[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 43, Number 35 (Monday, September 3, 2007)]
[Pages 1124-1131]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at the American Legion National Convention in Reno, Nevada

August 28, 2007

    Thank you all very much. Thank you all. Please be seated. Commander, 
thank you very much for the invitation to come. I'm honored to be here. 
I'm honored to represent Post 77 of Houston, Texas. I hope my fellow 
Texans behave themselves here in Reno. [Laughter] You won't? Okay, 
well--[laughter].
    I appreciate the fact that nearly every community in America has 
been enriched by the American Legion and the Women's Auxiliary. I 
appreciate the work that you do to remind our citizens about the 
blessings of America. You have the profound gratitude of the President 
and the people of this country. Thank you for your service.
    I particularly appreciate the work you do with our country's young. 
I like the fact that you have a oratorical competition that, according 
to your organization, helps Americans communicate their ideas clearly 
and effectively. Paul suggested I might want to sign up. [Laughter] I 
appreciate the fact that through Boys and Girls Nation, you teach young 
people who are interested in public service about how Washington really 
works. [Laughter] I'm not going there. [Laughter]
    We meet today at a critical time for our country. America is engaged 
in a great ideological struggle, fighting Islamic extremists across the 
globe. Today I want to talk to you and to the American people about a 
key aspect of the struggle: the fight for the future of the Middle East. 
I'm going to explain why defeating the extremists in this troubled 
region is essential to our Nation's security and why success in Iraq is 
vital to winning this larger ideological battle.
    I do want to thank your commander. It's been my pleasure to work 
with Paul. He's been in the White House a lot, along with the executive 
director, John Sommer. He's represented you well, and he's served with 
distinction. I thank JoAnn Cronin, the national president of the 
American Legion Auxiliary. I appreciate Bob Spanogle, the national 
adjutant of the American Legion.
    I want to welcome the Governor of the great State of Nevada with us 
today--Governor Jim Gibbons is with us. Mr. Governor, thanks for coming. 
The Congressman from this district is a fine Representative named Dean 
Heller. His wife, Lynne, sang the national anthem. Thank you both for 
being here today.
    I'm honored to be in the presence of those who wear our Nation's 
uniform. I thank General Charles Campbell, commanding general, U.S. Army 
Forces Command, for joining us--Major General Gale Pollock, Acting 
Surgeon General of the U.S. Army. And for all those who wear the 
uniform, thank you for volunteering to defend this Nation in a time of 
peril. I'm proud to be your Commander in Chief.
    For nearly a century, Presidents have looked to the American Legion 
to provide

[[Page 1125]]

an example of vision, valor, and love of country. In times of peace, you 
counseled vigilance. In times of war, you counseled resolve. And in 
every era, you have carried the well-being of our men and women in 
uniform in your prayers and in your hearts. We're grateful to your 
service.
    You have an appreciation for how special America is because you have 
defended her. You know how fragile freedom is because you have seen it 
under attack. And you know the pain of war because you have lost friends 
and family members on distant shores, including those whose fates are 
still unknown. We must not and we will not end our search until we have 
accounted for every member of our Armed Forces from every war and every 
corner of the Earth.
    I appreciate your efforts to honor the American flag. There are 
those who say the flag is just a piece of cloth. That's not the view of 
those who bled for it and saw it drape the caskets of some of our finest 
men and women. It was the American flag that we planted proudly on Iwo 
Jima, that first graced the silver surface of the Moon. The country is 
careful to protect many things because of what they symbolize. Surely we 
can find a way to show equal respect for the symbol that our soldiers 
and sailors and airmen and marines and coast guards men and women have 
risked their lives for--the flag of our Nation. So today I join the 
Legion in calling on the United States Congress to make protection of 
the flag the law of our land.
    I also thank you for your strong support of our Nation's veterans. 
We share a common goal: to make sure our veterans have all the help they 
need. We have worked together to achieve that goal. The budget this year 
that I submitted is nearly $87 billion for our veterans. That's a 77-
percent increase since I took office. It is the highest level of support 
for veterans in America's history.
    I know health care is a concern of yours, and that's why we've 
extended treatment to a million additional veterans, including hundreds 
of thousands of men and women returning from Afghanistan and Iraq. We're 
building new VA facilities in places where veterans are returning so 
more veterans can get top-quality health care closer to your home. We've 
expanded grants to help homeless veterans in all 50 States and the 
District of Columbia. My point is this: The veterans were there when we 
needed them, and this administration will be with the veterans when they 
need us.
    Perhaps the most important duty that Legion members undertake is to 
serve as living reminders that a great country has great 
responsibilities. Once again, America finds itself a nation at war. Once 
again, we're called to assume the mantle of global leadership. And once 
again, the American Legion is walking point. I thank you for your 
fervent and enthusiastic defense of our men and women in uniform as they 
take the fight to the enemy in Afghanistan, in Iraq, and across the 
world. They're the finest military on Earth, and we are right to be 
proud of them.
    Many people in this country are asking whether the fight underway 
today is worth it. This is not the first time Americans have asked that 
question. We always enter wars reluctantly, yet we have fought whenever 
dangers came. We fought when turmoil in Europe threatened to shroud the 
world in darkness. America sent its military to fight two bitter and 
bloody conflicts--we did what we had to do to get the job done. We 
fought when powers in Asia attacked our country and our allies. We sent 
Americans to restore the peace, and we did what we had to do to get the 
job done. And we responded when radicals and extremists attacked our 
homeland in the first ideological war of the 21st century. We toppled 
two regimes in Afghanistan and Iraq that gave harbor to terrorists, 
defied the international community, and threatened the security of our 
Nation. And now we're working to help build free and secure societies in 
their place. And like the past, we will do what we have to do to get the 
job done.
    We've learned from history that dangers in other parts of the 
world--such as Europe and Asia--directly affect our security here at 
home. On September the 11th, 2001, we learned that there's another 
region of the world that directly threatens the security of the American 
people, and that is the Middle East. America has enduring and vital 
interests in the region. Throughout our history, the American people 
have had strong links with this region through ties of commerce

[[Page 1126]]

and education and faith. Long before oil and gas were discovered in the 
Middle East, the region was a key source of trade. It is the home to 
three of the world's great religions. It remains a strategic crossroads 
for the world.
    Yet the hope and prosperity that transformed other parts of the 
world in the 20th century has bypassed too many in the Middle East. For 
too long, the world was content to ignore forms of government in this 
region in the name of stability. The result was that a generation of 
young people grew up with little hope to improve their lives, and many 
fell under the sway of violent Islamic extremism. The terrorist movement 
multiplied in strength, and bitterness that had simmered for years 
boiled into violence across the world. The cradle of civilization became 
the home of the suicide bomber. And resentments that began on the 
streets of the Middle East are now killing innocent people in train 
stations and airplanes and office buildings around the world.
    The murderers and beheaders are not the true face of Islam; they are 
the face of evil. They seek to exploit religion as a path to power and a 
means to dominate the Middle East. The violent Islamic radicalism that 
inspires them has two main strains. One is Sunni extremism, embodied by 
Al Qaida and its terrorist allies. Their organization advances a vision 
that rejects tolerance, crushes all dissent, and justifies the murder of 
innocent men, women, and children in the pursuit of political power. We 
saw this vision in the brutal rule of the Taliban in Afghanistan, where 
women were publicly whipped, men were beaten for missing prayer 
meetings, and young girls could not go to school.
    These extremists hope to impose that same dark vision across the 
Middle East by raising up a violent and radical caliphate that spans 
from Spain to Indonesia. So they kill fellow Muslims in places like 
Algeria and Jordan and Egypt and Saudi Arabia in an attempt to undermine 
their Governments. And they kill Americans because they know we stand in 
their way. And that is why they attacked U.S. Embassies in Africa in 
1998 and killed sailors aboard the USS Cole in 2001 [2000] *. And that 
is why they killed nearly 3,000 people on 9/11. And that is why they 
plot to attack us again. And that is why we must stay in the fight until 
the fight is won.
    * White House correction.
    The other strain of radicalism in the Middle East is Shi'a 
extremism, supported and embodied by the regime that sits in Tehran. 
Iran has long been a source of trouble in the region. It is the world's 
leading state sponsor of terrorism. Iran backs Hizballah, who are trying 
to undermine the democratic Government of Lebanon. Iran funds terrorist 
groups like Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which murder the 
innocent and target Israel and destabilize the Palestinian Territories. 
Iran is sending arms to the Taliban in Afghanistan, which could be used 
to attack American and NATO troops. Iran has arrested visiting American 
scholars, who have committed no crimes and pose no threat to their 
regime. And Iran's active pursuit of technology that could lead to 
nuclear weapons threatens to put a region already known for instability 
and violence under the shadow of a nuclear holocaust.
    Iran's actions threaten the security of nations everywhere. And that 
is why the United States is rallying friends and allies around the world 
to isolate the regime, to impose economic sanctions. We will confront 
this danger, before it is too late.
    I want our fellow citizens to consider what would happen if these 
forces of radicalism and extremism are allowed to drive us out of the 
Middle East. The region would be dramatically transformed in a way that 
could imperil the civilized world. Extremists of all strains would be 
emboldened by the knowledge that they forced America to retreat. 
Terrorists could have more safe havens to conduct attacks on Americans 
and our friends and allies. Iran could conclude that we were weak and 
could not stop them from gaining nuclear weapons. And once Iran had 
nuclear weapons, it would set off a nuclear arms race in the region.
    Extremists would control a key part of the world's energy supply, 
could blackmail and sabotage the global economy. They could use billions 
of dollars of oil revenues to buy weapons and pursue their deadly 
ambitions. Our allies in the region would be under greater siege by the 
enemies of freedom.

[[Page 1127]]

Early movements toward democracy in the region would be violently 
reversed. This scenario would be a disaster for the people of the Middle 
East, a danger to our friends and allies, and a direct threat to 
American peace and security. This is what the extremists plan. For the 
sake of our own security, we'll pursue our enemies, we'll persevere, and 
we will prevail.
    In the short term, we're using all elements of American power to 
protect the American people by taking the fight to the enemy. Our troops 
are carrying out operations day by day to bring the terrorists to 
justice. We're keeping the pressure on them. We're forcing them to move. 
Our law enforcement and intelligence professionals are working to cut 
off terrorist financing and disrupt their networks. Our diplomats are 
rallying our friends and allies throughout the region to share 
intelligence and to tighten security and to rout out the extremists 
hiding in their midst. Every day we work to protect the American people. 
Our strategy is this: We will fight them over there so we do not have to 
face them in the United States of America.
    In the long term, we are advancing freedom and liberty as the 
alternative to the ideologies of hatred and repression. We seek a Middle 
East of secure, democratic states that are at peace with one another, 
that are participating in the global markets, and that are partners in 
this fight against the extremists and radicals. We seek to dry up the 
stream of recruits for Al Qaida and other extremists by helping nations 
offer their people a path to a more hopeful future. We seek an Iran 
whose Government is accountable to its people instead of to leaders who 
promote terror and pursue the technology that could be used to develop 
nuclear weapons. We seek to advance a two-state solution for the 
Israelis and Palestinians so they can live side by side in peace and 
security. We seek justice and dignity and human rights for all the 
people of the Middle East.
    Achieving this future requires hard work, strategic patience over 
many years, yet our security depends on it. We have done this kind of 
work before in Europe. We have done this kind of work before in Japan. 
We have done this kind of work before, and it can be done again.
    The future course of the Middle East will turn heavily on the 
outcome of the fight in Iraq. Iraq is at the heart of the Middle East. 
And the two dangerous strains of extremism vying for control of the 
Middle East have now closed in on this country in an effort to bring 
down the young democracy.
    In Iraq, Sunni extremists led by Al Qaida are staging sensational 
attacks on innocent men, women, and children in attempt to stoke 
sectarian violence. Their operatives have assassinated those seeking to 
build a new future for the Iraqi people. Their targets include everyone 
they consider infidels, including Christians and Jews and Yazidis and 
Shi'a and even fellow Sunnis who do not share their radical distortion 
of Islam. Their ranks include foreign fighters who travel to Iraq 
through Syria. Their operations seek to create images of chaos and 
carnage to break the will of the American people. These killers don't 
understand our country. America does not give in to thugs and assassins, 
and America will not abandon Iraq in its hour of need.
    Shi'a extremists backed by Iran are training Iraqis to carry out 
attacks on our forces and the Iraqi people. Members of the Quds Force of 
Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps are supplying extremist groups 
with funding and weapons, including sophisticated IEDs. And with the 
assistance of Hizballah, they've provided training for these violent 
forces inside of Iraq. Recently, coalition forces seized 240-millimeter 
rockets that had been manufactured in Iran this year and that had been 
provided to Iraqi extremist groups by Iranian agents. The attacks on our 
bases and our troops by Iranian-supplied munitions have increased in the 
last few months, despite pledges by Iran to help stabilize the security 
situation in Iraq.
    Some say Iran's leaders are not aware of what members of their own 
regime are doing. Others say Iran's leaders are actively seeking to 
provoke the West. Either way, they cannot escape responsibility for 
aiding attacks against coalition forces and the murder of innocent 
Iraqis. The Iranian regime must halt these actions. And until it does, I 
will take actions necessary to protect our troops. I have authorized our 
military commanders in Iraq to confront Tehran's murderous activities.

[[Page 1128]]

    For all those who ask whether the fight in Iraq is worth it, imagine 
an Iraq where militia groups backed by Iran control large parts of the 
country. Imagine an Iraq where Al Qaida has established sanctuaries to 
safely plot future attacks on targets all over the world, including 
America. We've seen what these enemies will do when American forces are 
actively engaged in Iraq. And we can envision what they would do if we--
if they were emboldened by American forces in retreat.
    The challenge in Iraq comes down to this: Either the forces of 
extremism succeed or the forces of freedom succeed; either our enemies 
advance their interests in Iraq or we advance our interests. The most 
important and immediate way to counter the ambitions of Al Qaida and 
Iran and other forces of instability and terror is to win the fight in 
Iraq.
    Together our coalition has achieved great things in Iraq. We toppled 
one of the world's most brutal and dangerous dictators. This world is 
better off without Saddam Hussein in power. The Iraqi people held three 
national elections, choosing a transitional government, adopting the 
most progressive and democratic Constitution in the Arab world, and then 
electing a Government under that Constitution. Despite endless threats 
from the car bombers and assassins, nearly 12 million Iraqi citizens 
came out to vote in a show of hope and solidarity that we should never 
forget.
    In 2006, a thinking enemy struck back. The extremists provoked a 
level of sectarian violence that threatened to unravel the democratic 
gains the Iraqi people had made. Momentum was shifting to the 
extremists. The Iraqi people saw that their Government could not protect 
them or deliver basic services. Many Shi'a turned to militias for 
security. Many Sunnis did not see a place for them in the new Iraq. 
Baghdad was descending into chaos. And one of our military intelligence 
analysts wrote that Anbar Province--Al Qaida's base in Iraq--was lost to 
the enemy.
    Given the stakes in Iraq, given the fact that what happens in Iraq 
matters in the United States, it became clear that we needed to adjust 
our approach to address these changes on the ground. So in January, I 
laid out a new strategy. This strategy was designed to help bring 
security to the Iraqi population, especially in Baghdad. It was designed 
to help clear the terrorists out of Iraqi cities and communities so that 
local governments could retake control, resume basic services, and help 
revive businesses in their communities. It was designed to give the 
Iraqi security forces time to grow in size and capability so that they 
can ultimately bring security to their country. It was designed to 
provide a secure environment in which national reconciliation could take 
place. And it was designed to encourage more members of the 
international community to recognize their interests in a free and 
democratic Iraq and to do more to make that possible.
    The central objective of this strategy was to aid the rise of an 
Iraqi Government that can protect its people, deliver basic services, 
and be an ally in this war on terror. And we understood that none of 
these goals could be met until the Iraqi people feel safer in their own 
homes and neighborhoods.
    To carry out this new strategy, I sent reinforcements to Baghdad and 
Anbar Province. I put a new commander in place, General David Petraeus, 
an expert on counterinsurgency. Those reinforcements have been fully 
operational for just over 2 months, yet there are unmistakable signs 
that our strategy is achieving the objectives we set out. Our new 
strategy is showing results in terms of security.
    Our forces are in the fight all over Iraq. Since January, each month 
we have captured or killed an average of more than 1,500 Al Qaida 
terrorists and other enemies of Iraq's elected Government. Al Qaida is 
being displaced from former strongholds in Baghdad and Anbar and Diyala 
Provinces. We've conducted operations against Iranian agents supplying 
lethal munitions to extremist groups. We've targeted Shi'a death squads 
and their supply networks. The Prime Minister of Iraq, Prime Minister 
Maliki, has courageously committed to pursue the forces of evil and 
destruction. Sectarian violence has sharply decreased in Baghdad. The 
momentum is now on our side. The surge is seizing the initiative from 
the enemy and handing it to the Iraqi people.
    Our new strategy is also showing results in places where it matters 
most, the cities

[[Page 1129]]

and neighborhoods where ordinary Iraqis live. In these areas, Iraqis are 
increasingly reaching accommodations with each other, with the 
coalition, and with the Government in Baghdad. This reconciliation is 
coming from the bottom up. It's having an impact in the fight against 
the enemy, and it's building a solid foundation for a democratic Iraq.
    In Anbar, the Province that had been thought to be lost to the enemy 
is increasingly becoming more peaceful because members of local Sunnis 
are turning against Al Qaida. They're sick and tired of the dark vision 
of these murderers. Local sheikhs have joined the American forces to 
drive the terrorists out of the capital city of Ramadi and elsewhere. 
Residents are providing critical intelligence, and tribesmen have joined 
the Iraqi police and security forces.
    People want to live in peace. Mothers want to raise their children 
in a peaceful environment. The local Iraqis, given a chance, are turning 
against these murderers and extremists.
    Many Iraqis who once felt marginalized in a free Iraq are rejoining 
the political process, and now it's the enemy of a free Iraq that is 
being left on the margins. Last month, Provincial officials reopened 
parts of the war-damaged government center with the help of one of our 
Provincial Reconstruction Teams. Listen, similar scenes are taking place 
all across Anbar, the Province once thought lost. Virtually every city 
and every town in the Province now has a mayor and a municipal council. 
Local officials are forming ties with the central Government in Baghdad 
because these Sunni leaders now see a role for their people in a new 
Iraq. And in an encouraging sign, the central Government is beginning to 
respond with funding for vital services and reconstruction and increased 
security forces.
    In other Provinces, there are also signs of this kind of bottom-up 
progress. In Diyala Province, the city of Baqubah reopened six banks, 
providing residents with capital for the local economy. In Ninawa 
Province, local officials have established a commission to investigate 
corruption, with a local judge empowered to pursue charges of fraud and 
racketeering. These are signs that our strategy to encourage political 
cooperation at the grassroots level is working. And over time, see--and 
over time, as the Iraqis take control over their lives at the local 
level, they will demand more action from their national leaders in 
Baghdad. That's how democracy works. And that's why the encouraging 
developments at the local level are so important for Iraq's future.
    At the moment, our new strategy is showing fewer results at the 
national level. Iraq is overcoming decades of tyranny and deprivation, 
which left scars on Iraq's people and their psyche. The serious 
sectarian violence of 2006 and early 2007 further tore at the fabric of 
Iraqi society, increasing distrust between Iraq's ethnic and religious 
communities. In the midst of the security challenges, Iraq's leaders are 
being asked to resolve political issues as complex and emotional as the 
struggle for civil rights in our own country. So it's no wonder that 
progress is halting and people are often frustrated. The result is that 
it has been harder for--than anticipated for Iraqis to meet the 
legislative benchmarks on which we have all been focused.
    In my weekly consultations with Ambassador Crocker, we discuss these 
challenges. We also discuss the signs of hope. We're encouraged by the 
agreement reached Sunday night by the top leaders in Iraq's Government. 
They agreed on several draft pieces of legislation that are at the core 
of national reconciliation and are among the benchmarks identified by 
the United States Congress. For example, the draft law on de-
Ba'athification reform addresses the question of how Iraqis will deal 
with their past. The draft legislation on Provincial powers tackles how 
Iraqis will map out their future. These measures still have to be passed 
by the Iraqi Parliament. Yet the agreement shows that Iraq's leaders can 
put aside their differences, they can sit down together, and they can 
work out tough issues central to the fate of their country.
    The agreement by Iraq's leaders was significant for another reason. 
It thanks the coalition for our sacrifices and recognizes the importance 
of maintaining a coalition presence in Iraq. It also calls for the 
development of a long-term relationship with the United States. I 
welcome this invitation. I've committed our Government to negotiating 
such

[[Page 1130]]

a partnership soon. This long-term relationship need not require the 
level of engagement that we have in Iraq today, but it can serve the 
common interests of both Iraq and the United States to combat terrorism 
and to help bring stability to an important country and region.
    Iraq's Government still has more work to do to meet many of its 
legislative benchmarks. Yet it's also important to note that many of the 
goals behind these benchmarks are being achieved without legislation. 
Here's an example. Now, we believed that an equitable sharing of oil 
revenues would require the Iraqi Parliament to pass an oil sharing law. 
In fact, the national Government is already sharing oil revenues with 
the Provinces, despite the fact that no formal law has been passed. 
Iraq's Government is making gains in other important areas. Electricity 
production is improving. The Parliament has passed about 60 pieces of 
legislation, including a $41-billion budget. Despite the slow progress 
in the Iraqi Parliament--here's the evidence--Iraq as a whole is moving 
forward.
    Our strategy is also showing results at the international level. The 
United Nations and Iraq, with support from the International Monetary 
Fund, the World Bank, and nations from around the globe, have finalized 
an International Compact for Iraq that will bring new economic 
assistance and debt relief in exchange for aggressive economic reforms. 
So far, the Iraqis have made significant progress in meeting the IMF's 
economic benchmarks. The Iraqis have convened a Neighbors Conference 
that's bringing together nations in the region. The goal is to help the 
Iraqis through specific security and economic and diplomatic 
cooperation.
    As part of these diplomatic initiatives, Prime Minister Maliki has 
met with counterparts in Turkey, Syria, and Iran to urge the support for 
his nation. Saudi Arabia is looking to open a new Embassy in Baghdad. 
The United Nations Security Council has decided to expand its mission in 
Iraq and is seeking to help with local elections and reconciliation. The 
United Nations will soon name a new, high-ranking envoy to Iraq to 
coordinate the UN's expanded effort to that country. Here's what I'm 
telling you: The international community increasingly understands the 
importance of a free Iraq. They understand a free Iraq is important for 
world peace. And that is why we'll continue to rally the world for this 
noble and necessary cause.
    All these developments are hopeful--they're hopeful for Iraq, and 
they're hopeful for the Middle East, and they're hopeful for peace. In 2 
weeks, General Petraeus and Ambassador Crocker will return to Washington 
to deliver an interim assessment of the situation on the ground and the 
prospects for the future. This status report comes less than 3 months 
after the surge became fully operational. It will likely assess what's 
going well in Iraq and what needs to be improved and what changes we 
need to make in our strategy and force deployments in the months ahead. 
Congress asked for this assessment. Congress should listen to it in its 
entirety. And I ask Members of the Congress to withhold any conclusions 
until they can hear these men out.
    Unfortunately, some who had complained about a lack of security in 
Iraq are now attempting to change the terms of the debate. Their 
argument used to be that security was bad, so the surge has failed. Now 
their argument seems to be security is better, so the surge has failed. 
They disregard the political advances on the local level and instead 
change--charge that the slow pace of legislative progress on the 
national level proves our strategy has not worked. This argument gets it 
backwards. Improving security is the precondition for making gains in 
other areas.
    Senator Joe Lieberman puts it this way: ``While it is true there is 
no pure `military' solution to the violence in Iraq, it is worth 
remembering that neither is there any pure `political' solution.'' 
Security progress must come first. And only then can political progress 
follow--first locally and then in Baghdad. So it's going to take time 
for the recent progress we have seen in security to translate into 
political progress. In short, it makes no sense to respond to military 
progress by claiming that we have failed because Iraq's Parliament has 
yet to pass every law it said it would.
    The American people know how difficult democracy can be. Our own 
country has an advanced and sophisticated political system in place. Yet 
even we can't pass a budget

[[Page 1131]]

on time, and we've had 200 years of practice. Prime Minister Maliki and 
other Iraqi leaders are dealing with the issues far more controversial 
and complicated, and they are trying to do it all at once, after decades 
of a brutal dictatorship. Iraq's leaders aren't perfect, but they were 
elected by their people. They want what we want: a free Iraq that fights 
terrorists instead of harboring them. And leaders in Washington need to 
look for ways to help our Iraqi allies succeed, not excuses for 
abandoning them.
    The challenge is before us--the challenge before us is hard, but 
America can meet it. And the conflict has come at a cost, on behalf of a 
cause that is right and essential to the American people. It's a noble 
cause. It is a just cause. It is a necessary cause. I wouldn't have 
asked the young men and women of our military to go in harm's way if I 
didn't think success in Iraq was necessary for the security of the 
United States of America. I know it can be difficult to see sometimes, 
but what happens on the streets of Baghdad and in the neighborhoods of 
Anbar has a direct impact on the safety of Americans here at home. And 
that is why we're in this fight, and that's why we'll stay in the fight, 
and that is why we're going to win this fight.
    One of the great blessings of this country is that our men and women 
in uniform understand it. One of those young men was Specialist First 
Class Steven Davis of Fayetteville, North Carolina. Steven came from a 
proud military family. His father and grandfather were veterans. His 
younger brother, his mother, and her father were all stationed with him 
in Iraq.
    When Steven was killed by an insurgent grenade on the Fourth of 
July, their hearts were broken. And yet somehow this remarkable family 
found a way to put aside their grief and continue to serve our country. 
Steven's mother said that Steven was proud of what they were doing in 
Iraq, so 6 days after the funeral, she went back on duty as a medic. His 
father, Buck, a gulf war veteran, says he wants to go to Iraq today. 
This family represents the best of the American spirit--a spirit that 
shows we have the grit and the will to defend the American people.
    One day years from now, another President will be in a room like 
this. That President will look out upon a sea of caps worn by those who 
show a quiet pride in their service. Some in that audience will include 
people who won the fight against fascism and nazism and communism. 
You'll be joined by younger veterans who have fought in places like 
Kandahar and Ramadi. And just like you, the new generation of veterans 
will be able to say proudly they held fast against determined and 
ruthless enemies, helped salvage an entire region from tyranny and 
terror, and made a safer world for the American people.
    To those future members of the American Legion and to all of you, I 
offer the gratitude of our Nation, and I offer my prayers for a future 
of peace. Thank you. And may God bless America.

Note: The President spoke at 10:14 a.m. at the Reno-Sparks Convention 
Center. In his remarks, he referred to Paul A. Morin, national 
commander, American Legion; Gen. David H. Petraeus, USA, commanding 
general, Multi-National Force--Iraq; Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan 
of Turkey; President Bashar al-Asad of Syria; and President Mahmud 
Ahmadi-nejad of Iran.