[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 43, Number 23 (Monday, June 11, 2007)]
[Pages 744-749]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks to the Democracy and Security Conference in Prague

June 5, 2007

    Thank you all. President Ilves, Foreign Minister Schwarzenberg, 
distinguished guests: Laura and I are pleased to be back in Prague, and 
we appreciate the gracious welcome in this historic hall. Tomorrow I'll 
attend the G-8 summit, where I will meet with the leaders of the world's 
most powerful economies. This afternoon I stand with men and women who 
represent an even greater power: the power of human conscience.
    In this room are dissidents and democratic activists from 17 
countries on five continents. You follow different traditions; you 
practice different faiths; and you face different challenges. But you 
are united by an unwavering conviction: That freedom is the non-
negotiable right of every man, woman, and child, and that the path to 
lasting peace in our world is liberty.
    This conference was conceived by three of the great advocates for 
freedom in our time: Jose Maria Aznar, Vaclav Havel, and Natan 
Sharansky. I thank them for the invitation to address this inspiring 
assembly and for showing the world that an individual with moral clarity 
and courage can change the course of history.
    It is fitting that we meet in the Czech Republic, a nation at the 
heart of Europe and of the struggle for freedom on this continent. Nine 
decades ago, Tomas Masaryk proclaimed Czechoslovakia's independence 
based on the ``ideals of modern democracy.'' That democracy was 
interrupted, first by the Nazis and then by the Communists, who seized 
power in a shameful coup that left the Foreign Minister dead in the 
courtyard of this palace.
    Through the long darkness of the Soviet occupation, the true face of 
this nation was never in doubt. The world saw it in the reforms of the 
Prague Spring and the principled demands of Charter 77. Those efforts 
were met with tanks and truncheons and arrests by secret police. But the 
violent would not have the final word. In 1989, thousands gathered in 
Wenceslas Square to call for their freedom. Theaters like Magic Lantern 
became headquarters for dissidents. Workers left their factories to 
support a strike. And within weeks, the regime crumbled. Vaclav Havel 
went from prisoner of state to head of state. And the people of 
Czechoslovakia brought down the Iron Curtain with a Velvet Revolution.
    Across Europe, similar scenes were unfolding. In Poland, a movement 
that began in a single shipyard freed people across a nation. In 
Hungary, mourners gathered at Heroes Square to bury a slain reformer and 
bury their Communist regime as well. In East Germany, families came 
together for prayer meetings and found the strength to tear down a wall. 
Soon, activists emerged from the attics and church basements to reclaim 
the streets of Bulgaria and Romania and Albania and Latvia and Lithuania 
and Estonia.

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The Warsaw Pact was dissolved peacefully in this very room. And after 
seven decades of oppression, the Soviet Union ceased to exist.
    Behind these astounding achievements was the triumph of freedom in 
the battle of ideas. The Communists had an imperial ideology that 
claimed to know the directions of history. But in the end, it was 
overpowered by ordinary people who wanted to live their lives and 
worship their God and speak the truth to their children. The Communists 
had the harsh rule of Brezhnev and Honecker and Ceausescu. But in the 
end, it was no match for the vision of Walesa and Havel, the defiance of 
Sakharov and Sharansky, the resolve of Reagan and Thatcher, the fearless 
witness of John Paul. From this experience, a clear lesson has emerged: 
Freedom can be resisted, and freedom can be delayed, but freedom cannot 
be denied.
    In the years since liberation, Central and Eastern European nations 
have navigated the difficult transition to democracy. Leaders made the 
tough reforms needed to enter NATO and the European Union. Citizens 
claimed their freedom in the Balkans and beyond. And now, after 
centuries of war and suffering, the continent of Europe is at last in 
peace.
    With this new era have come new threats to freedom. In dark and 
repressive corners of the world, whole generations grew up with no voice 
in their government and no hope in their future. This life of oppression 
bred deep resentment. And for many, resentment boiled over into 
radicalism and extremism and violence. The world saw the result on 
September the 11th, 2001, when terrorists based in Afghanistan sent 19 
suicidal men to murder nearly 3,000 innocent people in the United 
States.
    For some, this attack called for a narrow response. In truth, 9/11 
was evidence of a much broader danger, an international movement of 
violent Islamic extremists that threatens free peoples everywhere. The 
extremists's ambition is to build a totalitarian empire that spans all 
current and former Muslim lands, including parts of Europe. Their 
strategy to achieve that goal is to frighten the world into surrender 
through a ruthless campaign of terrorist murder.
    To confront this enemy, America and our allies have taken the 
offensive with the full range of our military, intelligence, and law 
enforcement capabilities. Yet this battle is more than a military 
conflict. Like the cold war, it's an ideological struggle between two 
fundamentally different visions of humanity. On one side are the 
extremists who promise paradise, but deliver a life of public beatings 
and repression of women and suicide bombings. On the other side are huge 
numbers of moderate men and women, including millions in the Muslim 
world, who believe that every human life has dignity and value that no 
power on Earth can take away.
    The most powerful weapon in the struggle against extremism is not 
bullets or bombs; it is the universal appeal of freedom. Freedom is the 
design of our Maker and the longing of every soul. Freedom is the best 
way to unleash the creativity and economic potential of a nation. 
Freedom is the only ordering of a society that leads to justice. And 
human freedom is the only way to achieve human rights.
    Expanding freedom is more than a moral imperative; it is the only 
realistic way to protect our people in the long run. Years ago, Andrei 
Sakharov warned that a country that does not respect the rights of its 
own people will not respond to the rights of its neighbors. History 
proves him right. Governments accountable to their people do not attack 
each other. Democracies address problems through the political process, 
instead of blaming outside scapegoats. Young people who can disagree 
openly with their leaders are less likely to adopt violent ideologies. 
And nations that commit to freedom for their people will not support 
extremists; they will join in defeating them.
    For all these reasons, the United States is firmly committed to the 
advance of freedom and democracy as the great alternatives to repression 
and radicalism. We have a historic objective in view. In my second 
Inaugural Address, I pledged America to the ultimate goal of ending 
tyranny in our world. Some have said that qualifies me as a dissident 
President. If standing for liberty in the world makes me a dissident, I 
wear that title with pride.

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    America pursues our freedom agenda in many ways, some vocal and 
visible, others quiet and hidden from view. Ending tyranny requires 
support for the forces of conscience that undermine repressive societies 
from within. The Soviet dissident Andrei Amalrik compared a tyrannical 
state to a soldier who constantly points a gun at his enemy, until his 
arms finally tire and the prisoner escapes. The role of the free world 
is to put pressure on the arms of the world's tyrants and strengthen the 
prisoners who are trying to speed their collapse.
    And so I meet personally with dissidents and democratic activists 
from some of the world's worst dictatorships, including Belarus and 
Burma and Cuba and North Korea, Sudan, and Zimbabwe. At this conference, 
I look forward to meeting other dissidents, including some from Iran and 
Syria. One of those dissidents is Mamoun Homsi. In 2001, this man was an 
independent member of the Syrian Parliament who simply issued a 
declaration asking the Government to begin respecting human rights. For 
this entirely peaceful act, he was arrested and sent to jail, where he 
spent several years beside other innocent advocates for a free Syria.
    Another dissident I will meet here is Rebiya Kadeer of China, whose 
sons have been jailed in what we believe is an act of retaliation for 
her human rights activities. The talent of men and women like Rebiya is 
the greatest resource of their nations, far more valuable than the 
weapons of their army or their oil under the ground. America calls on 
every nation that stifles dissent to end its repression, to trust its 
people, and to grant its citizens the freedom they deserve.
    There are many dissidents who couldn't join us because they are 
being unjustly imprisoned or held under house arrest. I look forward to 
the day when a conference like this one includes Alexander Kozulin of 
Belarus, Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma, Oscar Elias Biscet of Cuba, Father 
Nguyen Van Ly of Vietnam, Ayman Nour of Egypt. The daughter of one of 
these political prisoners is in this room. I would like to say to her 
and all the families, I thank you for your courage; I pray for your 
comfort and strength; and I call for the immediate and unconditional 
release of your loved ones.
    In the eyes of America, the democratic dissidents today are the 
democratic leaders of tomorrow. So we're taking new steps to strengthen 
our support. We recently created a Human Rights Defenders Fund, which 
provides grants for the legal defense and medical expenses of activists 
arrested or beaten by repressive governments. I strongly support the 
Prague Document that your conference plans to issue, which states that 
``the protection of human rights is critical to international peace and 
security.'' And in keeping with the goals of that declaration, I have 
asked Secretary Rice to send a directive to every U.S. Ambassador in an 
unfree nation: Seek out and meet with activists for democracy; seek out 
those who demand human rights.
    People living in tyranny need to know they are not forgotten. North 
Koreans live in a closed society where dissent is brutally suppressed, 
and they are cut off from their brothers and sisters to the south. The 
Iranians are a great people who deserve to chart their own future, but 
they are denied their liberty by a handful of extremists whose pursuit 
of nuclear weapons prevents their country from taking its rightful place 
amongst the thriving. The Cubans are desperate for freedom, and as that 
nation enters a period of transition, we must insist on free elections 
and free speech and free assembly. And in Sudan, freedom is denied and 
basic human rights are violated by a Government that pursues genocide 
against its own citizens. My message to all those who suffer under 
tyranny is this: We will never excuse your oppressors; we will always 
stand for your freedom.
    Freedom is also under assault in countries that have shown some 
progress. In Venezuela, elected leaders have resorted to shallow 
populism to dismantle democratic institutions and tighten their grip on 
power. The Government of Uzbekistan continues to silence independent 
voices by jailing human rights activists. And Vietnam recently arrested 
and imprisoned a number of peaceful religious and political activists.
    These developments are discouraging, but there are more reasons for 
optimism. At the start of the 1980s, there were only 45 democracies on 
Earth. There are now more than

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120 democracies; more people now live in freedom than ever before. And 
it is the responsibility of those who enjoy the blessings of liberty to 
help those who are struggling to establish their free societies.
    So the United States has nearly doubled funding for democracy 
projects. We're working with our partners in the G-8 to promote the rise 
of a vibrant civil society in the Middle East through initiatives like 
the Forum for the Future. We're cooperating side by side with the new 
democracies in Ukraine and Georgia and Kyrgyzstan. We congratulate the 
people of Yemen on their landmark presidential election and the people 
of Kuwait on elections in which women were able to vote and run for 
office for the first time. We stand firmly behind the people of Lebanon 
and Afghanistan and Iraq as they defend their democratic gains against 
extremist enemies. These people are making tremendous sacrifices for 
liberty. They deserve the admiration of the free world, and they deserve 
our unwavering support.
    The United States is also using our influence to urge valued 
partners like Egypt and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan to move toward 
freedom. These nations have taken brave stands and strong action to 
confront extremists, along with some steps to expand liberty and 
transparency. Yet they have a great distance still to travel. The United 
States will continue to press nations like these to open up their 
political systems and give greater voice to their people. Inevitably, 
this creates tension. But our relationships with these countries are 
broad enough and deep enough to bear it. As our relationships with South 
Korea and Taiwan during the cold war prove, America can maintain a 
friendship and push a nation toward democracy at the same time.
    We're also applying that lesson to our relationships with Russia and 
China. The United States has strong working relationships with these 
countries. Our friendship with them is complex. In the areas where we 
share mutual interests, we work together. In other areas, we have strong 
disagreements. China's leaders believe that they can continue to open 
the nation's economy without opening its political system. We disagree. 
In Russia, reforms that were once promised to empower citizens have been 
derailed, with troubling implications for democratic development. Part 
of a good relationship is the ability to talk openly about our 
disagreements. So the United States will continue to build our 
relationships with these countries, and we will do it without abandoning 
our principles or our values.
    We appreciate that free societies take shape at different speeds in 
different places. One virtue of democracy is that it reflects local 
history and traditions. Yet there are fundamental elements that all 
democracies share: freedom of speech, religion, press, and assembly; 
rule of law enforced by independent courts; private property rights; and 
political parties that compete in free and fair elections. These rights 
and institutions are the foundation of human dignity, and as countries 
find their own path to freedom, they must find a loyal partner in the 
United States of America.
    Extending the reach of freedom is a mission that unites democracies 
around the world. Some of the greatest contributions are coming from 
nations with the freshest memories of tyranny. I appreciate the Czech 
Republic's support for human rights projects in Belarus and Burma and 
Cuba. I thank Germany and Poland and the Czech Republic and Hungary and 
Slovenia and Georgia, Lithuania, Estonia, Croatia for contributing to 
the new United Nations Democracy Fund. I'm grateful for the commitment 
many new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe are making to 
Afghanistan and Iraq. I appreciate that these countries are willing to 
do the hard work necessary to enable people who want to be free to live 
in a free society.
    In all these ways, the freedom agenda is making a difference. The 
work has been difficult, and that is not going to change. There will be 
triumphs and failures, progress and setbacks. Ending tyranny cannot be 
achieved overnight. And of course, this objective has its critics.
    Some say that ending tyranny means imposing our values on people who 
do not share them, or that people live in parts of the world where 
freedom cannot take hold. That is refuted by the fact that every time 
people are given a choice, they choose freedom.

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    We saw that when the people of Latin America turned dictatorships 
into democracies, when the people of South Africa replaced apartheid 
with a free society, and the people of Indonesia ended their long 
authoritarian rule. We saw it when Ukrainians in orange scarves demanded 
that their ballots be counted. We saw it when millions of Afghans and 
Iraqis defied the terrorists to elect free governments. At a polling 
station in Baghdad, I was struck by the words of an Iraqi. He had one 
leg, and he told a reporter, ``I would have crawled here if I had to.'' 
When democracy--was democracy--I ask the critics, was democracy imposed 
on that man? Was freedom a value he did not share? The truth is that the 
only ones who have to impose their values are the extremists and the 
radicals and the tyrants.
    And that is why the Communists crushed the Prague Spring and threw 
an innocent playwright in jail and trembled at the sight of a Polish 
Pope. History shows that ultimately, freedom conquers fear. And given a 
chance, freedom will conquer fear in every nation on Earth.
    Another objective--objection is that ending tyranny will unleash 
chaos. Critics point to the violence in Afghanistan or Iraq or Lebanon 
as evidence that freedom leaves people less safe. But look who's causing 
the violence. It's the terrorists; it's the extremists. It is no 
coincidence that they are targeting young democracies in the Middle 
East. They know that the success of free societies there is a mortal 
threat to their ambitions and to their very survival. The fact that our 
enemies are fighting back is not a reason to doubt democracy. It is 
evidence that they recognize democracy's power. It is evidence that we 
are at war. And it is evidence that free nations must do what it takes 
to prevail.
    Still, some argue that a safer goal would be stability, especially 
in the Middle East. The problem is that pursuing stability at the 
expense of liberty does not lead to peace; it leads to September the 
11th, 2001. The policy of tolerating tyranny is a moral and strategic 
failure. It is a mistake the world must not repeat in the 21st century.
    Others fear that democracy will bring dangerous forces to power, 
such as Hamas in the Palestinian Territories. Elections will not always 
turn out the way we hope. Yet democracy consists of more than a single 
trip to the ballot box. Democracy requires meaningful opposition 
parties, a vibrant civil society, a government that enforces the law and 
responds to the needs of its people. Elections can accelerate the 
creation of such institutions. In a democracy, people will not vote for 
a life of perpetual violence. To stay in power, elected officials must 
listen to their people and pursue their desires for peace--or, in 
democracies, the voters will replace them through free elections.
    Finally, there's the contention that ending tyranny is unrealistic. 
Well, some argue that extending democracy around the world is simply too 
difficult to achieve. That's nothing new. We've heard that criticism 
before, throughout history. At every stage of the cold war, there were 
those who argued that the Berlin Wall was permanent and that people 
behind the Iron Curtain would never overcome their oppressors. History 
has sent a different message.
    The lesson is that freedom will always have its skeptics. But that's 
not the whole story. There are also people like you and the loved ones 
you represent, men and women with courage to risk everything for your 
ideals. In his first address as President, Vaclav Havel proclaimed, 
``People, your Government has returned to you!'' He was echoing the 
first speech of Tomas Masaryk who was, in turn, quoting the 17th century 
Czech teacher Comenius. His message was that freedom is timeless. It 
does not belong to one government or one generation. Freedom is the 
dream and the right of every person in every nation in every age.
    The United States of America believes deeply in that message. It was 
the inspiration for our founding when we declared that ``all men are 
created equal.'' It was the conviction that led us to help liberate this 
continent and stand with the captive nations through their long 
struggle. It is the truth that guides our Nation to oppose radicals and 
extremists and terror and tyranny in the world today. And it is the 
reason I have such great confidence in the men and women in this room.
    I leave Prague with a certainty that the cause of freedom is not 
tired and that its future is in the best of hands. With unbreakable

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faith in the power of liberty, you will inspire your people, you will 
lead your nations, and you will change the world.
    Thanks for having me. And may God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 4:07 p.m. in the Large Hall at Czernin 
Palace. In his remarks, he referred to President Toomas Ilves of 
Estonia; Foreign Minister Karel Schwarzenberg and former President 
Vaclav Havel of the Czech Republic; former Prime Minister Jose Maria 
Aznar of Spain; Natan Anatoly Sharansky, former Soviet dissident and 
author; former President Lech Walesa of Poland; and former Prime 
Minister Margaret Thatcher of the United Kingdom.