[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 41, Number 49 (Monday, December 12, 2005)]
[Pages 1826-1832]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks to the Council on Foreign Relations

December 7, 2005

    Thank you all. Richard, thanks for the invitation. Thanks for 
letting me come by and address the Council on Foreign Relations. The 
Council is one of America's oldest and most admired foreign policy 
organizations, and I appreciate the chance to come and talk about 
foreign policy.
    Richard is a good man, and he's doing a fine job as the President of 
the Council on Foreign Relations. And I appreciate your service to the 
country. I want to thank Nancy Roman. I want to thank the board members 
of the Council. And I want to thank you all for being here today.
    Today we mark the anniversary of a fateful day in American history. 
On December the 7th, 1941, our peaceful Nation awoke to an attack 
plotted in secret and executed without mercy. The strike on Pearl Harbor 
was the start of a long war for America--a massive struggle against 
those who attacked us and those who shared their destructive ambitions. 
Fortunately for all of us, a great generation of Americans was more than 
equal to the challenge. Our Nation pulled together, and despite setbacks 
and battlefield defeats, we did not waver in freedom's cause. With 
courage and determination, we won a war on two fronts. We liberated 
millions. We aided the rise of democracy in Europe and Asia. We watched 
enemies become allies, and we laid the foundation of peace for 
generations.
    On September the 11th, 2001, our Nation awoke to another sudden 
attack. In the space of just 102 minutes, more Americans were killed 
than we lost at Pearl Harbor. Like generations before us, we accepted 
new responsibilities, and we confronted new dangers with firm resolve. 
Like generations before us, we're taking the fight to those who attacked 
us--and those who share their murderous vision for future attacks. Like 
generations before us, we've faced setbacks on the path to victory, yet 
we will fight this war without wavering. And like the generations before 
us, we will prevail.
    Like earlier struggles for freedom, this war will take many turns, 
and the enemy must be defeated on every battlefront, from the streets of 
Western cities to the mountains of Afghanistan, to the tribal regions of 
Pakistan, to the islands of Southeast Asia, and the Horn of Africa. Yet 
the terrorists have made it clear that Iraq is the central front in 
their war against humanity. So we must recognize Iraq as the central 
front in the war on terror.
    Last week at the Naval Academy, I gave the first in a series of 
speeches outlining our strategy for victory in Iraq. I explained that 
our strategy begins with a clear understanding of the enemy we face. The 
enemy in Iraq is a combination of rejectionists and Saddamists and 
terrorists. The rejectionists are ordinary Iraqis, mostly Sunni Arabs, 
who miss the privileged status they had under the regime of Saddam 
Hussein. They reject an Iraq in which they are no longer the dominant 
group. We believe that, over time, most of this group will be persuaded 
to support a democratic Iraq led by a Federal Government that is strong 
enough to protect minority rights.
    The Saddamists are former regime loyalists who harbor dreams of 
returning to power, and they're trying to foment antidemocratic 
sentiment amongst the larger Sunni community. Yet they lack popular 
support, and over time, they can be marginalized and defeated by 
security forces of a free Iraq.
    The terrorists affiliated with or inspired by Al Qaida are the 
smallest but most lethal group. Many are foreigners coming to fight 
freedom's progress in Iraq. They are led by a brutal terrorist named 
Zarqawi, Al Qaida's chief of operations in Iraq, who has pledged his 
allegiance to Usama bin Laden. The terrorists' stated objective is to 
drive the United States and coalition forces out of Iraq and to gain 
control of the country. They would then use Iraq as a base from which to 
launch attacks against America, overthrow moderate governments in the 
Middle East, and try to establish a totalitarian Islamic empire that 
reaches from Indonesia to Spain.
    The terrorists in Iraq share the same ideology as the terrorists who 
struck the United States on September the 11th, blew up commuters in 
London and Madrid, murdered tourists in Bali, killed workers in Riyadh, 
and slaughtered guests at a wedding in Amman, Jordan. This is an enemy 
without conscience;

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they cannot be appeased. If we're not fighting and destroying the enemy 
in Iraq, they would not be leading the quiet lives of good citizens. 
They would be plotting and killing our citizens across the world and 
within our own borders. By fighting the terrorists in Iraq, we are 
confronting a direct threat to the American people, and we will accept 
nothing less than complete victory.
    We're pursuing a comprehensive strategy in Iraq. Last week, my 
administration released a document called the ``National Strategy for 
Victory in Iraq.'' Our goal is victory, and victory will be achieved 
when the terrorists and Saddamists can no longer threaten Iraq's 
democracy, when the Iraqi security forces can provide for the safety of 
their own citizens, and when Iraq is not a safe haven for terrorists to 
plot new attacks against our Nation.
    Our strategy to achieve that victory has three elements. On the 
political side, we're helping the Iraqis build inclusive democratic 
institutions that will protect the interests of all Iraqis. We're 
working with the Iraqis to help them engage those who can be persuaded 
to join the new Iraq and to marginalize those who never will. In 2\1/2\ 
years, the Iraqi people have made amazing progress. They've gone from 
living under the boot of a brutal tyrant to liberation to free elections 
to a democratic constitution. A week from tomorrow, they will go to the 
polls to elect a fully constitutional government that will lead them for 
the next 4 years. By helping Iraqis continue to build their democracy, 
we will gain an ally in the war on terror. By helping them build a 
democracy, we will inspire reformers from Damascus to Tehran. And by 
helping them build a democracy, we'll make the American people more 
secure.
    On the security side, coalition and Iraqi security forces are on the 
offense against the enemy. We're clearing out areas controlled by the 
terrorists and Saddam loyalists, leaving Iraqi forces to hold territory 
taken from the enemy, and following up with targeted reconstruction to 
help Iraqis rebuild their lives. And as we fight the terrorists, we're 
working to build capable and effective Iraqi security forces, so they 
can take the lead in the fight and eventually take responsibility for 
the safety and security of their citizens without major foreign 
assistance.
    As Iraqi forces become more capable, they're taking responsibility 
for more and more Iraqi territory. We're transferring bases for their 
control, to take the fight to the enemy. That means American and 
coalition forces can concentrate on training Iraqis and hunting down 
high-value targets like Zarqawi.
    On the economic side, we're helping the Iraqis rebuild their 
infrastructure and reform their economy and build the prosperity that 
will give all Iraqis a stake in a free and peaceful Iraq. In doing this, 
we have involved the United Nations, other international organizations, 
our coalition partners, and supportive regional states.
    A week ago at the Naval Academy, I spoke about our efforts to train 
the Iraqi security forces. I described the changes we've made in the way 
these forces are trained and the resulting gains the Iraqi forces have 
made in the past year. Today I'm going to talk about how we're working 
with those Iraqi forces and Iraq's leaders to improve security and 
restore order, to help Iraqis rebuild their cities, and to help the 
National Government in Baghdad revitalize Iraq's infrastructure and 
economy.
    Over the course of this war, we have learned that winning the battle 
for Iraqi cities is only the first step. We also have to win the battle 
after the battle by helping Iraqis consolidate their gains and keep the 
terrorists from returning. Used to be that after American troops cleared 
the terrorists out of a city and moved onto the next mission, there 
weren't enough forces, Iraqi forces, to hold the area. We found that 
after we left, the terrorists would reenter the city, intimidate local 
leaders and police, and eventually retake control. This undermined the 
gains of our military. It thwarted our efforts to help Iraqis rebuild 
and led local residents to lose confidence in the process and in their 
leaders.
    So we adjusted our approach. As improvements in training produced 
more capable Iraqi security forces, those forces have been able to 
better hold onto the cities we cleared out together. With help from our 
military and civilian personnel, the Iraqi Government can

[[Page 1828]]

then work with local leaders and residents to begin reconstruction, with 
Iraqis leading the building efforts and our coalition in a supporting 
role.
    This approach is working. And today I want to describe our actions 
in two cities where we have seen encouraging progress, Najaf and Mosul.
    The city of Najaf is located about 90 miles south of Baghdad, and 
it's the home to one of Shi'a Islam's holiest places, the Imam Ali 
Shrine. As a predominantly Shi'a city, Najaf suffered greatly during 
Saddam's rule. Virtually every element of infrastructure and basic 
services had been crippled by years of insufficient maintenance. In 
1991, thousands of Najaf residents were killed during a brutal crackdown 
by the dictator. Our troops liberated Najaf in 2003, yet about a year 
later, the city fell under the sway of a radical and violent militia. 
Fighting in the streets damaged homes and businesses, and the local 
economy collapsed as visitors and pilgrims stopped coming to the shrine 
out of fear for their lives.
    In the summer of 2004, we discussed the growing problem in Najaf 
with Iraq's political leaders, and the coalition and Iraqi Government 
decided to retake control of the city. And we did. Together, coalition 
and Iraqi forces routed out the militia in tough, urban fighting. It was 
an intense battle. Our guys performed great, and so did the Iraqi 
forces. Together with the Iraqi Government and the Shi'a clerical 
community, we forced the militia to abandon the shrine and return it to 
legitimate Iraqi authority. The militia forces agreed to disarm and 
leave Najaf.
    As soon as the fighting in Najaf ended, targeted reconstruction 
moved forward. The Iraqi Government played an active role and so did our 
military commanders and diplomats and workers from the U.S. Agency for 
International Development. Together, they worked with Najaf's Governor 
and other local officials to rebuild the local police force, repair 
residents' homes, refurbish schools, restore water and other essential 
services, reopen a soccer stadium, complete with new lights and fresh 
sod. Fifteen months later, new businesses and markets have opened in 
some of Najaf's poorest areas, religious pilgrims are visiting the city 
again, construction jobs are putting local residents back to work. One 
of the largest projects was the rebuilding of the Najaf Teaching 
Hospital, which had been looted and turned into a military fortress by 
the militia. Thanks to the efforts by Iraqi doctors and local leaders, 
and with the help of American personnel, the hospital is now open and 
capable of serving hundreds of patients each day.
    Najaf is now in the hands of elected government officials. An 
elected provincial council is at work drafting plans to bring more 
tourism and commerce to the city. Political life has returned, and 
campaigns for the upcoming elections have begun, with different parties 
competing for the vote. The Iraqi police are now responsible for day-to-
day security in Najaf. An Iraqi battalion has consumed [assumed] * 
control of the former American military base, and our forces are now 
about 40 minutes outside the city.
    * White House correction.
    A U.S. Army sergeant explains our role this way: ``We go down there 
if they call us, and that doesn't happen very often. Usually, we just 
stay out of their way.'' Residents of Najaf are also seeing visible 
progress, and they have no intention of returning to the days of tyranny 
and terror. One man from Najaf put it this way: ``Three years ago, we 
were in ruins. One year ago, we were fighting in the streets. Now look 
at the people, shopping and eating and not in fear.''
    There is still plenty of work left to be done in Najaf. Like most of 
Iraq, the reconstruction in Najaf has proceeded with fits and starts 
since liberation. It's been uneven. Sustaining electric power remains a 
major challenge, and construction has begun on three new substations to 
help boost capacity. Because there is a shortage of clean water, new 
water treatment and sewage units are now being installed. Security in 
Najaf has improved substantially, but threats remain. There are still 
kidnapings, and militias and armed gangs are exerting more influence 
than they should in a free society. Local leaders and Iraqi security 
forces are confronting these problems, and we're helping them.
    Another area that has seen tremendous gains is the ancient city of 
Mosul. Mosul is one of Iraq's largest cities, and it's the home

[[Page 1829]]

of a diverse population of Sunni Arabs, Kurds, and other ethnic groups. 
Mosul is also the city where our troops brought justice to Saddam's sons 
in the summer of 2003. In the months after liberation, Mosul was 
relatively quiet, and so we began to redeploy our forces elsewhere in 
the country. And when the terrorists and Saddamists infiltrated the 
city, the Iraqi police were not up to the task of stopping them. These 
thugs intimidated residents, and they overwhelmed the police.
    By late last year, terrorists and Saddamists had gained control of 
much of Mosul, and they launched a series of car bombings and ambushes, 
including an attack on a coalition mess tent that killed 14 American 
servicemembers. The terrorists and Saddamists killed innocent Iraqi 
civilians, and they left them in the streets with notes pinned to their 
bodies threatening others. American and Iraqi forces responded with a 
series of coordinated strikes on the most dangerous parts of the city. 
Together we killed, captured, and cleared out many of the terrorists and 
Saddamists, and we helped the Iraqi police and legitimate political 
leaders regain control of the city. As the Iraqis have grown in strength 
and ability, they have taken more responsibility for Mosul's security. 
Coalition forces have moved into a supporting role.
    As security in Mosul improved, we began working with local leaders 
to accelerate reconstruction. Iraqis upgraded key roads and bridges over 
the Tigris River, rebuilt schools and hospitals, and started 
refurbishing the Mosul Airport. Police stations and firehouses were 
rebuilt, and Iraqis have made major improvements in the city's water and 
sewage network.
    Mosul still faces challenges. Like Najaf, Mosul's infrastructure was 
devastated during Saddam's reign. The city is still not receiving enough 
electricity, so Iraqis have a major new project underway to expand the 
Mosul power substation. Terrorist intimidation is still a concern. This 
past week, people hanging election posters were attacked and killed. Yet 
freedom is taking hold in Mosul, and residents are making their voices 
heard. Turnout in the--for the October referendum was over 50 percent in 
the Province where Mosul is located. That's more than triple the turnout 
in the January election. And there's heavy campaigning going on in Mosul 
for next week's election.
    In places like Mosul and Najaf, residents are seeing tangible 
progress in their lives. They're gaining a personal stake in a peaceful 
future, and their confidence in Iraq's democracy is growing. The 
progress of these cities is being replicated across much of Iraq, and 
more of Iraq's people are seeing the real benefits that a democratic 
society can bring.
    Throughout Iraq, we're also seeing challenges common to young 
democracies. Corruption is a problem at both the national and local 
levels of the Iraqi government. We will not tolerate fraud, so our 
Embassy in Baghdad is helping to demand transparency and accountability 
for the money being invested in reconstruction. We've helped the Iraqi 
people establish institutions like a Commission on Public Integrity and 
a stronger Supreme Board of Audit to improve oversight of the rebuilding 
process. Listen, the Iraqi people expect money to be spent openly and 
honestly, and so do the American people.
    Another problem is the infiltration of militia groups into some 
Iraqi security forces, especially the Iraqi police. We're helping Iraqis 
deal with this problem by embedding coalition transition teams in Iraqi 
units to mentor police and soldiers. We're also working with Iraq 
leaders at all levels of government to establish high standards for 
police recruiting. In a free Iraq, former militia members must shift 
their loyalty to the National Government and learn to operate under the 
rule of law.
    As we help Iraq's leaders confront these challenges, we're also 
helping them rebuild a sound economy that will grow and deliver a better 
life for their people. Iraq is a nation with the potential for 
tremendous prosperity. The country has a young and educated workforce; 
they've got abundant land and water; and they have among the largest oil 
resources in the world. Yet for decades, Saddam Hussein used Iraq's 
wealth to enrich himself and a privileged few. As he built palaces, 
Saddam neglected the country's infrastructure. He ruined the economy, 
and he squandered the most valuable resource in Iraq, the talent and the 
energy of the Iraqi people.

[[Page 1830]]

    So we're helping the new Iraq Government reverse decades of economic 
destruction, reinvigorate its economy, and make responsible reforms. 
We're helping Iraqis to rebuild their infrastructure and establish the 
institutions of a market economy. The entrepreneurial spirit is strong 
in Iraq. Our policies are aimed at unleashing the creativity of the 
Iraqi people.
    Like our approach to training Iraqi security forces, our approach to 
helping Iraqis rebuild has changed and improved. When we started the 
reconstruction progress in the spring of 2003, our focus was on 
repairing and building large-scale infrastructure, such as electrical 
plants and large water treatment facilities. We moved forward with some 
of those large projects, yet we found our approach was not meeting the 
priorities of the Iraqi people. In many places, especially those 
targeted by the terrorists and Saddamists, the most urgent needs were 
smaller, localized projects, such as sewer lines and city roads. 
Delivering visible progress to the Iraqi people required us to focus on 
projects that could be completed rapidly.
    And so in consultation with the Iraqi Government, we started using 
more resources to fund smaller, local projects that could deliver rapid, 
noticeable improvements and offer an alternative to the destructive 
vision of the terrorists. We increased the amount of money our military 
commanders had at their disposal for flexible use. We worked with Iraqi 
leaders to provide more contracts directly to Iraqi firms. And by 
adapting our reconstruction efforts to meet needs on the ground, we're 
helping Iraqi leaders serve their people, and Iraqis are beginning to 
see that a free life will be a better life.
    Reconstruction has not always gone as well as we had hoped, 
primarily because of the security challenges on the ground. Rebuilding a 
nation devastated by a dictator is a large undertaking. It's even harder 
when terrorists are trying to blow up that which the Iraqis are trying 
to build. The terrorists and Saddamists have been able to slow progress, 
but they haven't been able to stop it.
    In the space of 2\1/2\ years, we have helped Iraqis conduct nearly 
3,000 renovation projects at schools, train more than 30,000 teachers, 
distribute more than 8 million textbooks, rebuild irrigation 
infrastructure to help more than 400,000 rural Iraqis, and improve 
drinking water for more than 3 million people.
    Our coalition has helped Iraqis introduce a new currency, reopen 
their stock exchange, extend $21 million in microcredit and small-
business loans to Iraqi entrepreneurs. As a result of these efforts and 
Iraq's newfound freedom, more than 30,000 new Iraqi businesses have 
registered since liberation. And according to a recent survey, more than 
three-quarters of Iraqi businessowners anticipate growth in the national 
economy over the next 2 years.
    This economic development and growth will be really important to 
addressing the high unemployment rate across parts of that country. 
Iraq's market-based reforms are gradually returning the proud country to 
the global economy. Iraqis have negotiated significant debt relief. And 
for the first time in 25 years, Iraq has completed an economic report 
card with the International Monetary Fund, a signal to the world 
financial community that Iraqis are serious about reform and determined 
to take their rightful place in the world economy.
    With all these improvements, we're helping the Iraqi Government 
deliver meaningful change for the Iraqi people. This is another 
important blow against the Saddamists and the terrorists. Iraqis who 
were disillusioned with their situation are beginning to see a hopeful 
future for their country. Many who once questioned democracy are coming 
off the fence; they're choosing the side of freedom. This is quiet, 
steady progress. It doesn't always make the headlines in the evening 
news. But it's real, and it's important, and it is unmistakable to those 
who see it close up.
    One of those who has seen that progress is Democratic Senator Joe 
Lieberman. Senator Lieberman has traveled to Iraq 4 times in the past 17 
months, and the article he wrote when he returned from his most recent 
trip provides a clear description of the situation on the ground. Here's 
what Senator Lieberman wrote about the Iraq he saw: ``Progress is 
visible and practical. There are

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many more cars on the streets, satellite television dishes on the roofs, 
and literally millions more cell phones in Iraq hands than before.'' He 
describes an Iraqi poll showing that, ``two-thirds of Iraqis say they 
are better off than they were under Saddam Hussein.''
    Senator Lieberman goes on, ``Does America have a good plan for doing 
this, a strategy for victory in Iraq? Yes, we do. And it's important to 
make clear to the American people that the plan has not remained 
stubbornly still, but has changed over the years.'' The Senator says 
that mistakes have been made. But he goes on to say that he is worried 
about a bigger mistake. He writes, ``What a colossal mistake it would be 
for America's bipartisan political leadership to choose this moment in 
history to lose its will and, in the famous phrase, to seize defeat from 
the jaws of the coming victory.'' Senator Lieberman is right.
    There is an important debate going on in our Nation's Capital about 
Iraq, and the fact that we can debate these issues openly in the midst 
of a dangerous war brings credit to our democracy. In this debate, some 
are calling for us to withdraw from Iraq on a fixed timetable, without 
regard to conditions on the ground. Recently, one Democratic leader came 
out in support of an artificial deadline for withdrawal and said an 
immediate withdrawal of our troops would, ``make the American people 
safer, our military stronger, and bring some stability to the region.'' 
That's the wrong policy for our Government. Withdrawing on an artificial 
deadline would endanger the American people, would harm our military, 
and make the Middle East less stable. It would give the terrorists 
exactly what they want.
    In a letter to the terrorist leader Zarqawi, the Al Qaida leader 
Zawahiri has outlined his goals in Iraq with these steps: ``Expel the 
Americans from Iraq; establish an Islamic authority over as much 
territory as you can, to spread its power in Iraq; extend the jihad 
wave.'' The terrorists hope America will withdraw before the job is 
done, so they can take over the country and turn it into a base for 
future attacks. Zawahiri called the Vietnam war as a reason to believe 
the terrorists can prevail. He wrote, quote, ``The aftermath of the 
collapse of American power in Vietnam and how they ran and left their 
agents is noteworthy.'' In the past, Al Qaida has said that American 
pullouts from Lebanon and Somalia showed them that America was weak and 
could be made to run. And now the terrorists think they can make America 
run in Iraq, and that is not going to happen so long as I'm the 
Commander in Chief.
    We are not going to yield the future of Iraq to men like Zarqawi, 
and we're not going to yield the future of the Middle East to men like 
bin Laden. We will complete our mission in Iraq and leave behind a 
democracy that can govern itself, sustain itself, and defend itself. Our 
military will continue to hunt down the terrorists in Iraq and to 
prepare the Iraqi security forces to take over more of the fight and 
control more of the territory on their own. We will continue to help the 
Iraqis rebuild their cities and their lives so they can enjoy the 
prosperity that freedom brings. We will continue to stand with the Iraqi 
people as they move forward on the path of democracy. And when victory 
is achieved, our troops will then come home with the honor they've 
earned.
    Next week, I'll discuss the political element of our strategy in 
greater detail, how we're helping Iraqis build a democracy that will be 
a strong ally in this global war against the terrorists. One of the 
great lessons of history is that free societies are peaceful societies, 
and free nations give their citizens a path to resolve their differences 
peacefully through the democratic process.
    Democracy can be difficult and complicated and even chaotic. It can 
take years of hard work to build a healthy civil society. Iraqis have to 
overcome many challenges, including longstanding ethnic and religious 
tensions and the legacy of brutal repression. But they're learning that 
democracy is the only way to build a just and peaceful society, because 
it's the only system that gives every citizen a voice in determining its 
future.
    Before our mission in Iraq is accomplished, there will be tough days 
ahead. Victory in Iraq will require continued sacrifice by our men and 
women in uniform and the continued determination of our citizens. There 
will be good days, and there will be bad days in this war. I reject the 
pessimists in Washington who say, ``We can't win this war.'' Yet every 
day, we can be confident of

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the outcome, because we know that freedom has got the power to overcome 
terror and tyranny. We can be confident about the outcome, because we 
know the character and strength of the men and women in the fight. Their 
courage makes all Americans proud.
    This generation of Americans in uniform is every bit as brave and 
determined as the generation that went to war after the attack on our 
Nation 64 years ago today. Like those who came before, they are 
defeating a dangerous enemy, bringing freedom to millions, and 
transforming a troubled part of the world. And like those who came 
before, they will always have the gratitude of the American people.
    Our Nation will uphold the cause for which our men and women in 
uniform are risking their lives. We will continue to hunt down the 
terrorists wherever they hide. We will help the Iraqi people so they can 
build a free society in the heart of a troubled region. And by laying 
the foundations of freedom in Iraq and across the broader Middle East, 
we will lay the foundation of peace for generations to come.
    Thanks for giving me a chance to come and speak to you today. May 
God continue to bless our country.

Note: The President spoke at 10:44 a.m. at the Omni Shoreham Hotel. In 
his remarks, he referred to Richard N. Haass, president, and Nancy E. 
Roman, vice president and director, Council on Foreign Relations; former 
President Saddam Hussein of Iraq; Usama bin Laden, leader of the Al 
Qaida terrorist organization; Gov. Asaad Abu Gelal of Najaf Province, 
Iraq; senior Al Qaida associate Abu Musab Al Zarqawi; and Ayman Al-
Zawahiri, founder of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad and senior Al Qaida 
associate. The Office of the Press Secretary also released a Spanish 
language transcript of these remarks.