[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 42, Number 35 (Monday, September 4, 2006)]
[Pages 1537-1544]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]
<R04>
Remarks at the American Legion National Convention in Salt Lake City
August 31, 2006
Thank you all very much. Please be seated. Thanks for the warm
welcome. It's great to join you here in one of America's most beautiful
cities. I appreciate your hospitality. I'm proud to stand before some of
our country's finest patriots, our veterans and their families. And I'm
pleased to call you my fellow Legionnaires--I suspect I may be the only
one here, though, from Post 77, Houston, Texas. That's what I thought.
[Laughter] If you're from Post 77, behave yourself here in Salt Lake.
[Laughter]
Laura did remind me the other night, though, that a few of my fellow
members--at least I've joined a few of my fellow members in another
illustrious organization, the ``Over 60 Club.'' [Laughter]
For almost 90 years, Legionnaires have stood proudly ``for God and
country.'' From big cities to small towns, the American Legion name
brings to mind the best of our Nation--decency, generosity, and
character. I thank you for a lifetime of service. I thank you for the
positive contributions you make to our Nation, and I'm proud to join you
today.
First, I want to thank Tom Bock, the national commander, for his
kind introduction and his strong leadership. I always am pleased to
welcome the commander to the Oval Office to discuss common issues, and
you've done a fine job leading this organization, Tom. I also want to
thank your wife, Elaine, and I particularly want to pay respect to your
son, Captain Bock of the United States Army, who's joined us today.
I appreciate being here with Carol Van Kirk, the national president
of the American Legion Auxiliary. And I want to thank all the Auxiliary
members who are with us here today as well.
I'm proud that the Governor of this great State, Jon Huntsman, and
his wife, Mary Kaye, have joined us. Governor, thank you for your time.
I'm also proud to be joined by two United States Senators who are strong
supporters of the United States military, Senator Orrin Hatch and
Senator Bob Bennett.
Members of the congressional delegation from the State of Utah have
joined us, Congressman Rob Bishop and Congressman Chris Cannon. Thank
you both for coming. Proud you're here. I thank the State Senator John
Valentine, who is the president of the Utah State Senate. I appreciate
Speaker Greg Curtis. I want to thank all the State and local officials
who have joined us here today. Most particularly, I want to thank you
all for giving me a chance to come and speak to you. I particularly want
to thank all the Gold Star families who have joined us today. May God
bless you. May God bless you.
As veterans, all of you stepped forward when America needed you
most. From north Africa to Normandy, Iwo Jima to Inchon, from Khe Sanh
to Kuwait, your courage and service have made it possible for
generations to live in liberty. And we owe you more than just thanks; we
owe you the support of the Federal Government. And so in my first 4
years as President, we increased funding for veterans more than the
previous administration did in 8 years. Since then, we've increased it
even more. My budget for this year provides more than $80 billion for
veterans--
[[Page 1538]]
that's a 75-percent increase since I took office. It's the highest level
of support for veterans in American history.
For many veterans, health care is a top priority, and it's a top
priority of my administration. When Congress passes my 2007 budget, we
will have increased the VA health care budget by 69 percent since 2001.
We've extended treatment to a million additional veterans, including
more than 300,000 men and women returning from Afghanistan and Iraq.
We're building new VA facilities in places where veterans are retiring
so that more veterans can get top-quality health care closer to their
homes.
I appreciate the Legion's strong history of care and compassion for
your fellow veterans. Earlier this week, I traveled to Mississippi and
Louisiana to mark the first anniversary of Hurricane Katrina. Veterans
were hit hard by this storm, and American Legion posts all across the
United States responded with vital relief. In an hour of suffering, you
showed the good heart of our Nation, and you showed the world that
America can always count on Legionnaires.
I also appreciate the Legion's long history of supporting wise
legislation in the Nation's Capital. Earlier this year, the Senate voted
on a constitutional amendment to ban flag desecration--we came within a
single vote of passing it. The administration looks forward to
continuing working with the American Legion to make sure we get this
important protection in the Constitution of the United States of
America.
Your organization supported another good piece of legislation called
the Respect for America's Fallen Heroes Act. This bill ensures that
families of fallen service members will not have to endure protests
during military funerals.
My administration will also continue to work to locate the men and
women in uniform whose fate is still undetermined, our prisoners of war
and personnel missing in action. We will not forget these brave
Americans. We must not rest until we've accounted for every soldier,
sailor, airman, coast-guardsman, and marine. And we will always honor
their courage.
At this hour, a new generation of Americans in uniform is showing
great courage in defending our freedom in the first war of the 21st
century. I know that Legionnaires are following this war closely,
especially those of you with family and friends who wear our uniform.
The images that come back from the frontlines are striking and sometimes
unsettling. When you see innocent civilians ripped apart by suicide
bombs or families buried inside their homes, the world can seem engulfed
in purposeless violence. The truth is, there is violence, but those who
cause it have a clear purpose. When terrorists murder at the World Trade
Center or car bombers strike in Baghdad or hijackers plot to blow up
planes over the Atlantic or terrorist militias shoot rockets at Israeli
towns, they are all pursuing the same objective--to turn back the
advance of freedom and impose a dark vision of tyranny and terror across
the world.
The enemies of liberty come from different parts of the world, and
they take inspiration from different sources. Some are radicalized
followers of the Sunni tradition who swear allegiance to terrorist
organizations like Al Qaida. Others are radicalized followers of the
Shi'a tradition who join groups like Hizballah and take guidance from
state sponsors like Syria and Iran. Still others are ``homegrown''
terrorists--fanatics who live quietly in free societies they dream to
destroy. Despite their differences, these groups from--form the outlines
of a single movement, a worldwide network of radicals that use terror to
kill those who stand in the way of their totalitarian ideology. And the
unifying feature of this movement, the link that spans sectarian
divisions and local grievances, is the rigid conviction that free
societies are a threat to their twisted view of Islam.
The war we fight today is more than a military conflict; it is the
decisive ideological struggle of the 21st century. On one side are those
who believe in the values of freedom and moderation--the right of all
people to speak and worship and live in liberty. And on the other side
are those driven by the values of tyranny and extremism--the right of a
self-appointed few to impose their fanatical views on all the rest. As
veterans, you have seen this kind of enemy before. They're
[[Page 1539]]
successors to Fascists, to Nazis, to Communists, and other totalitarians
of the 20th century. And history shows what the outcome will be: This
war will be difficult; this war will be long; and this war will end in
the defeat of the terrorists and totalitarians and a victory for the
cause of freedom and liberty.
We're now approaching the fifth anniversary of the day this war
reached our shores. As the horror of that morning grows more distant,
there is a tendency to believe that the threat is receding and this war
is coming to a close. That feeling is natural and comforting--and wrong.
As we recently saw, the enemy still wants to attack us. We're in a war
we didn't ask for, but it's a war we must wage and a war we will win.
In the coming days, I'll deliver a series of speeches describing the
nature of our enemy in the war on terror, the insights we've gained
about their aims and ambitions, the successes and setbacks we've
experienced, and our strategy to prevail in this long war. Today I'll
discuss a critical aspect of this war: the struggle between freedom and
terror in the Middle East, including the battle in Iraq, which is the
central front in our fight against terrorism.
To understand the struggle unfolding in the Middle East, we need to
look at the recent history of the region. For a half-century, America's
primary goal in the Middle East was stability. This was understandable
at the time; we were fighting the Soviet Union in the cold war, and it
was important to support Middle Eastern governments that rejected
communism. Yet over the decades, an undercurrent of danger was rising in
the Middle East. Much of the region was mired in stagnation and despair.
A generation of young people grew up with little hope to improve their
lives, and many fell under the sway of radical extremism. The terrorist
movement multiplied in strength, and resentment that had simmered for
years boiled over into violence across the world.
Extremists in Iran seized American hostages. Hizballah terrorists
murdered American troops at the Marine barracks in Beirut and Khobar
Towers in Saudi Arabia. Terrorists set off a truck bomb at the World
Trade Center. Al Qaida blew up two U.S. Embassies in east Africa and
bombed the USS Cole. Then came the nightmare of September the 11th,
2001, when 19 hijackers killed nearly 3,000 men, women, and children.
In the space of a single morning, it became clear that the calm we
saw in the Middle East was only a mirage. We realized that years of
pursuing stability to promote peace had left us with neither. Instead,
the lack of freedom in the Middle East made the region an incubator for
terrorist movements.
The status quo in the Middle East before September the 11th was
dangerous and unacceptable, so we're pursuing a new strategy. First,
we're using every element of national power to confront Al Qaida, those
who take inspiration from them, and other terrorists who use similar
tactics. We have ended the days of treating terrorism simply as a law
enforcement matter. We will stay on the offense. We will fight the
terrorists overseas so we do not have to face them here at home.
Second, we have made it clear to all nations: If you harbor
terrorists, you are just as guilty as the terrorists. You're an enemy of
the United States, and you will be held to account.
And third, we've launched a bold new agenda to defeat the ideology
of the enemy by supporting the forces of freedom in the Middle East and
beyond. The freedom agenda is based upon our deepest ideals and our
vital interests. Americans believe that every person of every religion
on every continent has the right to determine his or her own destiny. We
believe that freedom is a gift from an Almighty God, beyond any power on
Earth to take away. And we also know, by history and by logic, that
promoting democracy is the surest way to build security. Democracies
don't attack each other or threaten the peace. Governments accountable
to the voters focus on building roads and schools, not weapons of mass
destruction. Young people who have a say in their future are less likely
to search for meaning in extremism. Citizens who can join a peaceful
political party are less likely to join a terrorist organization.
Dissidents with the freedom to protest around the clock are less likely
to blow themselves up during rush hour. And nations that commit to
freedom for their people will not support terrorists--they will join us
in defeating them.
[[Page 1540]]
So America has committed its influence in the world to advancing
freedom and democracy as the great alternatives to repression and
radicalism. We will take the side of democratic leaders and reformers
across the Middle East. We will support the voices of tolerance and
moderation in the Muslim world. We stand with the mothers and fathers in
every culture who want to see their children grow up in a caring and
peaceful world. And by supporting the cause of freedom in a vital
region, we'll make our children and our grandchildren more secure.
Over the past 5 years, we've begun to see the results of our
actions, and we have seen how our enemies respond to the advance of
liberty. In Afghanistan, we saw a vicious tyranny that harbored the
terrorists who planned the September the 11th attacks. Within weeks,
American forces were in Afghanistan. Along with Afghan allies, we
captured or killed hundreds of Al Qaida and Taliban fighters; we closed
down their training camps; and we helped the people of Afghanistan
replace the Taliban with a democratic government that answers to them.
Our enemies saw the transformation in Afghanistan, and they've
responded by trying to roll back all the progress. Al Qaida and the
Taliban lost a coveted base in Afghanistan, and they know they will
never reclaim it when democracy succeeds. And so they're trying to
return to power by attacking Afghanistan's free institutions, and they
will fail. Forces from 40 nations, including every member of NATO, are
now serving alongside American troops to support the new Afghan
Government. The days of the Taliban are over. The future of Afghanistan
belongs to the people of Afghanistan, and the future of Afghanistan
belongs to freedom.
In Lebanon, we saw a sovereign nation occupied by the Syrian
dictatorship. We also saw the courageous people of Lebanon take to the
streets to demand their independence. So we worked to enforce a United
Nations resolution that required Syria to end its occupation of the
country. The Syrians withdrew their armed forces, and the Lebanese
people elected a democratic government that began to reclaim their
country.
Our enemies saw the transformation in Lebanon and set out to
destabilize the young democracy. Hizballah launched an unprovoked attack
on Israel that undermined the democrat Government in Beirut. Yet their
brazen action caused the world to unite in support for Lebanon's
democracy. Secretary Rice worked with the Security Council to pass
Resolution 1701, which will strengthen Lebanese forces as they take
control of southern Lebanon--and stop Hizballah from acting as a state
within a state.
I appreciate the troops pledged by France and Italy and other allies
for this important international deployment. Together we're going to
make it clear to the world that foreign forces and terrorists have no
place in a free and democratic Lebanon.
This summer's crisis in Lebanon has made it clearer than ever that
the world now faces a grave threat from the radical regime in Iran. The
Iranian regime arms, funds, and advises Hizballah, which has killed more
Americans than any terrorist network except Al Qaida. The Iranian regime
interferes in Iraq by sponsoring terrorists and insurgents, empowering
unlawful militias, and supplying components for improvised explosive
devices. The Iranian regime denies basic human rights to millions of its
people. And the Iranian regime is pursuing nuclear weapons in open
defiance of its international obligations.
We know the death and suffering that Iran's sponsorship of
terrorists has brought, and we can imagine how much worse it would be if
Iran were allowed to acquire nuclear weapons. Many nations are working
together to solve this problem. The United Nations passed a resolution
demanding that Iran suspend its nuclear enrichment activities. Today is
the deadline for Iran's leaders to reply to the reasonable proposal the
international community has made. If Iran's leaders accept this offer
and abandon their nuclear weapons ambitions, they can set their country
on a better course. Yet so far the Iranian regime has responded with
further defiance and delay. It is time for Iran to make a choice. We've
made our choice: We will continue to work closely with our allies to
find a diplomatic solution, but there must be consequences for Iran's
defiance, and we must not allow Iran to develop a nuclear weapon.
[[Page 1541]]
In Iraq, we saw a dictator who harbored terrorists, fired at
military planes, paid the families of Palestinian suicide bombers,
invaded a neighbor, and pursued and used weapons of mass destruction.
The United Nations passed more than a dozen resolutions demanding that
Saddam Hussein fully and openly abandon his weapons of mass destruction.
We gave him a last chance to comply, and when he refused, we enforced
the just demands of the world. And now Saddam Hussein is in prison and
on trial. Soon he will have the justice he denied to so many for so
long. And with this tyrant gone from power, the United States, Iraq, the
Middle East, and the world are better off.
In 3 years since Saddam's fall, the Iraqi people have reclaimed the
sovereignty of their country. They cast their ballots in free elections.
They drafted and approved a democratic constitution and elected a
constitutional democracy at the heart of the Middle East.
Over the same period, Iraq has seen a rise of terrorist and
insurgent movements that use brutal and indiscriminate violence to
frustrate the desire of the Iraqi people for freedom and peace. Al Qaida
terrorists, former elements of Saddam's regime, illegal militias, and
unlawful armed groups are all working to undermine Iraq's new democracy.
These groups have different long-term ambitions but the same immediate
goals. They want to drive America and our coalition out of Iraq and the
Middle East so they can stop the advance of freedom and impose their
dark vision on the people of the Middle East.
Our enemies in Iraq have employed ruthless tactics to achieve those
goals. They've targeted American and coalition troops with ambushes and
roadside bombs. They've taken hostage and beheaded civilians on camera.
They've blown up Iraqi Army posts and assassinated government leaders.
We've adapted to the tactics. And thanks to the skill and
professionalism of Iraqi and American forces, many of these enemies have
met their end. At every stop along the way, our enemies have failed to
break the courage of the Iraqi people; they have failed to stop the rise
of Iraqi democracy; and they will fail in breaking the will of the
American people.
Now these enemies have launched a new effort. They have embarked on
a bloody campaign of sectarian violence which they hope will plunge Iraq
into a civil war. The outbreak of sectarian violence was encouraged by
the terrorist Zarqawi, Al Qaida's man in Iraq who called for an ``all-
out war'' on Iraqi Shi'a. The Shi'a community resisted the impulse to
seek revenge for awhile. But after this February bombing of the Shi'a
Golden Dome Mosque in Samarra, extremist groups mobilized and sectarian
death squads formed on the streets of Baghdad and other areas. Our
Ambassador reports that thousands of Iraqis were murdered in Baghdad
last month, and large numbers of them were victims of sectarian
violence.
This cruelty and carnage has led some to question whether Iraq has
descended into civil war. Our commanders and our diplomats on the ground
in Iraq believe that's not the case. They report that only a small
number of Iraqis are engaged in sectarian violence, while the
overwhelming majority want peace and a normal life in a unified country.
Iraqi leaders from all backgrounds remember the elections that brought
them to power, in which 12 million Iraqis defied the car bombers and
killers to proclaim, ``We want to be free.''
Iraq's Government is working tirelessly to hold the nation together
and to heal Iraq's divisions, not to exploit them. The Iraqi people have
come a long way. They are not going to let their country fall apart or
relapse into tyranny. As Prime Minister Maliki told the United States
Congress, ``Iraqis have tasted freedom, and we will defend it
absolutely.''
America has a clear strategy to help the Iraqi people protect their
new freedom and build a democracy that can govern itself and sustain
itself and defend itself. On the political side, we're working closely
with Prime Minister Maliki to strengthen Iraq's unity Government and
develop--and to deliver better services to the Iraqi people. This is a
crucial moment for the new Iraqi Government; its leaders understand the
challenge. They believe that now is the time to hammer out compromises
on Iraq's most contentious issues.
I've been clear with each Iraqi leader I meet: America is a patient
nation, and Iraq
[[Page 1542]]
can count on our partnership as long as the new Government continues to
make the hard decisions necessary to advance a unified, democratic, and
peaceful Iraq. Prime Minister Maliki has shown courage in laying out an
agenda to do just that, and he can count on an ally, the United States
of America, to help him promote this agenda.
On the security side, we're refining our tactics to meet the threats
on the ground. I've given our commanders in Iraq all the flexibility
they need to make adjustments necessary to stay on the offense and
defeat the enemies of freedom. We've deployed Special Operation forces
to kill or capture terrorists operating in Iraq. Zarqawi found out what
they can do. We continue to train Iraqi police forces to defend their
own nation. We've handed over security responsibility for a southern
province to Iraqi forces. Five of Iraq's 10 Army divisions are now
taking the lead in their areas of operation. The Iraqi security forces
are determined. They're becoming more capable, and together, we will
defeat the enemies of a free Iraq.
Recently, we also launched a major new campaign to end the security
crisis in Baghdad. Side by side, Iraqi and American forces are
conducting operations in the city's most violent areas to disrupt Al
Qaida, to capture enemy fighters, crack down on IED makers, and break up
the death squads. These forces are helping Iraq's national police force
undergo retraining to better enforce law in Baghdad. And these forces
are supporting the Iraqi Government as it provides reconstruction
assistance.
The Baghdad Security Plan is still in its early stages. We cannot
expect immediate success. Yet the initial results are encouraging.
According to one military report, a Sunni man in a diverse Baghdad
neighborhood said this about the Shi'a soldiers on patrol: ``Their image
has changed. Now you feel they're there to protect you.'' Over the
coming weeks and months, the operation will expand throughout Baghdad
until Iraq's democratic Government is in full control of its capital.
The work is difficult and dangerous, but the Iraqi Government and their
forces are determined to reclaim their country. And the United States is
determined to help them succeed.
Here at home, we have a choice to make about Iraq. Some politicians
look at our efforts in Iraq and see a diversion from the war on terror.
That would come as news to Usama bin Laden, who proclaimed that the
``third world war is raging'' in Iraq. It would come as news to the
number two man of Al Qaida, Zawahiri, who has called the struggle in
Iraq, quote, ``The place for the greatest battle.'' It would come as
news to the terrorists from Syria, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Sudan, Libya,
and Yemen and other countries, who have come to Iraq to fight the rise
of democracy.
It's hard to believe that these terrorists would make long journeys
across dangerous borders, endure heavy fighting, or blow themselves up
in the streets of Baghdad for a so-called diversion. Some Americans
didn't support my decision to remove Saddam Hussein; many are frustrated
with the level of violence. But we should all agree that the battle for
Iraq is now central to the ideological struggle of the 21st century. We
will not allow the terrorists to dictate the future of this century--so
we will defeat them in Iraq.
Still, there are some in our country who insist that the best option
in Iraq is to pull out, regardless of the situation on the ground. Many
of these folks are sincere and they're patriotic, but they could be--
they could not be more wrong. If America were to pull out before Iraq
can defend itself, the consequences would be absolutely predictable and
absolutely disastrous. We would be handing Iraq over to our worst
enemies--Saddam's former henchmen, armed groups with ties to Iran, and
Al Qaida terrorists from all over the world who would suddenly have a
base of operations far more valuable than Afghanistan under the Taliban.
They would have a new sanctuary to recruit and train terrorists at the
heart of the Middle East, with huge oil riches to fund their ambitions.
And we know exactly where those ambitions lead. If we give up the fight
in the streets of Baghdad, we will face the terrorists in the streets of
our own cities.
We can decide to stop fighting the terrorists in Iraq and other
parts of the world, but they will not decide to stop fighting us.
General John Abizaid, our top commander in the Middle East region,
recently put it this way:
[[Page 1543]]
``If we leave, they will follow us.'' And he is right. The security of
the civilized world depends on victory in the war on terror, and that
depends on victory in Iraq. So the United States of America will not
leave until victory is achieved.
Victory in Iraq will be difficult, and it will require more
sacrifice. The fighting there can be as fierce as it was at Omaha Beach
or Guadalcanal. And victory is as important as it was in those earlier
battles. Victory in Iraq will result in a democracy that is a friend of
America and an ally in the war on terror. Victory in Iraq will be a
crushing defeat to our enemies who have staked so much on the battle
there. Victory in Iraq will honor the sacrifice of the brave Americans
who have given their lives. And victory in Iraq would be a powerful
triumph in the ideological struggle of the 21st century. From Damascus
to Tehran, people will look to a democratic Iraq as inspiration that
freedom can succeed in the Middle East and as evidence that the side of
freedom is the winning side. This is a pivotal moment for the Middle
East. The world is watching. And in Iraq and beyond, the forces of
freedom will prevail.
For all the debate, American policy in the Middle East comes down to
a straightforward choice. We can allow the Middle East to continue on
its course--on the course it was headed before September the 11th, and a
generation from now, our children will face a region dominated by
terrorist states and radical dictators armed with nuclear weapons. Or we
can stop that from happening by rallying the world to confront the
ideology of hate, and give the people of the Middle East a future of
hope. And that is the choice America has made.
We see a day when people across the Middle East have governments
that honor their dignity, unleash their creativity, and count their
votes. We see a day when leaders across the Middle East reject terror
and protect freedom. We see a day when the nations of the Middle East
are allies in the cause of peace. The path to that day will be uphill
and uneven, but we can be confident of the outcome because we know that
the direction of history leads toward freedom.
In the early years of our Republic, Thomas Jefferson said that we
cannot expect to move ``from despotism to liberty in a featherbed.''
That's been true in every time and place. No one understands that like
you, our veterans, understand that. With the distance of history, it can
be easy to look back at the wars of the 20th century and see a straight
path to victory. You know better than that. You waged the hard battles;
you suffered the wounds; you lost friends and brothers. You were there
for dark times and the moments of uncertainty, and you know that freedom
is always worth the sacrifice.
You also know what it takes to win. For all that is new about this
war, one thing has not changed: Victory still depends on the courage and
the patience and the resolve of the American people. Above all, it
depends on patriots who are willing to fight for freedom. Our Nation is
blessed to have these men and women in abundance. Our military forces
make this Nation strong; they make this Nation safe; and they make this
Nation proud.
We thank them and their families for their sacrifice. We will
remember all those who have given their lives in this struggle. And I
vow that we will give our men and women in uniform all the resources
they need to accomplish their missions.
One brave American we remember is Marine Corporal Adam Galvez from
here in Salt Lake City. Yesterday Adam's mom and dad laid their son to
rest. We're honored by their presence with us today. About a month ago,
Adam was wounded by a suicide bomb in Iraq's Anbar Province. When he
regained consciousness, he found he was buried alive, so he dug himself
out of the rubble. And then he ran through gunfire to get a shovel to
dig out his fellow marines. As soon as he recovered from his injuries,
Adam volunteered to go back to the frontlines. And 11 days ago, he was
killed when a roadside bomb hit his convoy.
Here is what Adam's mom and dad said about the cause for which their
son gave his life: ``Though many are debating the justification of this
war, Adam believed in his country--Adam's belief in his country did not
waver, even to the point of the ultimate sacrifice. It's our hope and
our prayer that people share the same conviction and dedication to our
troops and fellow Americans.''
[[Page 1544]]
Our Nation will always remember the selflessness and sacrifice of
Americans like Adam Galvez. We will honor their lives by completing the
good and noble work they have started. And we can be confident that one
day, veterans of the war on terror will gather at American Legion halls
across the country and say the same things you say: ``We made our Nation
safer; we made a region more peaceful; and we left behind a better world
for our children and our grandchildren.''
Thanks for having me. May God bless our veterans. May God bless our
troops. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.
Note: The President spoke at 9:08 a.m. at the Salt Palace Convention
Center. In his remarks, he referred to U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Zalmay
Khalilzad; Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki of Iraq; Usama bin Laden,
leader of the Al Qaida terrorist organization; Ayman Al-Zawahiri,
founder of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad and senior Al Qaida associate; and
Gen. John P. Abizaid, USA, combatant commander, U.S. Central Command.