[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 42, Number 29 (Monday, July 24, 2006)]
[Pages 1366-1371]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]
<R04>
Remarks at the NAACP Annual Convention
July 20, 2006
The President. Thank you very much. Bruce, thanks for your
introduction. Bruce is a polite guy--I thought what he was going to say,
``It's about time you showed up.'' [Laughter] And I'm glad I did. See, I
see this as a moment of opportunity. I have come to celebrate the
heroism of the civil rights movement and the accomplishments of the
NAACP.
I want to talk about ways to build what the NAACP has always
sought--a nation united, committed to destroying discrimination and
extending to every American the full blessings--the full blessings--of
liberty and opportunity. It's important to me. It's important to our
Nation. I come from a family committed to civil rights. My faith tells
me that we're all children of God, equally loved, equally cherished,
equally entitled to the rights He grants us all.
For nearly 200 years, our Nation failed the test of extending the
blessings of liberty to African Americans. Slavery was legal for nearly
100 years and discrimination legal in many places for nearly 100 years
more. Taken together, the record placed a stain on America's founding, a
stain that we have not yet wiped clean.
When people talk about America's Founders, they mention the likes of
Washington and Jefferson and Franklin and Adams. Too often they ignore
another group of founders--men and women and children who did not come
to America of their free will but in chains. These founders literally
helped build our country. They chopped the wood; they built the homes;
they tilled the fields; and they reaped the harvest. They raised the
children of others even though their own children had been ripped away
and sold to strangers. These founders were denied the most basic
birthright, and that's freedom.
Yet through captivity and oppression, they kept the faith. They
carved a great nation out of the wilderness, and later, their
descendants led a people out of the wilderness of bigotry. Nearly 200
years into our history as a nation, America experienced a second
founding, the civil rights movement. Some of those leaders are here.
These second founders, led by the likes of Thurgood Marshall and Martin
Luther King, Jr., believed in the constitutional guarantees of liberty
and equality. They trusted fellow Americans to join them in doing the
right thing. They were leaders. They toppled Jim Crow through simple
deeds: boarding a bus; walking along the road; showing up peacefully at
courthouses; or joining in prayer and song. Despite the sheriff's dogs
and the jailer's scorn and the hangman's noose and the assassin's
bullets, they prevailed.
I don't know if you remember, 3 weeks ago, I went to Memphis,
Tennessee. A lot of people focused on the fact that my friend, the Prime
Minister of Japan, was an Elvis fan, because we went to Graceland. But
we also went to another stop, a stop Reverend Jesse Jackson knows all
too well, a painful moment in his life and in the life of our Nation,
reflected in the Lorraine Motel.
The Prime Minister and I went there, which is now the National Civil
Rights Museum. By the way, if you haven't been there, you ought to go.
Among the people greeting me there was Dr. Benjamin Hooks. It's good to
see you again, sir. He led me out onto the balcony of Room 306. I
remember, Dr. Hooks pointed to the window that was still half-cracked.
You know what I'm talking about, Jesse. It's not very far away. It was a
powerful reminder of the hardships this Nation has been through, the
struggle for decency.
I was honored that Dr. Hooks took time to visit with me. He talked
about the hardships of the movement. With the gentle wisdom that comes
from experience, he made it clear: We must work as one. And that's why
I've come today. We want a united America that is one Nation under God,
where every man and child and woman is valued and treated with dignity.
We want a hopeful America where the prosperity and opportunities of our
great land reach into every block of every neighborhood. We want an
America that is constantly renewing itself, where citizens rise above
political differences to heal old wounds, to build the bonds of
brotherhood, and to move us ever closer to the founding promise of
liberty and justice for all.
[[Page 1367]]
Nearly 100 years after the NAACP's birth, America remains an
unfolding story of freedom, and all of us have an obligation to play our
part.
I want to thank your chairman, Julian Bond, for his introduction.
And thanks for greeting me today, Mr. Chairman. I asked him for a few
pointers on how to give a speech. [Laughter] It doesn't look like
they're taking. [Laughter] I want to thank Roslyn Brock, the vice
chairman of the board, as well. I thank all the board members, all the
participants, all the Members of the United States Congress for joining
us today as well.
I congratulate Bruce Gordon on his strong leadership. I've gotten to
know him. See, shortly after he was elected, he came by the Oval Office.
He doesn't mince words. [Laughter] It's clear what's on his mind. He's
also a results-oriented person. I'm pleased--I'm pleased to say that I
have--I'm an admirer of Bruce Gordon, and we've got a good working
relationship. I don't know if that helps you or hurts you. [Laughter]
But it's the truth. I admire the man.
We've had frank discussions, starting with Katrina. We talked about
the challenges facing the African American community after that storm.
We talked about the response of the Federal Government. And most
importantly, we talked about the way forward. We talked about what we
can do, working together, to move forward. And as a result of that first
meeting, we found areas where we share common purpose, and we have
resolved to work together in practical ways. I don't expect Bruce to
become a Republican--[laughter]--and neither do you. [Laughter] But I do
want to work with him, and that's what I'm here to talk to you about.
And so we've been working together in helping the citizens along the
gulf coast recover from one of the worst natural disasters in our
Nation's history. You know, when we met, I told Bruce that I would work
with the Congress to make sure we dedicated enough money to help the
folks. He kind of looked at me like, sure he's heard these political
promises before. It's not the first time that he had heard somebody say,
``Well, we'll work together to see if we can't get enough money.'' And I
suspect he might have thought, ``Well, he's just trying to get me out of
the Oval Office.'' [Laughter]
But I meant what I said, and I want to thank the United States
Congress for joining with the administration. We've committed over $110
billion to help the people in the gulf coast. That's money to go to
build new homes, good schools. Bruce and I talked a lot about how do we
make sure the contracting that goes on down there in the gulf coast goes
to minority-owned businesses.
The road to recovery is long and difficult, but we will continue to
work together to implement the strategy that Bruce and I worked on,
along with people--other people like Donna Brazile and other leaders.
We've got a plan, and we've got a commitment. And the commitment is not
only to work together, but it's a commitment to the people of the gulf
coast of the United States to see to it that their lives are better and
brighter than before the storm.
We also worked together to ensure that African Americans can take
advantage of the new Medicare drug benefit. Look, I understand that we
had a political disagreement on the bill. I know that. But I worked with
the Congress to make sure that the days of seniors having to choose
between food and medicine is over. And that's the case of this new
Medicare benefit. The Federal Government pays over 95 percent of the
cost for our Nation's poorest seniors to get this new drug benefit.
And I want to thank the NAACP for recognizing that it's important to
help our seniors sign up for this benefit. We put politics aside. We
said, the day is over of arguing about the bill; let's make sure people
receive the benefits of this bill. Bruce Gordon has shown leadership on
this important issue, and I want to thank you for that.
We'll work together, and as we do so, you must understand, I
understand that racism still lingers in America. It's a lot easier to
change a law than to change a human heart. And I understand that many
African Americans distrust my political party.
Audience members. Yes!
The President. I consider it a tragedy that the party of Abraham
Lincoln let go of its historic ties with the African American community.
For too long, my party wrote off the
[[Page 1368]]
African American vote, and many African Americans wrote off the
Republican Party.
That history has prevented us from working together when we agree on
great goals. That's not good for our country. That's what I've come to
share with you. We've put the interests of the country above political
party. I want to change the relationship. The America we seek should be
bigger than politics. And today I'm going to talk about some areas where
I believe we can work together to reduce the obstacles for opportunity
for all our citizens. And that starts, by the way, with education.
Surely, we share the same goal: We want an excellent education for
every child. Not just some children but every single child. I can
remember being the Governor of Texas--I don't know if there's any Texans
here or not. [Applause] Tell them ``hi'' at home. [Laughter]
I remember going to a ninth grade class when I was the Governor. It
was in a neighborhood that's--a low-income neighborhood there in
Houston. And I asked the ninth grade teacher, I said, ``How's it
going?'' The man looked me in the eye and said, ``My students cannot
read.'' That's wrong, to hear a ninth grade teacher say, ``My students
cannot read.''
I decided to do something about it when I was the Governor, and I
decided to do something about that when I became the President. See, we
must challenge a system that simply shuffles children through grade to
grade without determining whether they can read, write, and add and
subtract. It's a system--see, I like to call it this: We need to
challenge the soft bigotry of low expectations. If you have low
expectations, you're going to get lousy results. We must not tolerate a
system that gives up on people.
So I came to Washington and I worked with Democrats and Republicans
to pass the No Child Left Behind Act. Let me tell you the strategy
behind the act: It says that the Federal Government will spend more
money on education in primary and secondary schools--and we have
increased the budgets by 40 percent. It also says, and in return for
additional help, you must measure. We didn't say the Federal Government
is going to measure; we said, we want the local--the States and the
local districts to measure.
And so why do you ask that? Why do you say that in return for
increased money, you need to measure? And the reason why is because in
order to solve a problem, you've got to diagnose the problem. Measuring
results can tell us whether or not teaching methodology is sound.
Measuring results can enable us to figure out which children are falling
behind early.
You know, one of the interesting things about the No Child Left
Behind Act, it says that when we find a child falling behind early,
there will be extra money for tutoring, extra money for help. The whole
purpose is to make sure people are at the starting line. The whole
purpose is to make sure that the teacher that told me that, ``My
children can't read,'' no longer happens in the ninth grade. Measuring
helps us determine how we're doing.
There's an achievement gap in America that's wrong for America, an
achievement gap that says we're not fulfilling the promise. One of the
barriers to opportunity, one of the obstacles to success is the fact
that too many of our children aren't reading at grade level. And we know
that because we measure, and we're doing something about it. Actually,
the achievement gap is beginning to close. There's more work to be done.
Measuring allows parents to see how the school that their child is
going to is doing. It lets the parents determine whether or not they
should be satisfied with the education their child is getting. I
strongly believe that parental involvement is important for our school
systems. And I believe--and I strongly believe a parent knows what's
best for his or her child. That's what I believe. And therefore, when we
find schools that are not teaching and will not change, our parents
should have a different option. If you want quality education, you've
got to trust the parents.
You know, an amazing thing about our society today is, wealthier
white families have got the capacity to defeat mediocrity by moving.
That is not the case for lower-income families. And so therefore, I
strongly believe in charter schools and public school choice. I believe
in opportunity scholarships to be
[[Page 1369]]
able to enable parents to move their child out of a school that's not
teaching, for the benefit of the United States of America.
I also understand that we've got to do more for primary--more than
just primary and secondary education. I'm proud to report that working
with the United States Congress, the number of low-income Americans
receiving Pell grants has increased by about a million Americans since I
have become the President. Pell grants are an important part of
educational excellence and opportunity.
We're expanding money for our community college system. I met my
pledge to increase funding for Historically Black Universities by 30
percent. A decent education is the gateway to a life of opportunity. It
is a fundamental civil right. And I look forward to working with the
NAACP to enhance educational excellence all across the United States of
America.
Second, I hope we can work together in an America where more people
become owners, own something, something that they can call their own.
From our Nation's earliest days, ownership has been at the heart of our
country. Unfortunately, for most of our history, African Americans were
excluded from the dream. That's the reality of our past. Most of your
forefathers didn't come to this land seeking a better life; most came in
chains as the property of other people. Today, their children and
grandchildren now have an opportunity to own their own property, and
good policies will encourage that. And that's what we ought to work
together on.
For most Americans, ownership begins with owning your own home.
Owning a home is a way to build wealth. Owning a home is to--give
something they can leave behind to their children. See, one of the
concerns I have is that because of the past, there hasn't been enough
assets that a family can pass on from one generation to the next. And
we've got to address that problem. And a good way to do so is through
homeownership. Owning a home gives people a stake in their neighborhoods
and a stake in the future.
Today, nearly half of African Americans own their own homes, and
that's good for America. That's good for our country, but they've still
got to do more. So we--working to do our part with helping people afford
a downpayment and closing costs, helping families who are in rental
assistance to become homeowners, helping people understand the fine
print when it comes to mortgage documents.
One of the things I want to work with the NAACP on is to encourage
more people to be able to open the front door of the place where they
live and say, ``Welcome to my home; welcome to my piece of property.'' I
also want to work to homeownership in other areas. We want to see more
African Americans own their own businesses, and that's why we've
increased loans to African American businesses by 40 percent. We're
taking steps to make it easier for African American businesses to
compete for Federal contracts. We're working to expand help to have
African American workers own a piece of their own retirement.
You know, one of my friends is Bob Johnson, founder of BET. He's an
interesting man. He believes strongly in ownership. He has been a
successful owner. He believes strongly, for example, that the death tax
will prevent future African American entrepreneurs from being able to
pass their assets from one generation to the next. He and I also
understand that the investor class shouldn't be just confined to the old
definition of the investor class.
You know, an amazing experience--when I went to Canton, Mississippi,
I asked the workers there, who were mainly African American workers, I
said, ``How many of you have your own 401(k)?'' Nearly all the hands
went up. That means they own their own assets. It's their money. They
manage their own money. It's a system that says, we want you to have
assets that you can leave from one generation to the next. Asset
accumulation is an important part of removing the barriers for
opportunity. I think it's really important, and I want to work with
Bruce, if possible. The Federal Government should encourage ownership in
the Government pension program, to give people a chance to own an asset,
something they can call their own. Ownership is vital to making sure
this country extends its hope to every neighborhood in the United States
of America. And I look
[[Page 1370]]
forward to working with the NAACP to encourage ownership in America.
I want to work with you to make sure America's communities are
strong. I've got a friend named Tony Evans. Some of you may know Tony,
from Dallas, Texas. He was one time giving a sermon, and I heard him
speak, and I want to share with you what it was. He said--he told a
story about the man who had a crack on one of the walls in his home. So
he got the plasterer to come by, and the guy plastered the wall. And
about four days later, the crack reappeared. Got another plasterer in;
put the plaster on the wall; and it reappeared again. He's getting
frustrated. He finally called a wise fellow over. The man explained what
the problem was with the cracks on the wall. He said, look, in order to
solve the cracks on the wall, you have to fix the foundation.
What I want to do is work with the NAACP to help fix the foundations
of our society. We want strong families. We want to help people who need
help. We want to help the addicted; we want to help the homeless; we
want to help those who are trying to reenter society after having been
incarcerated. That's what we want to do. We want to help lives be
improved. Government can hand out money--and we do--but it cannot put
hope in a person's heart or a sense of purpose in a person's life.
That's why I strongly support institutions of faith and community
service all around our country. I believe in the neighborhood helpers
and healers.
And I put this policy in place: We've provided more than $5 billion
to faith-based groups that are running the soup kitchens and sheltering
the homeless and healing the addicted and helping people reenter our
society--people who are providing compassionate care and love.
Organizations of faith exist to love a neighbor like they'd like to be
loved themselves. And I believe it's important for Government to not
only welcome but to encourage faith-based programs to help solve the
intractable problems of our society.
And this Faith-Based Initiative is being challenged in the courts.
They claim that--they fight the initiative in the name of civil
liberties, yet they do not seem to realize that the organizations they
are trying to prevent from accessing Federal money are the same ones
that helped win the struggle of civil rights. I believe if an
organization gets good results and helps people turn their lives around,
it deserves support of Government. We should not discriminate based upon
religion. We ought to welcome religious institutions into helping solve
and save America, one soul and one heart at a time.
Finally, you and I seek America that commits its wealth and
expertise to helping those who suffer from terrible disease. We believe
that every person in the world bears the image of our Maker and is an
individual of matchless value. And when we see the scourge of HIV/AIDS
ravaging communities at home and abroad, we must not avert our eyes.
Today, more than a million of our fellow Americans live with HIV,
and more than half of all AIDS cases arise in the African American
community. This disease is spreading fastest among African American
women. And one of the reasons the disease is spreading so quickly is,
many don't realize they have the virus. And so we're going to lead a
nationwide effort--and I want to work with the NAACP on this effort--to
deliver rapid HIV/AIDS--HIV tests to millions of our fellow citizens.
Congress needs to reform and reauthorize the Ryan White Act and provide
funding to States so we can end the waiting lists for AIDS medications
in this country.
To whom much is given, much is required. This Nation is a blessed
nation, and when we look at HIV/AIDS on the continent of Africa, we
haven't turned away. We believe it's our Nation's responsibility to help
those who suffer from this pandemic. We're leading the world when it
comes to providing medications and help. Today, more than 40 million
people around the world are living with HIV/AIDS; 26 million of those
live in sub-Sahara Africa, including 2 million children under the age of
15. We're calling people together. We pledged $15 billion to provide
medicine and help. We launched the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief.
Before this AIDS emergency plan was passed, only 50,000 people in sub-
Sahara Africa were getting medicine. Today, that number has grown to
more than 560,000 people, and more are getting help every day. By
working together,
[[Page 1371]]
we can turn the tide of this struggle against HIV/AIDS and bring new
hope to millions of people.
These goals I've outlined are worthy of our Nation. In the century
since the NAACP was founded, our Nation has grown more prosperous and
more powerful. It's also grown more equal and just. Yet this work is not
finished. That's what I'm here to say. The history of America is one of
constant renewal, and each generation has a responsibility to write a
new chapter in the unfinished story of freedom.
That story began with the founding promise of equality and justice
and freedom for all men. And that promise has brought hope and
inspiration to all peoples across the world. Yet our founding was also
imperfect because the human beings that made our founding were
imperfect. Many of the same Founders who signed their names to a
parchment declaring that all men are created equal permitted whole
categories of human beings to be excluded from these words. The future
of our founding, to live up to its own words, opened a wound that has
persisted to today.
In the 19th century, the wound resulted in a civil war. In the 20th
century, it denied African Americans the vote in many parts of our
country. And at the beginnings of the 21st century, the wound is not
fully healed and whole communities--[applause]. To heal this wound for
good, we must continue to work for a new founding that redeems the
promise of our Declaration and guarantees the birthright of every
citizen.
For many African Americans this new founding began with the civil
rights movement and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. A generation of
Americans that has grown up in the last few decades may not appreciate
what this act has meant. Condi Rice understands what this act has meant.
See, she tells me of her father's long struggle to register to vote, and
the pride that came when he finally claimed his full rights as an
American citizen to cast his first ballot. She shared that story with
me. Yet that right was not fully guaranteed until President Lyndon
Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act into law. President Johnson called
the right to vote the lifeblood of our democracy. That was true then,
and it remains true today.
I thank the Members of the House of Representatives for
reauthorizing the Voting Rights Act. Soon the Senate will take up the
legislation. I look forward to the Senate passing this bill promptly,
without amendment, so I can sign it into law.
There's an old Methodist hymn that speaks of God guiding us with a
hand of power and a heart of love. We cannot know God's plans, but we
trust in his purposes, because we know that the Creator who wrote the
desire for liberty in our hearts also gives us the strength and wisdom
to fulfill it. And the God who has brought us thus far on the way will
give us the strength to finish the journey.
Thank you for having me. May God bless.
Note: The President spoke at 10:35 a.m. at the Washington Convention
Center. In his remarks, he referred to Bruce S. Gordon, president and
chief executive officer, NAACP; Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi of
Japan; civil rights activist Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, Sr., founder and
president Rainbow/PUSH Coalition; Benjamin L. Hooks, former executive
director, NAACP; and Donna Brazile, chair, Democratic National
Committee's Voting Rights Institute.