[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 43, Number 10 (Monday, March 12, 2007)]
[Pages 271-279]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]
<R04>
Interview With Foreign Print Journalists
March 6, 2007
The President. Thanks for coming. I'm very much looking forward to
my trip. I believe that a peaceful neighborhood and a prosperous
neighborhood is in the interest of the United States of America. My trip
is an opportunity to remind the folks in our neighborhood that the
United States has a robust policy toward empowering individuals to
realize their full potential.
I gave a speech yesterday that I outlined a vision of a nation that
cares about the human condition. I spoke in terms of dollars
[[Page 272]]
being spent, but more significantly, I spoke in terms of programs that
are actually empowering and helping people improve their lives. And
that's my message. My message is that the United States is a--should be
viewed as a constructive partner in helping deal with significant
issues, whether they be the issues of prosperity or education or health.
I'm really looking forward to going down and visiting with the
respective leaders with whom I'll be meeting. These are men I respect.
These are people whose opinions matter. And I'm confident we'll have a
good trip.
And with that, we'll go around the room and answer questions, and
then I've got to go give a speech to the American Legion, and you're
welcome to come and listen to it if you'd like to. Are you going to
listen to it, Holland [Steve Holland, Reuters]?
Q. Yes, sir.
The President. That's good.
Q. Absolutely.
The President. Will you cover it objectively? Of course you will;
what am I thinking? [Laughter]
Do you want to start? Jose, where are you from?
Q. Mexico.
The President. So are you from Brazil?
Q. Yes.
The President. We'll go this way--this is the order of the trip:
Uruguay, Colombia, Guatemala, y Mexico. Thank you, Patricia.
Q. So I start, right?
The President. Please.
Brazil-U.S. Relations/Alternative Fuel Sources
Q. Mr. President, my first question is, I would like to know, what
is the importance of the development of this new ethanol market,
regional market, in political and economical terms? And how is that
going to strengthen U.S.-Brazil relations?
The President. First, U.S.-Brazilian relations are strong. I can
remember my first visit with President Lula. He wasn't sure what to
expect when he came to the Oval Office, and frankly, I wasn't sure what
to expect when he came. You know, people have reputations that precede
them in life. And yet, after we spent a brief period of time, we both
came to realize, we share the same concerns--particularly for the poor,
and we both represent big, influential nations; and that we can work
together to achieve common objectives.
And one such objective is human rights and rule of law, a civil
society that empowers individuals; that we believe government ought to
respond to people and that people ought to have the ultimate say in the
fate of government. And those were common principles. We came from
different political directions--I readily concede--but nevertheless,
when we listened carefully, we found common ground. And that puts us in
a position where we can work in practical ways to address significant
problems.
One such problem is trade, and President Lula and I will spend time
on the Doha round to determine whether or not we're able to advance Doha
in a constructive way that benefits our nations and, equally
importantly, the world's poor. The best way to alleviate poverty is for
there to be prosperity, and one way to enhance prosperity is through a
world that trades freely and fairly.
The other area--another area of common ground is changing our energy
uses. My last trip to Brazil, I was briefed extensively on Brazil's
capacity to use its raw materials to develop a vast ethanol industry.
And I was impressed by the progress Brazil has made. It reminded me of--
the progress Brazil has made has reminded me of the vast potential that
agricultural can make on the energy front.
So I now return to Brazil with a robust domestic agenda on ethanol.
We had already had an agenda on ethanol, but it's now even more robust
as a result of a mandatory fuel standard I laid out that said, the
United States will be consuming about 35 billion gallons of ethanol.
The political implications of that, at least for the United States,
are profound, in that we become less dependent on oil, which is good for
our national security, as well as it helps us be good stewards of the
environment. I happen to believe that the United States and Brazil can
work together to, for example, share technologies with others in the
region, which will help them become less
[[Page 273]]
dependent on oil. And that's important, because dependency on oil
exposes economies to the whims of the marketplace.
As China's demand for oil continues, if there's not a corresponding
increase in international supply, what happens in China affects the
ability of someone in Latin America to be able to keep more money--in
other words, the gas prices go up. There is a direct correlation. And we
live in a global economy, in which global economics--I mean, live in a
global world in which global economics affects the lives of a lot of
people in our neighborhood. And so becoming less dependent on oil will
enhance the economic security of the region, and that's important
because prosperity in the region is important for the United States. We
want our friends and neighbors to be prosperous.
Anyway, thank you. Daniel.
Uruguay-U.S. Free Trade Agreement
Q. Recently, Uruguay and the United States signed a framework
agreement on trade and investments. Now, how far do you think the United
States and Uruguay can advance towards a free trade agreement? And
taking into account that in the Uruguayan Government there are differing
opinions on this subject and our President, a few days ago in a speech
in reference to your trip, he said--he defined his Government as anti-
imperialist----
The President. As anti-imperialist? Fine, that's--I would hope he
would define my Government as profreedom. But back to the free trade
issue. I think that--first of all, there are countervailing pressures in
my own Government. People shouldn't take for granted that the United
States wants to have trade agreements. As a matter of fact, there's a
strong protectionist sentiment in America. I strongly resist those
temptations. It's in our interests to be a nation which treats others
the same way we want to be treated in the marketplace. Again, I repeat,
I know it's in the interest of the poor to have markets open for their
products.
And so I will go to Uruguay as a strong defender of trade. I fully
understand there are local sensitivities. I fully understand that there
are pressures on leaders regarding trade and that sometimes, it takes a
period of time for people to get comfortable with different types of
trading agreements. And therefore, I will make my case about why I hope
we can continue what has been a constructive relationship with Uruguay
without pressing the case beyond that, which is politically possible.
And again, I will assure the President that I will be--we want to
listen to concerns, we will work closely as friends. And I will remind
him that here at home, it's not an easy sell, necessarily, and that if
he believes trade is in the interests of his country and I believe it's
in mine, we've both got to work constructively to achieve common
objectives.
As to characterizations of the United States, I will remind him that
we are a generous, compassionate nation that believes in peace. And that
on the one hand, we'll protect ourselves from attacks that I'm convinced
the enemy wants to launch on America again. It's my most solemn duty.
But at the same time, I'll remind him that the advance of liberty, the
advance of human rights and human dignity is in our national interests.
Anyway, I'm looking forward to the trip. It's going to be--I'm told
it's a beautiful country. I've never been to Uruguay, and I'm looking
forward to it.
Carlos.
Colombian Government/Plan Colombia II
Q. Thank you, Mr. President, for the invitation.
The President. Por nada.
Q. Por la invitacion.
The President. Si. Por nada.
Q. Thank you. In the last few months, Colombia has been shocked by
scandal of possible links between paramilitary groups, which are
terrorist organizations, and members of Congress as well as public
officials. Given the fact that until now, only close allies and
collaborators of President Alvaro Uribe have been involved in this
scandal, can this scandal affect the support that your Government is
giving to the Government of Colombia?
The President. President Uribe has made it very clear that he is
going to--he promotes and expects there to be a full investigation
[[Page 274]]
of any allegations. And as a result of strengthening the prosecutorial
offices, he has sent a signal that if, in fact, there are allegations
that are worthy of further investigation and the facts lead to
prosecution, he will fully prosecute. And to me, that gives me great
comfort in seeing his strong leadership. And I believe that that
leadership will stand him in good stead with our Congress.
The budget I've submitted is one that's a little less than last year
but, nevertheless, is a strong commitment to a Plan Colombia II. One of
the reasons why the budget is a little less than last year is, it goes
to show the progress that Colombia is making. In my judgment, President
Uribe has done a fabulous job for leading that country. He's been very
strong and very resolute, and it's an impressive record. Secondly, the
economy is improving, as you know, and therefore, Colombia can carry
more of the load of II. But nevertheless, the commitment is a
significant commitment, and I will work very hard with Congress to get
that commitment passed in the budget.
Eduardo.
Narcotics and Drug Trafficking/Crime Prevention
Q. Hi, Mr. President, thank you very much.
The President. How are you? Thanks for coming.
Q. Mr. President, a lot of people in Guatemala and in Central
America is worried about the violence that might be generated by
organized crime, gangs, and drug trafficking. How severe would you say
this problem is? And how the Government of the United States can work
together with Guatemala and the other Central American countries to
fight this problem?
The President. Well, that's a common issue that we have with our
very important friend to the south. It is an issue that concerns both
Mexico and the United States. The issue of crime in Central America
concerns both Mexico and the United States because, oftentimes, that
crime can be exported into either country.
My attitude is that the United States can help provide Justice
Department and information sharing--Justice Department collaboration
with their respective people in government.
In terms of narcotrafficking, the first thing the United States can
do is convince our people to stop using drugs. If there's a demand,
inevitably there will be a supply, so we have an obligation here at home
to work to reduce drug usage. If people don't find a better market--if
people don't find a healthy market, there will be less pressure to
produce drugs.
Secondly, we can enforce our borders and make it harder for drug
dealers to be able to get their drugs to market. One way to better
enforce our borders, besides stepping up presence on our border, is to
pass a comprehensive immigration bill in the Congress, one that says
that the person coming to do work that Americans aren't doing doesn't
have to sneak across the border, thereby enabling our Border Patrol to
be able to focus on narcotrafficking. In other words, you can raise the
cost of getting drugs into our country by making it harder for them to
penetrate our borders.
Thirdly, we can work internally with governments, and do. We do a
lot of bilateral work. I don't want to jump to--I'm not going to jump to
the next country, but one perfect example is the cooperation and
collaboration between Mexico and the United States on helping each other
with information sharing.
Fourthly, we have got Central American gangs in the United States,
that as we find and arrest, we can share information we learn from them
with the host government. So there's a lot of collaboration efforts.
The best way, however, to ultimately deal with crime, besides
reducing the demand for their product, is to enhance prosperity. And
that's why CAFTA is an important agreement. We would rather people try
to make a living honestly. And therefore, there needs to be hope; there
needs to be the possibility of that honest living to be able to be made
so that youngsters don't turn--feel they have to turn to crime.
And finally, a social program, social justice programs, like
education; the United States spends a lot of money in Latin America on
education programs, programs aimed at either training teachers to teach
and/or direct aid to education programs throughout our hemisphere. An
educated child is one that
[[Page 275]]
will have a hopeful future, and therefore, less likely to be recruited
into a criminal gang.
Hombre.
Mexico-U.S. Border Issues/Immigration Reform
Q. Gracias.
The President. Si.
Q. Thank you, Mr. President.
The President. Si.
Q. Again, thank you for the invitation. And my question goes in the
same sense as my friend Eduardo.
The President. I thought so. I thought it might. [Laughter]
Q. Yes, as you know, President Calderon has positioned himself at
the forefront in the war against drugs, and especially on violence that
derives from drug trafficking. What do you think should be Mr.
Calderon's next step? And would his efforts now motivate the U.S. to be
more conscience in stopping illegal weapons crossing the border, north
to south?
The President. It's a very interesting question. Mexico is rightly
concerned that there are traffickers taking contraband from our country
into Mexico. Just like we're concerned that there are traffickers
bringing humans and/or drugs from south to north, which means that we
have got to commit ourselves to rational border policy that will work.
I'll repeat what I said earlier about comprehensive immigration
reform: I'm a strong supporter of comprehensive immigration reform. I
believe strongly that a comprehensive bill will make it easier to focus
on drugs and guns if people don't feel like they've got to sneak into
the United States.
Secondly, such a bill will enable us to--it will help us dismantle
an industry that has sprung up that uses human beings as product, as
chattel. And that's unacceptable to this country. Now the incentive is
for people who want to do work that Americans aren't doing, is to pay
money to be stuffed in the back of an 18-wheeler, for example, and
driven across and ducked out in the desert, where they hope somebody
will come and rescue them and take them to a motel or a house where they
have to rent, and then they finally work their way toward work. The
industry that has sprung up as a result of the current immigration law
is inhumane, and it doesn't reflect the values of the United States.
So to answer your question about drugs moving one way and guns
moving the other, immigration reform will help. It will mean that the
people and assets we have on the border can be focused on precisely that
which you're concerned about.
Now, as to President Calderon's next steps, that's up to him, and
one purpose of my visit--it to listen to his strategy. It's a Mexican
strategy. I have confidence that this man, elected by the people, will
devise a strategy that is best for Mexico. And the role of the United
States is not to devise a strategy but is to listen very carefully as to
how we can help implement that strategy, and part of my visit is to be a
listener and a partner.
And I appreciate the strong stance that President Calderon has
taken. He has shown courage because he is committing the stake to take
on some very powerful, very rich, and very lethal people. And that takes
courage, and I admire courage when it comes to leaders in public office.
Patricia.
We'll go one more round, then I've got to go give a speech, which
Holland says he's going to go listen to. [Laughter]
President's Upcoming Visit to Central and South America/U.S. Foreign Aid
Q. There's a perception that one of the objectives of your trip is
to strengthen relations with the countries that are U.S. friends. So my
question is, what do you think of the rise of this so-called alternative
development model, championed by President Chavez, that calls for
nationalization, greater government intervention? And what is Brazil's
role in the region, taking that new development model into account?
The President. Each leader is going to have to adopt a governing
style and an economic model that they believe yields to prosperity for
their people. I strongly believe that government-run industry is
inefficient and will lead to more poverty. I believe if the state tries
to run the economy, it will enhance poverty and reduce opportunity. So
the United States brings a message of open markets and open government
to the region.
[[Page 276]]
My trip is to remind the people of Central and South America that we
live in the same neighborhood and that the United States is committed to
empowering individuals to realize their God-given potential.
I would like to cite some statistics for you, just to help prove my
case. Since I have been the President, the line item for traditional
bilateral aid has doubled, from about $800 million a year to $1.6
billion for the region. And that's a total, when you total all up the
money that is spent, because of the generosity of our taxpayers, that's
$8.5 billion to programs that promote social justice--for example,
promote education and health.
The reason I bring that up, it's very important for me to remind our
own people as to why it's important to continue to be generous in our
neighborhood. If you're interested in peace, then you've got to be
interested in prosperity and hope. Our programs are aimed at encouraging
hope.
Secondly, there's about--make sure I get this right, here--there's
about $350 billion of direct foreign investment in the region. Now
that's important because investment yields jobs. And wise economic
policy recognizes that investment can help improve the lives of the
worker or the person who's anxious to make a living.
In my speech yesterday, I pointed out the fact that, by far, the
vast majority of people in our neighborhood are really hard-working,
decent, family-oriented people who just need a chance. And a direct
foreign investment--that means somebody believing that the investment
climate is worthy of investment--helps that working person, that hard-
working person find employment.
And so our presence in the region is sometimes very quiet, but very
effective. And one part of--main purpose of the trip is to tell people
that we take the region and its problems very seriously and have got a
good record.
And we'll let others make their case as to how best to proceed.
We'll let others come and explain why their point of view makes sense.
All I can tell you is that I believe that the system of government and
the system of economies that we promote is fair.
Now, I fully recognize that until people actually feel progress in
their pocketbook, that there's going to be frustrations with forms of
government. But that doesn't mean you kind of revert to something that I
don't believe will work. It does mean you've got to make sure that the
aid and the progress that you're making actually helps.
Daniel.
Central and South America-U.S. Relations
Q. I'm going to do a followup on that question----
The President. Okay. Sure.
Q. For example, we, in Uruguay, we are seeing President Chavez's
policy of financial agreements and commercial agreements on investments.
And he's also going to Argentina on the same day that you are going to
Uruguay, and he's even holding a street rally in Buenos Aires on that
same day. I want to know how you view this----
The President. Look, I dare--I go a lot of places, and there are
street rallies. And my attitude is, I love freedom and the right for
people to express themselves. I bring a message of good will to Uruguay
and to the region. My trip is one that says, let's find ways to work
together for the common good. And the United States has got a strong
record of helping people, and I'm really proud of it.
And it is very important for the American people to hear firsthand
our concerns about our neighborhood in order for them to continue to
support programs, such as the Millennium Challenge Account, which is an
$855 million program, and encouraging good governance in the region; or
the education for the--we've got a new teacher initiative we've laid
out, and we believe by, I think it's 2008, we'll have trained 20,000
teachers.
There are a lot of--you've got to understand that in a country where
there are isolationist tendencies, where people sometimes say, ``It's
not our problem,'' that the President has got to be constantly reminding
people that poverty in our neighborhood is our problem. So the trip
gives me an opportunity to highlight successes and to point out
challenges so that the American people stay engaged.
One of the great assets in our country is the fact that there are
compassionate people
[[Page 277]]
that are willing to go into parts of the world where there's desperation
and poverty. You know, our faith-based programs, for example. I'm not
sure to the extent to which they've gone to Uruguay, but I know in
Guatemala, there is an extensive program to help poor workers find
market access so they can make a living. I'm going to visit one such
program.
Our military--people think of the United States military as war
fighters, and they are when the Commander in Chief puts them in such a
situation, but our military is building health clinics throughout
Central America, for example, in a very quiet way. And my trip will help
herald some of the programs we're doing. One, we're trying to convince
the American people it's worth it; and secondly, reminding our neighbors
that we care.
Carlos.
Colombia-U.S. Free Trade Agreement
Q. Mr. President, in Colombia, there are growing concerns about two
initiatives that the U.S. Congress is now considering. One is the free
trade agreement with Colombia, and the aid package for 2008. Democrats
in Congress have already raised some objections about labor, ecological,
and human rights issues concerning the FTA. In the case of the aid
package, some people in your administration have said that Colombia
should assume more costs of Plan Colombia in the future. Also, Democrats
are already talking about reducing the aid.
What will your administration do to increase the possibility for the
approval of the FTA? And should Colombia expect to have a reduction in
the aid it receives in the years to come?
The President. First, I will defend our budget strongly, that we've
submitted to Congress, which, as I described earlier, does have a
reduction, but only because we think Colombia is more capable of funding
certain aspects of the program. But nevertheless, it is a robust
program. And I look forward to telling President Uribe that he can count
on the United States defending that which we sent up to Congress. That's
what we believe is the right number, and we will vigorously defend the
number.
Free trade with Colombia and Peru are coming up for votes. And like
all free trade agreements, we will battle for their passage. Now,
obviously, to the extent that we could--and by the way, the President
has been here working hard, been making phone calls. But these are tough
votes. And the reason I mention these tough votes, again, is that people
shouldn't take access to the U.S. market for granted. I mean, the CAFTA
vote was a tough vote, and we worked hard, along with the leaders. And
this will be a tough vote; I don't want to send any other signal but
that. On the other hand, it's an important vote. And we want to--and I
call upon Democrats to understand the consequences of this vote--and
Republicans. Members of Congress have got to understand that when we
negotiate in good faith a free trade agreement that the--they need to
understand the consequences of not supporting it.
And so I'm--this will not be my first trade battle, nor will it be
my last, hopefully--but it's going to be a battle. And we look forward
to working with the Government to get it passed.
Eduardo.
Trade/Prosperity in the Americas
Q. Mr. President, so far, what's your evaluation of the impact of
the free trade with Central America? And what do you expect in the
medium and long term to be delivered by the CAFTA? And how the countries
of Central America and the United States can work together to improve or
to make it better, the trade between countries?
The President. There are great expectations when trade agreements
get signed that all of the sudden, there's going to be instant
prosperity. But that's not the way it works. Economies develop. And I
fully understand that in parts of Central America, when people heard
that U.S. markets were open and the CAFTA markets were open that there
would be--people say, well, we've done this to increase prosperity. And
so there's--I'm sure there's some expectations that have not been met.
Part of my messaging in Central America will be that opening markets
is the first step toward more prosperity. Now, I'm going to go to a
program, Labradores Mayas, that is a great example of what is possible
for an indigenous farmer that was scratching out a
[[Page 278]]
living, ends up kind of establishing a co-op, goes and gets a loan,
which, by the way, is an essential part of our program--and that is to
provide microloans to people to be able to begin to realize dreams. And
it works. It's actually a very effective program.
This was one such program. It was what, a micro thing, but
nevertheless, the co-op was able to then develop an irrigation system,
which then made their production of high-specialty crops more efficient.
I can't wait to see this. The one reason I go is to herald what is
possible. It is a reminder that the United States approach to the region
is not a political approach, but it is a human approach. It is one that
emphasizes that human potential exists and that the best programs are
those that elevate the potential.
So I will try to help deal with expectations, Eduardo, about how
markets evolve. And one way for me to do so is to remind people about
the effects of NAFTA with our important neighbor to the south, Mexico.
When I grew up in Texas, the border, la frontera, was like a third
world on both sides of the border. And then in the early nineties, NAFTA
was passed. But there wasn't instant successes. It took awhile for
people to realize how the inevitable adjustments that will come when
people start accessing market. And if you were to go down to the border
today, you'd be stunned at the prosperity on both sides of the border
because of trade.
And yet today, obviously, it's 2007, and this is 16 years later.
Now, when I was the Governor of Texas--I was elected--I was sworn-in
'95--we were beginning to see the benefits of the NAFTA trade on the
border. But it took awhile. And I understand if you're poor, it's hard
to be patient. I fully understand that. And so there's a natural tension
between the expectations of prosperity and the need to scratch out a
living.
To answer your question, in the long run, what ends up happening is,
again, I think the Mexican model is good to look at, because we're
constantly dealing with trade disputes. There will be the argument over
the--whatever. Since I've been President, we've dealt with Mexico on a
variety of fronts, like, I think tomatoes or corn, whatever--avocados,
exactly, por cierto--cement. There's a constant need to evaluate the
trade agreements and to deal with the natural tensions that grow up.
It's not easy to have a trading relationship, but it's a lot more
hopeful than not having a trading relationship, is my view.
And that's why my discussions with President Lula on the Doha round
are going to be very important. Brazil is a major player in the
international community. And the Doha round, in my judgment, is a vital
round that we would like to see progress, because I'd repeat to you that
a system that trades fairly and a system with more open markets is one
that allows people to more likely rise out of poverty. A successful
round of Doha is by far the most effective poverty-alleviating program
in the world.
Anyway. The final question. Jose.
Energy
Q. Mr. President, from your past experience----
The President. Joe.
Q. Gracias.
The President. Jorge. Jorge W. [Laughter]
Q. From your past experience in the energy sector, you know that
Mexico and Canada are strategic partners for the U.S.--through the
subject of energy. And what benefits do you think that Mexico will get,
and also its neighbors, from a position of opening its energy sector to
private investment?
The President. Jose was right that our biggest suppliers of energy
are Canada and Mexico, and that's good. I'd much rather be getting
energy from stable sources that are friendly than from sources that are
unstable and not friendly. And since we import about 60 percent of our
crude oil from overseas, we are obviously dependent upon stability--one
reason why, Jose, that it's important for us to work with countries to
help develop a more robust ethanol and biofuels industry. And I believe
it's coming. However, having said that, we're still going to require
oil. And to the extent that Mexico makes the decision internally to be
able to attract enough capital to expand to keep up with world demand,
that would be positive. But most of all, it would be positive for
Mexico.
Mexico has got a valuable asset in its energy sector. The demand for
that energy is significant, however, the exploitation of that
[[Page 279]]
energy requires significant investment. It requires investment to keep
their sector--the current sector modernized, and as you all know, that
as Mexico continues to expand its production in deeper waters in the
Gulf of Mexico, that requires even more capital investment. So to the
extent that the Government feels comfortable being able to track sources
of capital outside of the Government cashflow, to me that would be
something that certainly ought to considered by President Calderon.
And we're fortunate that Canada and Mexico are vibrant energy
producers.
Okay? Looking forward to the trip.
Cuba
Q. A final one on Castro?
The President. On Castro? Sure. Sure. The universal Castro question?
[Laughter] Can you come up with a unified question?
Q. What role can the countries of Latin America, like Brazil, like
other partners in Latin America, can play in the Cuban transition to
democracy?
The President. The message, in my judgment, to the world during a
transition period, is freedom--that we ought to expect that the Cuban
people have the right to express themselves openly without fear of
reprisal, to be able to express themselves at the ballot box, and to be
able to realize potential as a result of an open economy.
What I hope happens is that we together insist that transition
doesn't mean transition from one figure to another, but transition means
from one type of government to a different type of government, based
upon the will of the people. That will certainly be the position of the
United States. We believe the Cuban people ought to make the decision
for the future. We believe it ought to be up to the people, the long-
suffering people of that island to decide their fate, not the fate--not
to be decided because somebody is somebody's brother; the fate ought to
be decided because that's what the people want.
And I would hope those who have lived under the blessings of liberty
have the same message. Vamos a ver, cuando--how long he stays on Earth,
that's a decision that will be made by the Almighty. But once that
happens, once--you know, Fidel Castro may live--I don't know, I don't
know how long he's going to live--but nevertheless, I do believe that
the system of government that he's imposed upon the people ought not
live, if that's what the people decide.
Okay. Gracias.
Note: The interview was taped at 9:03 a.m. in the Roosevelt Room at the
White House. In his remarks, the President referred to President Luiz
Inacio Lula da Silva of Brazil; President Tabare Vazquez of Uruguay;
President Alvaro Uribe Velez of Colombia; President Felipe de Jesus
Calderon Hinojosa of Mexico; and President Fidel Castro Ruz and First
Vice President Raul Castro Ruz of Cuba. A reporter referred to President
Hugo Chavez Frias of Venezuela. The transcript was released by the
Office of the Press Secretary on March 7. The Office of the Press
Secretary also released a Spanish language transcript of this interview.
A tape was not available for verification of the content of this
interview.