, one, that I fully understand that the 
world is confronting extremists--the world must confront extremists who 
want to impose their ideology on peaceful people by the use of terror; 
and that we're engaged in an ideological struggle that requires resolve 
and vision; and that the best way to defeat the ideology of hate is with 
an ideology of hope, and that is manifested in a society based upon 
liberty; that the two-state solution is in Israel's long-term security 
interests, and that there's hard work to be done by the leaders of the 
Palestinians and the Israelis.
    I will also assure Israel that there is no way that a Israeli 
democracy can accept a terrorist state on her border; that there is a 
way, and I'm optimistic that there are enough Palestinians committed to 
a state based upon liberty, that we can achieve--that they can achieve, 
with U.S. help, the vision of two states side by side in peace.

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Iran

    Q. Mr. President, the Israeli people are worried, first and 
foremost, because of the danger that Iran will acquire nuclear weapons. 
Can you, Mr. President, assure the Israelis that such a danger will 
never occur under your watch?
    The President. Well, I can assure the people of Israel and others in 
the Middle East that an Iran with a nuclear weapon would be a danger to 
world peace. I have said so very explicitly. I believe that the--and I 
believe we have put in place a system that encourages pressure on the 
Iranians to come up with--to either have a choice between isolation and 
financial difficulty or a rational approach to what they claim is their 
sovereign right, which is the ability to have nuclear power.
    Now, they have been untrustworthy; they have been unwilling to be 
transparent and open. And so our demands are to the Iranians, not only 
with our voice but the voice of the international community thus far, 
is, you must be transparent; you must be open; and you--because of your 
failure to report programs, that you cannot be trusted with the ability 
to learn how to enrich. And so my message to the Israeli people is, I 
fully understand the threat; that we spend a lot of time on this issue; 
and that we will continue to exert maximum pressure through the 
international community to peacefully resolve this issue.
    Q. I'm sure you've heard the report by the American intelligence----
    The President. Yes, I have. [Laughter].
    Q. Unfortunately for us, we followed it too. How it affected the 
chances to stop Iran from becoming a danger?
    The President. Actually, if you study the report carefully, it 
basically said--not basically--it said that Iran had a secret program--
--
    Q. In the year 2003.
    The President. Right. But my message to the American people was, is 
that a nontransparent society that had a program could easily have 
another program. And therefore, the intensity of the effort must not 
decline, but must stay strong--and the intensity of the effort being to 
prevent them from developing the know-how.
    Secondly, there are three stages to the development of a nuclear 
weapon: one, materials out of which to make a weapon. That's why we've 
got to stop them from enriching, and that's where our focus is. Two, the 
ability to take materials and to make it into a warhead or a bomb--and 
we don't know their capacities at this point in time, but it's fairly 
general knowledge on how to produce a weapon out of materials. And 
three, rockets--well, two of the three continue to exist. And therefore, 
to say a weapons program does not exist is not the complete truth. And 
so our focus is to prevent the one thing over which we believe the 
international community can have influence, which is to stop the 
capacity to enrich.
    Thirdly, the report did say that as a result of pressures, the 
Iranians suspended their military program. Well, if pressures worked in 
the past, my hope is that pressures will work in the future. Part of the 
reason I'm going to the Middle East is to make it abundantly clear to 
nations in that part of the world that we view Iran as a threat, and 
that the NIE in no way lessens that threat, but in fact, clarifies the 
threat.

Middle East Peace Process/Iran

    Q. If Israel comes with a smoking gun during the year 2008, are you 
going to back an Israeli operation--military operation?
    The President. My message to all in the region is, I believe we can 
solve this diplomatically, and that pressure must work. I have said, of 
course, that the United States keeps all options on the table. That's 
the United States policy. And that--but I believe the best solution is 
going to be one that encourages Iranian isolation through international 
pressures that will cause the Iranians to have to make a strategic 
choice. Now, people say, ``Well, what do you mean by that? What kind of 
pressures?'' Well, there are financial pressures that we have exerted 
and will continue to work with others to exert.
    Now, look, I readily recognize that one of the real challenges is to 
convince people that peace is more important than market share; that 
achieving long-term peace in the Middle East is more important than 
someone's companies having a share of equipment----
    Q. American or----

[[Page 3]]

    The President. Well, I'm saying any company. Of course, American 
companies are not involved with the exportation of goods and services to 
Iran. Therefore, in this case, I mean, the logic would say that extends 
to not only European countries but countries from around the world. Same 
with financial institutions; that we expect there to be significant 
pressure placed upon Iranian financial institutions, particularly those 
that are known to be involved in proliferation.
    And so the strategy is more than just words; it is an action-
oriented strategy, aimed at convincing people inside of Iran that 
there's a better way forward. If you look at my speeches or listen to my 
speeches, you'll notice that I constantly speak to the Iranian people 
and make it clear to them that the isolation that they're now suffering 
and the economic deprivation that is occurring as a result of isolation 
is a result of their Government's decisions. Our beef is not with the 
Iranian people; our beef is with a Government that has hidden the 
program.
    And by the way, back to the NIE very quickly. The international 
response ought to be that, okay, whether or not you agree with the NIE 
or not, at least recognize that they had a program at one point in time, 
and demand that Iran explain it. We shouldn't be trying to explain why 
we know what we know. We ought to be focusing on the Iranians to say, 
you tell us why you had a program; you tell us about the--if you want to 
be an international player, it's up to you to explain.

U.S. Foreign Policy

    Q. Mr. President, I'll try to put the question another way. If the 
Israeli Prime Minister will present you with a smoking gun and will tell 
you, look, we can't live with such a threat, and we'll destroy the 
Iranian nuclear sites, you will support Israel; you will give Israel--
you will let Israel to do so?
    The President. The policy of the United States is to solve this 
diplomatically.

Prime Minister Ehud Olmert of Israel/Middle East Peace Process/
President's Upcoming Visit to Israel

    Q. You know, Israel is--Israeli people are confused regarding our 
own Government. There is now a big discussion in Israel regarding the 
blunders of the second Lebanon war. And at the same time, you are 
familiar with the September 6th--whatever happens there, we don't know; 
I'm sure you know. Can you tell us what is your impression of the, I 
would say, of the way the Israeli Government is handling our own 
military.
    The President. I can only tell you about my personal relationship 
with Prime Minister Olmert. That's the person with whom I have spent the 
most time. I, of course, see the Foreign Minister or the Defense 
Minister at meetings, but my time is spent with Prime Minister Olmert. I 
trust him; I like him; and I think he's a man of strength.
    Prime Minister Olmert--first of all, one thing I look for is, I look 
for vision: Can somebody see a hopeful future? A lot of times in the--
this complicated world in which we live, we stay so focused on the 
moment that it's hard to see a vision that reaches beyond the immediate. 
And so when I talk to Prime Minister Olmert, I listen very carefully 
about his vision for the future because what we're talking about at 
Annapolis is vision, is giving people something to be for, something to 
hope for.
    The whole purpose of our discussions at Annapolis has been to 
advance what a state would look like. The state is subject to the 
roadmap, the obligations of both sides before the state can come into 
being; it's subject to the roadmap. But there's got to be a vision 
because a vision is inspirational, a vision is hopeful. There's got to 
be something that the Palestinians can say, if--``Here's what we're for; 
therefore, let us renounce our desire to destroy Israel; let us 
recognize that it must exist as a neighbor. So, support us.'' I believe 
there's enough people in the Palestinian Territories who are sick of the 
failures of the past, sick of broken promise. And yet they have yet to 
have something specifically defined around which they can rally. That's 
the purpose.
    And so when I talk to Prime Minister Olmert, I listen very carefully 
to whether or not he's able to think beyond the moment. And I've come to 
the conclusion that, yes, he is a man of vision. He understands the 
significance of defining a hopeful state. And it's hopeful not just for 
the Palestinians, but it's hopeful for Israel as well. After all, he

[[Page 4]]

ran on a platform that said--now, this is a major shift in Israeli 
policy; it started with Ariel Sharon, as you know--which is two states, 
based upon the premise that liberty will bring peace. Now, of course, 
his concern is that the imposition of a state before certain conditions 
have been met--that's why I say, ``subject to the roadmap.'' And the 
United States, as I said early, recognizes that there cannot be a state 
that harbors the desire to destroy its neighbor. No government can 
accept that, and I understand that.
    And so I trust Olmert. His----
    Q. Do you?
    The President. I do trust him.
    Q. You trust Olmert, period?
    The President. I trust him. I hope--hopefully he'll say the same 
about me. Hopefully--you see, one of the things in politics that happens 
often is, people sometimes won't tell you really what's on their mind. 
It happens here in America. For example, you'll have politicians walk in 
the Oval Office and say, ``Hey, President, I'm with you.'' And then all 
of a sudden, the heat gets on--[laughter]--and it turns out, they're not 
with you.
    Q. You feel it at your back.
    The President. Yes. Well, I feel--and I've had enough conversations, 
heart-to-heart conversations with the Prime Minister. I understand 
Israeli politics is very complicated. It's tough. It is full-contact 
karate. [Laughter] And----
    Q. Not unlike American----
    The President. Not really. Not really. Because the President is--
even though we've got our politics and even though I've got tough 
relations at times with Congress, the President sets foreign policy. He 
is constantly worried about a coalition. And I understand that. I 
understand the difficulty he faces. But in spite of those difficulties, 
I'm interested in strategic visions based upon peace. And I firmly 
believe he has that vision. And obviously, he's going to have to work 
his way through the Israeli politics, and he's going to have to be 
mindful of what's happening elsewhere.
    And the United States, by the way, can help both parties. That's why 
I'm going, to help boost the confidence of both parties to reach out for 
a vision. And by the way, the trip is more than just going to Israel and 
the Palestinian Territories. I'm also going to the Arab world--for two 
reasons. One is to convince the Arab nations that Israel is a partner--
should be a partner in peace; that this vision is in the interests not 
only of Israel and Palestinians, but it's in the interests of the Arab 
world.
    Q. You expect to achieve something tangible?
    The President. Well, we achieved something very tangible. Look, you 
got to understand that in a matter as complicated as this issue, that it 
requires a lot of diligence and a lot of time and a lot of effort. There 
was a major breakthrough at Annapolis when the Israeli Prime Minister 
and the Palestinian President addressed a roomful of diplomats, high-
ranking officials from the Middle East, as well as the rest of the 
world. And so now we must follow up on that success. In other words, 
they were in the room listening very carefully to the visions of both 
nations. And the American President can help move the process forward by 
reminding friends and allies in the Middle East about the importance of 
the two-state solution and what they can do to help.
    And the third thing, of course, is to spend time talking about the 
strategic implications of a U.S. presence in a way that bolsters 
governments and, at the same time, helps serve as a bulwark against 
aggressive regimes such as Iran. And so it's a multifaceted agenda that 
I'm really looking forward to carrying on there in the Middle East.

Middle East Peace Process

    Q. But still, Mr. President, do you see a chance to sign a 
comprehensive peace agreement between Israel and the----
    The President. Yes, I do, before I leave.
    Q. Before you leave?
    The President. Yes, I do. I do. I'm an optimistic guy.
    Q. ----by initials or by full execution?
    The President. Well, first of all--no. First of all, the--I envision 
Israel and Palestine sitting down at a table, signing--this is what a 
state would look like, subject to the roadmap. There's work to be done.
    Q. And concluding an agreement?

[[Page 5]]

    The President. On what the state would look like, absolutely. Yes, I 
do. I think it can happen. And I believe both parties want it to happen. 
Now, they got work to do, and one of the reasons I'm going is to remind 
them of the work they got to do. See, people say to me, ``All you got to 
do is go over there and say--impose the solution.'' No, we want the 
solution to last. This has got to be negotiated in good faith, and it's 
hard work. Both leaders have got constituencies they've got to deal 
with--skeptical publics. And I believe the U.S. President can help keep 
the process moving, and that's what my trip is all about.

Israeli Settlements/Middle East Peace Process

    Q. Unauthorized settlement, it is something which--an issue which is 
between the United States and Israel for a long time.
    The President. Yes, we expect them to honor their commitments. The 
Israeli Government has said that they're going to get rid of 
unauthorized settlements, and that's what we expect. That's what we've 
been told.
    Q. Not before you come, you know.
    The President. Well, that will be on the--that will, of course, be 
an agenda item. But Prime Minister--both Prime Ministers with whom I 
have worked understand our position. Both have agreed, by the way, of 
unauthorized settlements.
    Q. They agree?
    The President. Both understand, as well, that I said conditions on 
the ground, the realities of the situation will help determine what a--
the borders look like. And so I have made some--at least from what the 
U.S. perspective looks like--some statements that will help move the 
process forward. But the unauthorized settlements, which is different 
from authorized settlements, is an issue we've been very clear on. But 
I've also made statements on the settlements as well.
    As I said, realities on the ground will help define the border--the 
eventual border of what the Palestinian state will look like. And the 
state will come into being subject to the conditions set out in the 
roadmap, which means we've got a lot of work to do. One of the things 
I'll be doing is visiting with Tony Blair there in order to make--to 
catch up on what he is doing to help the Palestinians. Look, developing 
a state out of--is difficult. There's got to be institutions that 
provide stability, and it's hard to do.
    That's what happening in Iraq. It's hard to go from dictatorship, 
like they had in Iraq, to one in which there is solid institutions that 
will enable a democracy to survive. I have come to the conclusion that 
it's absolutely necessary work for the sake of peace because if we're in 
an ideological struggle, the only way to defeat the ideology that preys 
upon fear and hate is through the development of societies that respond 
to the will of the people. And democracies--it turns out, democracies 
throughout our history tend not to fight each other because democracies 
respond to the will of the people, and most people do not want war and 
bloodshed and violence. Most people just want to live a normal, peaceful 
life.
    I tell the American people all the time that Iraqi mothers want the 
same thing for their children that American mothers want for theirs, a 
place for their child to grow up and get a good education and be able to 
realize dreams. Same thing for the Palestinian mothers and the Israeli 
mothers. There's a commonality there, and yet, unfortunately, in the 
world in which we live today, there are people who simply do not like 
the idea of societies based upon the will of the people and will use 
violence to stop the advance of freedom. And it's not just in the 
Palestinian Territories that you find the violence; you find it in 
Lebanon; you find it in Iraq; you find it in Afghanistan; you find it in 
Pakistan.
    Q. You find it in Gaza.
    The President. Yes. You find people who will kill innocent life to 
stop the advance of freedom, which should call the world to--should 
cause the world to rally. If killers want to stop liberty, it should be 
a clear signal to all of us that we must do everything we can to advance 
liberty. And one of the things I find very hopeful about a Palestinian 
state is that many in the world want to help the Palestinians develop 
institutions and stability. And I--President Abbas and Prime Minister 
Fayyad are committed to the development of a state. They need a lot of 
help. And one of the things we can provide help for--besides some 
practical help on organizing their security forces and, obviously, to 
encourage

[[Page 6]]

investment--is to--there's got to be a vision, see. People have got to 
be for something. And that's where we're trying to take the process over 
the next year.

Iraq/U.S. Foreign Policy/President's Decisionmaking

    Q. Mr. President, you just mentioned Iraq. Can you clarify to us 
whether there was any Israeli involvement in your decision to invade 
Iraq?
    The President. No, not at all. None whatsoever. My decision was 
based upon U.S. intelligence, based upon the desire to provide security 
for our peoples and others. It was based upon my willingness to work 
with the international community on this issue. Remember, if you look 
back at the history, there was a unanimous vote in the Security Council: 
disclose, disarm, or face serious consequences. And when he defied, when 
he refused to allow the inspectors in, when he made a statement by his 
actions that he didn't really care what the international community 
said, that I decided to make sure words meant something.
    And so I acted based upon our own security interests. And--but it 
also fit into this notion of--and remember, Zarqawi--there was some 
terrorist connections, not with the 9/11 attacks, but terrorist 
connections--Abu Nadal; he had been using--he'd been funding families of 
suicide bombers. In other words, as far as we were concerned, he had 
weapons of mass destruction, which could have been used in a deadly way. 
It turns out, he didn't have the weapons, but he had the know-how on how 
to make weapons, which could easily have been reconstituted. The 
sanctions regime turns out to have been corrupt and wasn't working. In 
other words, there's a variety of aspects to my decision, all of which 
were aimed at making sure that U.S. security, first and foremost, was 
enhanced.
    National Security Council Press Secretary Gordon Johndroe. One last 
question.

2008 Presidential Election

    Q. You follow the primaries now, in America.
    The President. Yes. [Laughter]
    Q. We wonder if there is a moment when you tell yourself, wow, why 
can't I join the fray?
    The President. That's interesting.
    Q. I can do it better. [Laughter]
    The President. No, no, I appreciate that question. It's a very 
interesting question. I believe strongly that democracies are enhanced 
by change--by the peaceful change of government. And as much as I'll 
miss being President--and there will be a lot of aspects I'll miss about 
it--it is in our Nation's interests that there be a healthy debate and 
that the process move on. And so I'm realistic about what's going to 
happen this year.
    You know, I loved campaigning. We were reminiscing at the ranch this 
weekend, Laura and I and some friends were, about how exciting 
Presidential campaigns can be. And I also understand how grueling they 
can be. This is a time of high anxiety for campaigns and candidates as 
they come in the final day of the Iowa caucuses. I can remember 
distinctly what it felt like campaigning in these States----
    Q. In the snow.
    The President. ----in the snow--on the last day. And so there's a 
lot of excitement to it. But I'm very comfortable about this year. We've 
got a lot to do. We've got a lot to do domestically and a lot to do 
internationally. I fully understand there's going to be a lot of focus 
on the Presidential primaries and the Presidential general election, 
which is good; there ought to be a healthy debate. In the meantime, 
however, I am not going to allow domestic politics to get in the way of 
implementing a vision, of doing--laying that foundation for peace, one 
of the things history will look back on.

President's Legacy

    Q. When you are talking about vision, Mr. President--and this will 
be our last question--how do you wish to be remembered in world history?
    The President. Well, first of all, I'll be dead before the true 
history of the Bush administration is written. Here in the Oval Office, 
there are portraits of two Presidents, George Washington and Abraham 
Lincoln.

[[Page 7]]

In the past couple of years, I have read extensive analyses of both of 
those men's Presidencies. My attitude is that it's going to take awhile 
for objective historians to realize the contributions that this 
administration has made to peace.
    Q. Like Harry Truman's legacy, which developed.
    The President. Well, each President has his own set of circumstances 
with which to deal. I would hope that people, when they look back at 
this administration, would say that President Bush and his 
administration worked diligently to protect the American people from 
harm; that he recognized the threats of the 21st century; that he acted 
in a--when he needed to be tough, he acted strong, and when he needed to 
have vision, he understood the power of freedom to be transformative.
    Our foreign policy is more than just confronting terrorists. Our 
foreign policy is to confront the conditions that enable these 
ideologues to recruit, such as HIV/AIDS on the continent of Africa or 
feeding the hungry or dealing with malaria. Our foreign policy is based 
upon our great trust in the capacity of the common person to dictate a 
peaceful course for government. But just so you know, I fully understand 
I'll be long gone before the accurate history of this administration is 
reflected in the history books.
    Q. In our country, you won't have to wait so long.
    The President. Well, I don't worry about it, sir. I just really 
don't. It's such an honor to be the President. You betray the office if 
you get so caught up in your own personal--your personal standing. I 
remind people that the President should--must understand, like in the 
Middle East, that the conditions must be ripe for people to go for 
peace, and that you cannot force peace based upon a President's 
calendar. You can use the calendar by saying to the parties, you know 
this guy; you know his vision; now is the time for you to come to 
conclusion. But a President must never try to force others to accept 
something that they themselves don't want to accept because there will 
be--it won't last.
    Now, we can work hard--and I believe the time is ripe, that's what 
I'm trying to say to you. We've got leaders who have made commitments to 
a vision. They have both told me and told each other, we are committed. 
And these men know me. And so I believe--to answer your question--yes, 
there will be a comprehensive peace signed by the end of this year, 
because if they're committed, like they say they are--and I believe they 
are, and I believe their people, the majority of the people want there 
to be peace--now is the time to move.
    Anyway.
    Mr. Johndroe. Thanks, guys.

Note: The interview was taped at 9:55 a.m. in the Oval Office at the 
White House. In his remarks, the President referred to Deputy Prime 
Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Tzipora ``Tzipi'' Livini and 
Minister of Defense Ehud Barak of Israel; President Mahmoud Abbas (Abu 
Mazen) and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad of the Palestinian Authority; and 
Quartet Representative in the Middle East Tony Blair. The transcript was 
released by the Office of the Press Secretary on January 4. A tape was 
not available for verification of the content of this interview. This 
item was not received in time for publication in the appropriate issue.