[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 43, Number 22 (Monday, June 4, 2007)]
[Pages 716-725]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Interview With Foreign Print Journalists

May 31, 2007

    The President. First, I'm really looking forward to the trip. It's a 
chance for me to see old friends, make new friends, and talk about an 
agenda that is based upon freedom and the obligation, for those of us 
who benefit from our free societies, to help less fortunate people.
    Obviously, the G-8 is going to be the center point of the visit; it 
will be where the most focus is. But I take my bilateral visits very 
seriously. We're starting in the Czech Republic; I'm looking forward to 
seeing the President and the Prime Minister. That's my third trip? 
Second trip? Second trip. It's a beautiful city.
    Besides my bilateral meetings with the leadership, I am looking 
forward to my democracy speech. Vaclav Havel has asked me to come and 
speak to a democracy forum. I feel very strongly that the United States 
must take the lead in promoting democracy around the world--even in 
places where it may not look like it could--that it's very hospitable 
because I believe, ultimately, it is hospitable. And so it's going to be 
an important speech, and I'm working on it.
    And then, of course, I go to Germany for the G-8. I've been in that 
beautiful part of your country before. I'm looking forward to the 
seaside resort. Of course, I'm anxious to see the Chancellor. She and I 
have got a very strong relationship. I don't know if you know this or 
not, but we do visit via secure video on a fairly regular basis. I've 
had some--you know, a lot of meaningful conversations with her, other 
than by phone.
    And then the G-8, it's going to be an important meeting, just like 
all G-8s are. And this year I'll be talking about the need for all of us 
to work together to deal with HIV/AIDS and malaria and education. And, 
of course, global climate change will be an issue as well.
    And then we'll go on to Poland. I'm looking forward to going back--
for my third time; twice in Czech Republic, third time in Poland. Of 
course, part of the discussions with both countries will be on missile 
defense. I'll be glad to answer any questions you have on that. It's 
just an important issue for us to discuss, and it's an important for me 
to allay people's fears.
    My friend Vladimir Putin is making this to be a case where somehow 
this is going to jeopardize relations in Europe and it's going to make 
the world a more dangerous place--quite the opposite. The reason one 
advocates and works for a missile defense system is to protect free 
peoples from the launch of a missile from a hostile regime. Russia is 
not hostile. Russia is a friend. We don't agree with Russia all the 
time, but nevertheless, I view them as a friendly nation, not a hostile 
nation. And I will work with Vladimir Putin not only at the G-8 but when 
he comes to visit up east here. But I know that's going to be part of 
our conversation.
    By the way, in the case of the Czech Republic, Poland, Italy, and, 
to a certain extent, Bulgaria, and definitely Germany, there's a lot of, 
obviously, you know, Americans who are very interested in this trip. 
Polish Americans are--there's a lot of them, and they really love their 
country of origin, their grandfathers' country of origin. And this is an 
important trip symbolically, as well, to see their American President in 
Poland--or in Italy, a lot of Italian Americans are very proud of their 
heritage as well.
    So the trip, obviously, is the chance to visit on important issues, 
whether it be Afghanistan or Iraq, where these countries are supportive, 
as well as their common interests in bilateral issues.
    I'm looking forward to two things in Italy--obviously seeing His 
Holy Father. Sometimes I'm not poetic enough to describe what it's like 
to be in the presence of the Holy Father. It is a moving experience. And 
I have not been in the presence of this particular Holy Father. 
Obviously, three visits with the last great man, and I'm looking forward 
to this. I'm looking forward to hearing him. He's a good thinker and a 
smart man. I'll be in a listening mode.
    And then Prime Minister Prodi, with whom I've had a long 
relationship. I knew him when he was the head of the EU. I can remember, 
fondly remember riding my mountain bike as hard as I could as he was 
jogging along the beaches in Georgia, needling him on the way by--a sign 
of close

[[Page 717]]

friendship. We've got a good relationship. He's having to make difficult 
decisions in Afghanistan, and I hope my visit will help boost his 
courage in doing the right thing in Afghanistan.
    And then, of course, Bulgaria; I'm looking forward to that as well. 
I've never been; it's the first time. I'm looking forward to seeing the 
leadership there. Bulgaria has made some very difficult decisions, but 
necessary decisions. We're proud to be allies. It's going to be--I love 
going to countries that may not expect to see the U.S. President. It's 
pretty predictable that the President would go to Germany or Italy, 
probably Poland and the Czech Republic, but not necessarily Bulgaria and 
Albania. And it's going to be a great honor for me to be in your 
country. I'm looking forward to it.
    I'm excited about the trip. I gave a speech today--I don't know if 
you suffered through it or not, but it's--anyway, I was proud to give 
it, and I meant what I said. And we've got a darn good record, and I'm 
going to be taking that record, on behalf of the American people, to the 
G-8 and hoping to encourage others to match it.
    Teodor. Ted.

Missile Defense System

    Q. Teodor. You can call me Ted.
    The President. Call me W. [Laughter]
    Q. You just said that Vladimir Putin is your friend.
    The President. Yes, he is.
    Q. Now, given his angry response to missile defense, do you regret 
choosing Czech Republic and Poland as possible sites for the missile 
defense?
    The President. No. The reason this country has been chosen is 
because it will make the missile defense system more effective as we 
provide defenses for most of our NATO allies.
    Secondly, friends can disagree.
    Q. Did he disappoint you?
    The President. He is a--he is concerned about the missile defense 
system. He thinks it's aimed at him. It's not. It's aimed at rogue 
regimes that would use a missile to achieve political objective or to 
create unrest. And therefore, I sent Secretary Gates to see the 
leadership, the Russian leadership, to explain our intentions. We've 
invited the Russians to participate, totally transparent----
    Q. They are not happy----
    The President. Let me finish, Ted. We're totally transparent in our 
designs. We want them to see our technologies. They're welcome to come. 
Angela Merkel was very instrumental in us reaching out to the Russians; 
she was deeply concerned about the ramifications of this decision. And 
so we're working very carefully, but we think it's the right thing to 
do.
    Secondly, it is--I repeat, we have nothing to hide. Bob Gates said, 
you know, this kind of rhetoric is the kind of rhetoric that relives the 
cold war. But the cold war is over. We're now into the 21st century, 
where we need to deal with the true threats, which are threats of 
radical extremists who will kill to advance an ideology and the threats 
of proliferation. And there's a lot of work we can do together to deal 
with these threats. And that's what I'll continue talking to President 
Putin about.
    Klaus.

Russia-U.S. Relations

    Q. Thank you, Mr. President. But certainly it's fair to say the 
relationship between the West and Russia has become more complicated----
    The President. Yes, it has.
    Q. ----in recent months. What needs to be done to avoid this 
relationship to degenerate further into a deep and lasting crisis? And 
in general, on that note, you set up the conversation. Is Russia--a 
reassertive Russia, a friend, an ally, or a challenge?
    The President. For the U.S.--I can't speak for the EU-Russian 
relationship; that's recently where there's been some tension, as you 
noted--for the U.S.-Russian relationship, it's a complex relationship 
where we've got some areas of agreement and some areas of disagreement. 
We believe strongly in democracy. Vladimir Putin will tell me that 
Russia is a democracy and that he's advancing democracy. We have got 
some questions about that, of course. We believe that actions taken in 
Estonia, for example--in relation to the actions taken in Estonia were--
it sent a confusing signal to us. We obviously have got a difficult 
issue with Kosovo. We believe

[[Page 718]]

we ought to advance the Ahtisaari agreement through the United Nations 
Security Council.
    But disagreement on issues doesn't mean that the relations aren't 
cordial. As a matter of fact, I have found that it's easier to disagree 
on issues when you have a cordial relationship. It means you can discuss 
your differences without hostility, which makes it easier that you can 
find common ground. And we have common ground with Russia on matters 
like Iran. We've worked closely with Russia in the U.N. Security Council 
to send a clear signal to the Iranians that their attempts at a nuclear 
weapon will be met with resistance, unified resistance.
    The issue of proliferation is one where there's good cooperation 
between the United States and Russia. It's in the world's interest that 
the United States and Russia and other nations work together to stop 
proliferators from being able to get a hold of materials that could end 
up harming innocent people.
    We've worked with Russia on North Korea. As you know, we spoke with 
one voice to the leadership in North Korea, that Russia and China and 
the United States and South Korea and Japan strongly oppose their desire 
to have a weapons program. And hopefully we can make progress.
    In other words, one shouldn't be surprised that there are 
differences. And the fundamental question in world diplomacy is, how do 
you deal with the differences? Do you deal with them that ends up, 
hopefully, creating more opportunities for cooperation, or do you deal 
with them in such a way as it creates--it widens gulfs and creates more 
antagonisms?
    And my relationship with Russia is firm. I tell people what I 
believe based upon certain principles. But it's going to be in such a 
way that treats people with respect. I've noticed that Angela Merkel has 
also had to deal with Vladimir Putin and has done so in a very 
respectful but firm way. And I admire the way she's handled her 
diplomacy. She has proven herself to be a very strong leader. And for 
that, I'm grateful, and I hope the German people are as well.
    Marcin.

Poland-U.S. Relations/North Atlantic Treaty Organization

    Q. Mr. President, your administration, you just said, offers a lot 
to Russia to gain acceptance, Russia's acceptance to idea building--
[inaudible]--missile shield. And at the same time, so far, it doesn't 
seem that you offer much to Poland, which is supposed to host the 
interceptor site. How would you convince people in Poland, who are, 
frankly, not that much afraid of uranium threat, but they're listening 
to the threats from Russia very carefully?
    The President. First of all, Poland and the U.S. are in NATO, and an 
attack on one is an attack on all. We can't offer any better security 
agreement than that, and we mean it. If you're an ally of the United 
States and NATO and you feel threatened by an outside force, we'll help 
you. I don't believe that there would be--I would certainly hope that 
Poland won't be threatened again by an outside force. I can understand 
why people in Poland could be nervous about that. After all, it's been a 
terrible part of your history.
    But as an ally in NATO, I can't make a stronger statement than to 
say we stand with you, and in this case, this ally actually means it, 
and so do NATO allies. You know, I'm sure there's probably some 
skepticism from some older folks or those who study history, where 
Poland had been given assurances and those assurances didn't come 
through. Well, in this case, they will.
    I don't view Poland as being under any military threat. I would hope 
the Polish people don't, either. Obviously, there are differences you 
have with Russia over meat, and I'm very aware of that. It's an EU 
matter; it's a matter that Angela Merkel is working hard, as the head of 
the EU at this point in time, to address that problem.
    The best way to compensate Poland for our friendship is to have 
good, strong bilateral relations. As you know, we've worked hard on 
different agreements that would help create jobs. It's really the best 
thing that a relationship can do is yield tangible benefits for people, 
besides peace and security. And job creation and decent-paying jobs 
benefit society as a whole. And there's jobs as a result

[[Page 719]]

of our airplane deal; there's capital investment; there is more 
transparency in our relationship. And we'll keep it that way. I'm sure 
I'll be discussing that with the President.
    Yes, Maurizio.

Pope Benedict XVI/U.S. Foreign Policy

    Q. Mr. President.
    The President. How are you?
    Q. Very good. Thank you for having us back here.
    The President. Yes.
    Q. Your first meeting with Benedict XVI, what are the values that 
you believe you share with this Pope? And besides this, on foreign 
policy, what common ground you may have with the Catholic Church on 
issues like Cuba or China or Lebanon?
    The President. Yes. Thank you. The common values are respect for 
human life, human--and dignity. I think His Holy Father will be pleased 
to know that much of our foreign policy is based on the admonition, to 
whom much is given, much is required. I look forward to sharing with him 
our sincere desire to help alleviate poverty and hunger and disease.
    I will remind him--in the Rose Garden yesterday, I talked about 
spending $30 billion on our battle against HIV/AIDS, particularly on the 
continent of Africa. Our initiative is, thus far, a $15 billion 
initiative over 5 years, that's helped provide antiretroviral drugs for 
about 1,100,000 people in a 3-year period, up from 50,000. Many of those 
folks who are helping to carry out that initiative are people from 
Catholic charities or Catholic congregations here in the United States, 
and I will tell him how proud I am of our Catholic citizens who have 
volunteered, in many cases, to help relieve suffering around the world.
    I will also talk to him about our malaria initiative where we 
believe we will have gotten help to folks, particularly on the continent 
of Africa, in the form of nets and insecticides and medicines, to about 
30 million people. I will remind him that this commitment is real and 
sincere.
    I believe he believes--look, I don't want to put words in his 
mouth--I hope he believes in the universality of freedom because I 
certainly do. In other words, freedom is not just a Western ideal. It's 
just not the ideal that some people--it's universal in application. I 
will remind him of my firm belief that freedom is not only universal, 
but history has proven democracies tend not to war with each other and 
that the best way to yield the peace, something I long for, is to help 
people become free.
    I hope to get him talking. He's a sound thinker. I've read one of 
his works, and I'm looking forward to hearing this good, decent, 
honorable man share some thoughts with me. And I go in open-minded, and 
I'm willing to listen.
    Just in terms of other issues, I will--if he cares to talk about 
Cuba, I'd love to talk about Cuba. I believe Cuba ought to be free. And 
I believe that when there is a transition to new leadership, the world 
ought to work for freedom, not stability, that the leading edge of our 
agenda ought to be to say to whomever takes over that government, we 
expect there to be elections and free press, free prisoners.
    You mentioned Lebanon, I will confirm our strong support for the 
Siniora Government. I'm impressed by his courage. And I will explain to 
him that one of the reasons why we felt like it was important to go 
through with the Hariri trial for the U.N. was to enhance the Siniora 
Government, and it's to make it clear that there's been foreign 
interference in that country, and we expect that foreign interference to 
stop.
    The other issue is China. I will tell him that there, too, we've got 
good relations, and I intend to keep them that way. Part of having good 
relations with a country is being in a position to talk about religious 
freedoms. I would remind him that I have been to church in China and 
actually found it to be a spiritual experience. It wasn't, like, fake; 
it was real. But I will assure him that I will continue to make the case 
for the Catholic Church inside of China.
    One of the things I don't know if he knows I know, but there has 
been an attempt to get a good interface between the Chinese Government 
and the Catholic Church so that eventually the prescribed leadership, 
Catholic leadership would be able to have an active role in China. So 
far, the Chinese Government has resisted this, but I have been in--
received several entreaties from our Catholic

[[Page 720]]

cardinals here on behalf of His Holy Father to reach out to the Chinese, 
and I have. And if he cares, I will be glad to summarize those contacts 
with him.
    Petar.

Missile Defense System/North Atlantic Treaty Organization

    Q. Mr. President, concerning the shield, the anti-missile shield, I 
know Bulgaria is one of the newest members of NATO. But as I know, the 
shield will not cover the southeastern part of NATO, including Bulgaria. 
And there are American military facilities in this country, which makes 
some people nervous there. Are you planning to change the situation?
    The President. The missile defense that we're talking about is 
primarily for the longer term missile. That's where the debate is. And 
you're right, that won't cover all of NATO. As I said in my opening 
comments, it will cover most of NATO.
    Bulgaria will be covered by NATO missile defenses for intermediate-
range missiles, and I will be glad to make that case. It's important for 
our NATO--when I'm in Bulgaria, it's important for our NATO allies not 
to feel like defenses apply to some but not everybody. And as you know, 
we're in discussions about access bases, which also, I would hope, would 
provide a sense of security.
    The first goal, of course, is to work with everybody in your 
neighborhood to try to convince them to be peaceful in the first place 
so that the defenses aren't needed. But we've got to make sure if they 
ever are needed, that they're effective. And as you know, I'm deeply 
concerned about Iran having a nuclear weapon that could fly toward 
Europe or, for that matter, toward any other allies. And we don't want 
to ever have ourselves in a position where the world could become 
blackmailed.
    And therefore, one way to deal with this issue is through a missile 
defense system. However, such a weapon, in this particular scenario, 
would not affect Bulgaria. It would be a much smaller one, for which we 
have different technologies, NATO technologies available.
    One more round? All right, Ted. Is it, Ted?

War on Terror

    Q. Yes, you can call me Ted. [Laughter]
    The President. You already told me that once. I forgot.
    Q. Mr. President, for better or worse, you undoubtedly changed 
modern history of this vote. I mean, are you happy with your decisions? 
Are you comfortable with your decisions? Are you listening to criticism 
around the world?
    The President. Yes, there's a little bit of criticism out there, 
evidently. Yes, Ted, I hear what people say, and I'm very comfortable 
with my decisions, absolutely. Our country came under attack, and I 
vowed to the American people I would do all in my power to protect it, 
and it's still under threat. And the best way to protect America is to 
stay on the offense and bring people to justice before they hurt us. And 
we don't do that alone--we work with allies and friends, and we share 
intelligence; we help cut off money; we disrupt, jointly----
    Q. Don't you----
    The President. Let me finish, Ted. I also knew that we had to deal 
with threats before they came to hurt us, whether it be in Afghanistan 
and Iraq, I made the right decisions. And now the fundamental question 
is, will the world help these young democracies develop? And I believe 
it's in all our interests that these democracies survive. And I'm 
looking forward to thanking our host countries when I travel for their 
commitments--in some cases, Iraq and Afghanistan; in some cases only 
Afghanistan. Either case, they're very important.
    If democracies can't help other democracies, then I worry about 
stability and peace in the long run. And so, no, I believe the decisions 
I made were the right decisions.
    Q. You don't feel abandoned?
    The President. What?
    Q. Abandoned. You don't feel abandoned?
    The President. No, no, not at all. Matter of fact, I was amazed by--
he asked, do I feel abandoned. Quite the contrary. I feel that we're in 
this long-term struggle with a lot of strong allies--a lot. There's a 
lot of people in Iraq that committed resources and manpower and effort. 
A lot of people in Afghanistan--all the NATO countries have got manpower 
there, plus a lot of other countries.

[[Page 721]]

No, quite the contrary. I feel these alliances are significant. And, you 
know, you've got to work at them. I constantly remind people there's a 
threat. And the stakes in the world--but, no. Thank you for asking.
    Klaus-Dieter. My roommate in college was Rob Dieter. He was from 
Florida, though. [Laughter] You're Klaus-Dieter. Okay.

U.S.-EU Cooperation on the Environment/Alternative Fuel Sources

    Q. Mr. President, in the run-up to the 
G-8 meeting, our energy--our climate change turnout will be a divisive 
issue, at least to the German press.
    The President. Really? You mean you want it to be divisive.
    Q. No, not at all.
    The President. Are you going to go in open-minded?
    Q. Yes, I'm always open-minded.
    The President. That's good. Is that the case----
    Q. Always. [Laughter]
    Q. Let's say assuming it was true--you were--[inaudible]--this 
morning. Does it help to bridge the gap between the U.S. position and 
the European position, which includes firm mandatory caps on greenhouse 
gases? And is there any prospect for a firm consensus at Heiligendamm? 
Or have you basically preempted Heiligendamm?
    The President. No, look, first of all, your opening question was, 
the German press is looking for conflict, is that what you said? I don't 
want to misquote you. [Laughter] I think, look, if people want to try to 
figure out a way to be divisive, they will try to create divisions. I 
don't view it that way. I view this as an effort by concerned nations to 
reach common accord to actually solve the problem.
    And the initiative I laid out today said, we'll take the world's 
largest emitters of greenhouse gases and come up with an international 
goal. In other words, there needs to be a post-Kyoto framework. And I 
suggested, here's one way to deal with the post-Kyoto world. First thing 
that the Chancellor wanted to know is, did I agree there ought to be a 
post-Kyoto framework? That's the threshold question, because if it's no, 
then we can end the conversation. If it's yes, then what are your 
suggestions? And so today I said I believe there ought to be a post-
Kyoto framework. And I believe Angela will be pleased with that because 
she is--this was something she was working toward.
    Secondly, I believe there ought to be an international goal. How we 
arrive at that goal is--I set out a process where greenhouse gas 
emitters, including developing nations, ought to be at the table. As you 
know full well, that one could have a very strict regime on greenhouse 
gases, but if nothing were done with countries like India or China, all 
would be for naught. So I thought it made sense to include a variety of 
nations that are actually producing greenhouse gases, including Russia 
and China and India and the United States and the EU and others.
    Thirdly, I said that each nation needs to come up with an interim 
goal and develop the methodology to achieve that goal. In other words, 
there's a commitment in our country--now, I said this in the Rose 
Garden, next to the Chancellor and Jose Barroso, that each country has 
got to develop a plan that suits its own economy and suits its own 
political environment. If you want the U.S. to be an active participant, 
that's the best way to do it as well. A lot of people don't particularly 
want our environmental policy written by somebody else. They think we 
ought to be writing our own environmental policy, in this case, to 
achieve international goals. And that's my pledge. I'm looking forward 
to it.
    And I also bring a very good record, because the truth of the matter 
is, technology is going to enable us to meet two objectives--or three 
objectives, in the U.S. case: one, energy independent; two, economic 
vitality and growth. And as an active trading partner with the United 
States, you would want us to be economically strong. You don't want your 
trading partner to be weak; there would be nothing to trade with. And, 
finally, a strong steward of the environment, and technology is going to 
lead us there. And I look forward to explaining some of the 
technological breakthroughs that we have achieved and will achieve.
    You probably don't know this but we're up to about, I think, 6 
billion gallons of corn ethanol now being used in our cars. Over

[[Page 722]]

the next years, 50 percent of every automobile in the United States will 
be flex-fuel. In other words, you can either use ethanol or gasoline, 
your choice. There's significant market penetration for ethanol in the 
Midwest. But we're spending billions of dollars--or millions of dollars, 
hundreds of millions of dollars, on coming up with the ability to break 
down different forms of feedstocks to produce ethanol. That's called 
cellulosic ethanol, like switch grasses or wood chips. Wouldn't it be 
remarkable when we have a breakthrough to develop fuel to run our 
automobiles from wood chips? You got a lot of wood in Germany. I'd be 
glad to share that technology with you.
    And so we're addressing greenhouse gases and tailpipe emissions to 
the point where I said to the United States, we'll have a mandatory fuel 
standard that will reduce our gasoline consumption by 20 percent over 10 
years. It's a remarkable initiative. No President has ever said that. I 
happen to believe that there's going to be some significant battery 
technology breakthroughs as well, and I look forward to sharing that 
with our partners. Matter of fact, the Japanese are spending a lot of 
money on battery technologies, and it's very conceivable one day we'll 
be having hybrid plug-in battery-driven vehicles with a regular-sized 
automobile. You can do it with a golf cart now, but on a lot of our 
freeways, it would be dangerous. [Laughter] Yours, too.
    The fundamental question facing America is, how fast can we develop 
zero-emission coal-fired electricity plants? And we're spending a lot of 
money there, and we look forward to sharing technologies with our allies 
and friends and people who need help.
    And so we've got a very strong agenda that I'm looking forward to 
sharing in the G-8. And one of the things I'm going to do is encourage 
others to step up to the research and development arena. They ought to 
be spending as much as we are. They ought to be investing. And then we 
ought to be willing to share that technology with developing countries.
    And, finally, if you're really interested in solving greenhouse 
gases and making sure your economy grows, you ought to be for civilian 
nuclear power, Klaus.
    Q. I'm open. [Laughter]
    The President. There you go. You're my man. And we're spending--
we're advancing an interesting initiative with Russia, Japan, France, 
Great Britain on coming up with new technologies on fast-burner reactors 
in order to be able to deal with the waste issue.
    Anyway, there's a lot to talk about, and so I'm looking forward to 
it. It's an important subject, just like feeding the hungry is 
important; just like solving HIV/AIDS on the continent of Africa is 
important; just like dealing with malaria is important; just like poor 
children, particularly women, girls, getting an education is important. 
These are all important initiatives, and I can't wait to discuss them 
there.
    Marcin.

U.S. Visa Policy

    Q. Yes, last time you were in Eastern Europe, last year in Estonia 
and Latvia, you promised changes in visa regime for your close allies. 
Now many months----
    The President. I promised I would work on it.
    Q. Many months went by.
    The President. Marcin, make sure you quote me correctly.
    Q. Okay.
    The President. Yes, let me talk about it. It affects the Czech 
Republic; it affects Poland; and it affects Bulgaria.
    I fully understand the frustrations of countries and people of 
countries who have supported friendship with the United States. And they 
look at neighbors in the EU or NATO and say, wait a minute, we're 
treated differently. I understand that.
    This is an issue that your leaders have spoken very candidly with 
me. And I told them I didn't--I thought it was unfair that the German 
citizen be given a type of visa and not the Polish citizen. And we're 
working closely with Congress to change long-standing law. And I said I 
would--first of all, we set up a way forward, a roadmap to visa changes. 
And I said I would work with our Congress to come up with a fair law 
that treated people fairly, and we are. We have yet to pass the law, but 
we are working with Congress.
    There is, as you may or may not know, a healthy immigration debate 
taking place in

[[Page 723]]

the United States. I'm a big proponent of what we call comprehensive 
immigration reform, as I am a proponent of visa reform, visa waiver 
reform.
    I can't give you a firm prediction as to exactly when this will 
emerge from Congress, but we're working hard to see if we can't get it 
done.
    Maurizio.

President's Upcoming Visit to Italy/Italy's Role in Afghanistan

    Q. Mr. President, you said that you hope that your arrival will 
boost Mr. Prodi's energy on Afghanistan.
    The President. No, let me rephrase that. Can I restate that?
    Q. Of course.
    The President. I don't want to boost his energy. I do want to sit 
down and talk to him about how important the Italian commitment is to 
Afghanistan and its future, is really what I meant to say.
    Q. And that was what my question was about. What would you like 
Italy to do in Afghanistan and, more in general, in the war on terror? 
How do you see Italy as a global partner on this issue? And also if you 
can spend a few words on the protesters that will receive you in Rome. 
They are very angry.
    The President. Oh, yes? I'm going to meet some protesters in Rome 
again? [Laughter]
    Q. They declared a ``No Bush Day.''
    The President. First of all, when you go to free societies, you tend 
to see protesters. Freedom of speech, that's what we're talking about. 
It's what happens when you travel. I presume there's going to be a few 
in Germany, just like there were--listen, when world leaders get 
together, or a leader shows up that people pay attention to, people get 
on TV by protesting. They've got different causes, and they want to 
express themselves. And I welcome going to a society where people are 
free to speak. That's actually a healthy thing. It's a sign of a robust 
society. We had a few, one time, in Genoa, if you remember.
    Q. Who doesn't remember?
    The President. Yes. Anyway, that's what happens when world leaders 
get together. Now the other----
    Q. And the other question was about Afghanistan, Italy's role in 
Afghanistan.
    The President. Yes, it's a very important role. First of all, 
commitment to Afghanistan, itself, helps. Basically it says to the 
Afghan people, we want to help you; we know you're struggling. And it 
encourages people. The idea of saying we're a robust, free society, and 
we want to stand with you as you try to develop your own society in your 
own image is important to the psychology of the country.
    Secondly, Italy is making significant contribution--police training, 
judicial training. It's an important commitment. And in the war on 
terror, the idea of sharing intelligence when we find it, it's in both 
our interests. If we know somebody is plotting and planning in Italy, 
we'll share that information, and vice versa. And that's really what 
matters, is the ability to talk to each other in such a way that if we 
have information that is beneficial for one or the other, we're 
comfortable enough of sharing that information so we can protect 
ourselves.
    Make no mistake about it, the enemy wants to strike again. We work a 
lot trying to find out where. This enemy is dangerous. These are 
ideologues who have got ambitions, and it's very important that we all 
take them seriously. The temptation is to say, well, maybe they're not 
that dangerous anymore. I'm telling you, they're dangerous, and they 
need the full commitment of free nations, the commitment to work 
together, the commitment to watch their finances, the commitment to 
understand what they're thinking and what they're doing. And they're 
moving. And they'll kill you like that in order to achieve their 
objectives, make no mistake about it. And the temptation is to say, oh, 
no, it's just a couple of guys that aren't that dangerous. They're 
dangerous, and I will remind our friends. Italy has been a strong 
partner in a lot of areas, and I appreciate it.
    Petar.

The Presidency/U.S. Foreign Policy/Alternative Fuel Sources

    Q. Back to Russia--you know that sometimes you spoke about the 
energy and energy

[[Page 724]]

security. Sometimes energy is used as a political tool, especially if 
there is a sense of--in Eastern Europe that Russia is using its oil and 
gas as a political tool. Do you have any leverage on Russia and the 
Kremlin in this field of energy security?
    And if you allow, a second, more personal question.
    The President. Yes, go ahead.
    Q. Just 18 months from now your second term expires. And very 
crucial events happened during both your terms, and crucial decisions 
were taken here in this building. What world and what future for this 
great country do you envision in the next, say, 10 to 25 years from now?
    The President. Thanks. I do have--I don't know, 19 months?
    Q. Eighteen.
    The President. Who's counting? [Laughter] I'm going to sprint--first 
thing you've got to know about me is I'm going to sprint to the finish. 
I've got a lot to do. And I'm going to work as hard as I can to get it 
done. You've heard me talk about a lot of issues. We've got an 
engagement in Iraq and Afghanistan, on HIV/AIDS and feeding the hungry 
and dealing with proliferation and working on the environment. There's a 
lot to do, a lot of big issues. A lot to do here at home too--keep taxes 
low. I'm a tax cutter. I believe people ought to have more money in 
their pocket; that's how you grow your economies. We're talking about 
health care, a big education reform, and immigration reform.
    There's a lot to do, and I don't have that much time to think beyond 
my Presidency. I'm occupied with the moment. That's the way--I'll put a 
lot of energy into the final 18 months and give it my all. That's all 
you can do in life is give it your best. That's what I'm going to do. I 
owe that to the American people. I believe we're going to get a lot done 
too.
    My concern for America is that we never become an isolationist 
nation or a protectionist nation. We've had those tendencies in the 
past. I'm not suggesting that's where we are, but I am worried that that 
might happen at some point in time. It's easy to say, ``Well, the 
competition is too tough; let's just not trade,'' or, ``It's too 
difficult to fight the terrorists,'' or, ``It's too difficult to help 
advance democracy; let's just kind of retreat.'' I think it would be a 
huge mistake for America. I would hope that 15 years from now America 
still works with other nations to advance liberty.
    I remind people about my Japanese friend Prime Minister Koizumi, now 
Prime Minister Abe, Shinzo Abe, a good guy. Isn't it interesting that 
the U.S. President sits at the table with the Japanese Prime Minister to 
talk about peace, and my father fought them, and they were the sworn 
enemy? And now we're working together on peace. Same thing can happen if 
the United States stays engaged and helps societies become free 
societies. Liberty has got an amazing way of transforming enemies into 
friends. Same in Germany, in many ways. We're allies. Angela Merkel and 
I are very close. I would hope the United States would never lose sight 
of that capacity.
    And the other question?
    Q. About Russia, political----
    The President. Oh, the energy, yes. Here's the thing: You've got 
your worries about supplies of energy, and so do I, where we get our 
energy from. And therefore, our strategy is to diversify. If you're 
interested in reducing dependence on crude oil, then what you do is 
develop different ways to power your automobiles. And so we're using 
corn to power our automobiles. That way we don't have to use gasoline 
and therefore use crude oil as a feedstock.
    My goal is to make us nearly totally independent from foreign 
sources of oil. And that ought to be the goal of a nation that worries 
from sole-source supplier, that you ought to figure out different ways 
to do it. How do you do it? Well, you can do it through nuclear 
technology, for example; as opposed to using natural gas to power your 
electricity, use nuclear technology. Hopefully, we can come with clean 
coal technologies so that you can burn coal.
    We need to do it in the United States. We've got about 250 years of 
coal supply. Coal is a particular problem when it comes to pollution; we 
know that. We spent about $2 billion--$2 billion on your FutureGen 
plant, clean coal technologies. We believe that we'll be able to develop 
a coal-fired plant

[[Page 725]]

that has zero emissions. And when that technology comes to fruition, if 
you can get yourself some coal, you've got your ability to diversify 
away from sole-source supplier of energy. And that's what technology is 
going to yield.
    I truly believe over the next 10 to 20 years, you're going to see 
some amazing technological breakthroughs. And I believe and hope that 
those technological breakthroughs will make a lot of the discussions 
we're having here at the beginning of the 21st century moot, relative to 
energy security and environmental quality. I believe some of the 
discussions I have had with you about battery technologies will be real. 
I don't know if you know this, we're spending over a billion dollars on 
hydrogen technologies. We believe that cars will be powered by hydrogen, 
which will obviously relieve pressure on crude oil dependence. The 
emissions of hydrogen-driven automobiles is going to be driblets of 
water, which will be good for the environment.
    And, you know, I would hope that mankind doesn't lose faith in the 
capacity of technology to transform the way we live in positive ways. 
Here in America, what's interesting is to watch some of the investment 
flows of private capital. We're a system based upon private capital. And 
so I talked about, in my speech today, about public capital investment, 
public tax dollars going into research and development, over $12 billion 
over the years that I've been President.
    But there's enormous sums of money going into the private markets as 
well because people see economic opportunity can be derived by new 
energy technologies. And it's that synergy to be derived from public 
participation and public policy, the declaration of a mandatory fuel 
standard coupled with private sector investments that could yield 
breakthroughs.
    And it's also healthy that there be competition. I like the idea 
that the Japanese are pushing hard for battery technologies. I want our 
people pushing hard for battery technologies. Competition is healthy. It 
yields better product for consumers. It makes us all work more 
efficiently and wiser in the end.
    And so I'm an optimistic guy. I think when you look back 10 or 20 
years from now, you'll be amazed at what happens. And I'm excited to be 
a part of it. I've got 18 more months to be a part of it here in this 
capacity, and it's going to be an exciting 18 months.
    Anyway, thank you for your time. Looking forward to seeing you over 
there. Yes, enjoyed it. Good visit.

Note: The interview was taped at 1:20 p.m. in the Roosevelt Room at the 
White House. In his remarks, the President referred to President Vaclav 
Klaus, Prime Minister Mirek Topolanek, and former President Vaclav Havel 
of the Czech Republic; Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany; President 
Vladimir Putin of Russia; Prime Minister Romano Prodi of Italy; 
Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates; President Lech Kaczynski of 
Poland; Prime Minister Fuad Siniora of Lebanon; and President Jose 
Manuel Durao Barroso of the European Commission. The transcript was 
released by the Office of the Press Secretary on June 1. A tape was not 
available for verification of the content of this interview.