[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 41, Number 43 (Monday, October 31, 2005)]
[Pages 1583-1591]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at the Joint Armed Forces Officers' Wives Luncheon

October 25, 2005

    Thank you all. Thanks for having me. Please be seated. Thank you for 
the kind introduction, Jonnie, and thanks for the warm welcome. I 
appreciate being invited to come. It's such an honor to be here to stand 
up with so many strong and caring women--and a few men--[laughter]--who 
are devoted to their husbands and their wives and to our country.
    I remember when Laura came over here to speak before; she had a heck 
of a good time. I bet you're probably wishing she was back. [Laughter] 
This is the 28th anniversary of this luncheon. Laura and I happen to 
have our 28th anniversary of our own coming up Saturday. You helped me 
remember. [Laughter] It's the best decision I ever made, was marrying 
Laura in Midland, Texas. Some question whether or not it was the best 
decision she ever made. [Laughter]
    Speaking about decisions, I've got another decision to make, and 
maybe after the lunch, you can help me, and that is, what do I get her 
on the 28th anniversary? [Laughter] Never mind. [Laughter] Never mind. 
[Laughter] Sorry I asked. [Laughter]
    Today America also honors the memory of one of the most inspiring 
women of the 20th century, Rosa Parks. Fifty years ago, in Montgomery, 
Alabama, this humble seamstress stood up to injustice by refusing a bus 
driver's order that she give up her seat for a white man. Her show of 
defiance was an act of personal courage that moved millions, including a 
young preacher named Martin Luther King. Rosa Parks' example helped 
touch off the civil rights movement and transformed America for the 
better. She will

[[Page 1584]]

always have a special place in American history, and our Nation thinks 
of Rosa Parks and her loved ones today.
    I appreciate Lynne Pace, honorary chairman of the luncheon, and 
Cindy G. [Laughter] I tried it once--[laughter]--and I'm not trying it 
again. [Laughter] I want to thank Linda Odierno. It's good to see Joyce 
Rumsfeld, Meryl Chertoff, who is the wife of Mike Chertoff, Dotty 
England, Mary Harvey. And I appreciate all the other spouses that are 
here to--that give me a chance to come.
    I've got an important talk to you--I want to tell you some things. 
We meet at a critical time for our military and our Nation. At this 
hour, Americans in uniform are deployed around the world to defend our 
freedom and our security in the first war of the 21st century. They're 
carrying out dangerous missions with skill and courage and compassion. I 
hope you know this, but the entire Nation is proud of the men and women 
who wear our uniform. And so am I.
    Every sailor, soldier, airman, marine, and coastguardsman who wears 
the uniform volunteered for duty. And they have something else in 
common: They all rely on the love and support of their families--their 
moms, their dads, their husbands, and their wives. You are the ones who 
send the care packages and send the e-mails. You're the ones who provide 
the daily encouragement for our folks overseas.
    I know this is a trying time for our military spouses. Many of you 
have endured long separations from your husbands and wives. You miss 
them and worry about them and, all the while, keep things running at 
home. By standing behind those who serve, you're serving as well. The 
American people are grateful to the strength and sacrifice of our 
military spouses, and so am I.
    Our service members and families are sacrificing for our country, 
and you deserve full support in return. You deserve the best possible 
pay. I've gladly signed legislation increasing basic military pay by 21 
percent since 2001. You deserve extra compensation when your loved ones 
put themselves in harmed [harm's] * way, so we've increased imminent 
danger pay by 50 percent, and we have more than doubled family 
separation pay.
    * White House correction.
    You deserve comfortable and affordable places to live, so we've 
improved housing for families living on base, and we've eliminated out-
of-pocket housing expenses for most families living off base. You 
deserve generous and flexible benefits, so we've made it easier for 
military families to get health care. We've extended tax filing 
deadlines. We've increased payments for servicemembers wounded in 
action, and we've improved education benefits for the National Guard and 
Reserve.
    Every man and woman who volunteers to defend our Nation in battle, 
also deserves something else, an unwavering commitment to the mission 
and a clear strategy for victory. On the morning of September the 11th, 
2001, we saw the destruction that terrorists intend for our Nation. We 
know that they want to strike again. And our Nation has made a clear 
choice: We will confront this mortal danger to all humanity. We will not 
rest or tire until the war on terror is won.
    In 4 years since September the 11th, the evil that reached our 
shores has reappeared on other days, in other places, in Mombasa and 
Casablanca and Riyadh and Jakarta and Istanbul and Madrid and Beslan and 
Taba, Netanya, Baghdad, and elsewhere. In the past few months, we've 
seen a new terror offensive with attacks in London, Sharm el-Sheikh, and 
a deadly bombing in Bali once again. All these separate images of 
destruction and suffering that we see on the news can seem like random 
and isolated acts of madness. Innocent men and women and children have 
died simply because they were in the wrong train or worked in the wrong 
building or checked into the wrong hotel. Yet, while the killers choose 
their victims indiscriminately, their attacks serve a clear and focused 
ideology, a set of beliefs and goals that are evil but not insane.
    Some call this evil Islamic radicalism; others, militant Jihadism; 
still others, Islamo-fascism. Whatever it is called, this ideology is 
very different from the religion of Islam. This form of radicalism 
exploits Islam to serve a violent, political vision, the establishment--
by terrorism, subversion, and insurgency--

[[Page 1585]]

of a totalitarian empire that denies all political and religious 
freedom. These extremists distort the idea of jihad into a call for 
terrorist murder against Christians and Hindus and Jews and also against 
Muslims who do not share their radical vision, whom they regard as 
heretics.
    Many militants are part of a--global, borderless terrorist 
organizations like Al Qaida, which spreads propaganda and provides 
financing and technical assistance to local extremists and conducts 
dramatic and brutal operations like the attacks of September the 11th. 
Other militants are found in regional groups, often associated with Al 
Qaida, paramilitary insurgencies and separatist movements in places like 
Somalia and the Philippines and Pakistan and Chechnya and Kashmir and 
Algeria. Still others spring up in local cells, inspired by Islamic 
radicalism but not centrally directed. Islamic radicalism is more like a 
loose network with many branches than an army under a single command. 
Yet these operatives, fighting on scattered battlefields, share a 
similar ideology and vision for our world. And we know the vision of the 
radicals because they've stated it openly in videos and audiotapes and 
letters and declarations and on web sites.
    First, these extremists want to end American and Western influence 
in the broader Middle East, because we stand for democracy and peace, 
and we stand in the way of their ambitions. Al Qaida's leader, Usama bin 
Laden, has called on Muslims to dedicate, and I quote, their 
``resources, sons, and money to driving the infidels out of our lands.'' 
The tactics of Al Qaida and other Islamic extremists have been 
consistent for a quarter-century: They hit us and expect us to run.
    Earlier this month, the world learned of a letter written by Al 
Qaida's number two leader, a man named Zawahiri, a letter he wrote to 
his chief deputy in Iraq, the terrorist Zarqawi. In it, Zawahiri points 
to Vietnam as a model for Al Qaida. He writes, ``The aftermath of the 
collapse of American power in Vietnam and how they ran and left their 
agents, is noteworthy.'' The terrorists witnessed a similar response 
after the attacks of American troops in Beirut in 1983, Mogadishu in 
1993. They believe that America can be made to run again, only this time 
on a larger scale with greater consequences.

    Secondly, the militant network wants to use the vacuum created by an 
American retreat to gain control of a country, a base from which to 
launch attacks and conduct their war against nonradical Muslim 
governments. Over the past few decades, radicals have specifically 
targeted Egypt and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan and Jordan for potential 
takeover. They've achieved their goal, for a time, in Afghanistan. And 
now they've set their sights on Iraq. In his recent letter, Zawahiri 
writes that Al Qaida views Iraq as, quote, ``the place for the greatest 
battle.'' The terrorists regard Iraq as the central front in their war 
against humanity. And we must recognize Iraq as the central front in our 
war on terror.

    Third, the militants believe that controlling one country will rally 
the Muslim masses, enabling them to overthrow all moderate governments 
in the region and establish a radical Islamic empire that spans from 
Spain to Indonesia. Zawahiri writes that the terrorists, quote, ``must 
not have their mission end with the expulsion of Americans from Iraq.'' 
He goes on to say, ``The jihad requires several incremental goals: expel 
the Americans from Iraq; establish the Islamic authority over as much 
territory as you can to spread its power in Iraq; extend the jihad wave 
to the secular countries neighboring Iraq,'' end quote.

    With the greater economic and military and political power they 
seek, the terrorists would be able to advance their stated agenda, to 
develop weapons of mass destruction, to destroy Israel, to intimidate 
Europe, to assault the American people, and to blackmail our Government 
into isolation.

    Some might be tempted to dismiss these goals as fanatical or 
extreme. Well, they are fanatical and extreme, and they should not be 
dismissed. Our enemy is utterly committed. As Zarqawi has vowed, ``We 
will either achieve victory over the human race, or we will pass to the 
eternal life.'' And the civilized world knows very well that other 
fanatics in history, from Hitler to Stalin to Pol Pot, consumed whole 
nations in war and genocide before leaving the stage of history.

[[Page 1586]]

Evil men obsessed with ambition and unburdened by conscience must be 
taken very seriously, and we must stop them before their crimes can 
multiply.
    Defeating the militant network is difficult because it thrives, like 
a parasite, on the suffering and frustrations of others. The radicals 
exploit local conflicts to build a culture of victimization in which 
someone else is always to blame and violence is always the solution. 
They exploit resentful and disillusioned young men and women, recruiting 
them through radical mosques as the pawns of terror. And they exploit 
modern technology to multiply their destructive power. Instead of 
attending faraway training camps, recruits can now access online 
training libraries to learn how to build a roadside bomb or fire a 
rocket-propelled grenade, and this further spreads the threat of 
violence, even within peaceful democratic societies.
    The influence of Islamic radicalism is also magnified by helpers and 
enablers. They've been sheltered by authoritarian regimes, allies of 
convenience like Syria and Iran, that share the goal of hurting America 
and modern Muslim governments and use terrorist propaganda to blame 
their own failures on the West, on America, and on the Jews.
    The radicals depend on front operations, such as corrupted charities 
which direct money to terrorist activity. They're strengthened by those 
who aggressively fund the spread of radical, intolerant versions of 
Islam in unstable parts of the world. The militants are aided as well by 
elements of the Arab news media that incite hatred and anti-Semitism, 
that feed conspiracy theories, and speak of a so-called American ``war 
on Islam,'' with seldom a word about American action to protect Muslims 
in Afghanistan, in Bosnia, in Somalia, and Kosovo and Kuwait and Iraq, 
with seldom a world about--word about the generous assistance to Muslims 
recovering from natural disasters in places like Indonesia and Pakistan.
    Some have argued that extremism has been strengthened by the actions 
of our coalition in Iraq, claiming that our presence in that country has 
somehow caused or triggered the rage of radicals. I would remind them 
that we were not in Iraq on September 11th, 2001, and Al Qaida attacked 
us anyway. The hatred of the radicals existed before Iraq was an issue, 
and it will exist after Iraq is no longer an excuse.
    The Government of Russia did not support Operation Iraqi Freedom, 
and yet the militants killed more than 150 Russian schoolchildren in 
Beslan. Over the years, these extremists have used a litany of excuses 
for violence, the Israeli presence on the West Bank or the U.S. military 
presence in Saudi Arabia or the defeat of the Taliban or the Crusades of 
a thousand years ago. In fact, we're not facing a set of grievances that 
can be soothed and addressed. We're facing a radical ideology with 
inalterable objectives, to enslave whole nations and intimidate the 
world.
    No acts of ours involve the rage of killers. And no concessions, 
bribe, or act of appeasement would change or limit their plans of 
murder. On the contrary, they target nations whose behavior they believe 
they can change through violence. Against such an enemy, there is only 
one effective response: We will never back down, never give in, and 
never accept anything less than complete victory.
    The murderous ideology of the Islamic radicals is the great 
challenge of our new century. Yet, in many ways, this fight resembles 
the struggle against communism in the last century. Like the ideology of 
communism, Islamic radicalism is elitist, led by a self-appointed 
vanguard that presumes to speak for the Muslim masses. Bin Laden says 
his own role is to tell Muslims, and I quote, ``what is good for them 
and what is not.'' And what this man who grew up in wealth and privilege 
considers good for poor Muslims is that they become killers and suicide 
bombers. He assures them that this is the road to paradise, though he 
never offers to go along for the ride. [Laughter]
    Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy teaches that innocent 
individuals can be sacrificed to serve a political vision. And this 
explains their coldblooded contempt for human life. We've seen it in the 
murders of Daniel Pearl, Nicholas Berg, and Margaret Hassan, and many, 
many others. In a courtroom in the Netherlands, the killer of Theo van 
Gogh turned to the victim's grieving mother and said, ``I do not feel 
your pain because I believe you're an infidel.'' And in spite of this 
veneer of religious rhetoric, most

[[Page 1587]]

of the victims claimed by the militants are fellow Muslims.
    When 25 Iraqi children are killed in a bombing or Iraqi teachers are 
executed at their school or hospital workers are killed caring for the 
wounded, this is murder, pure and simple, the total rejection of justice 
and honor and morality and religion. These militants are not just 
enemies of America or enemies of Iraq; they are the enemies of Islam and 
enemies of humanity.
    We have seen this kind of shameless cruelty before in the heartless 
zealotry that led to the gulags, the Cultural Revolution, and the 
Killing Fields. Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy pursues 
totalitarian aims. Its leaders pretend to be an aggrieved party, 
representing the powerless against imperial enemies. In truth, they have 
endless ambitions of imperial domination. They wish to make everyone 
powerless except themselves. Under their rule, they have banned books 
and desecrated historical monuments and brutalized women. They seek to 
end dissent in every form, to control every aspect of life and to rule 
the soul itself. While promising a future of justice and holiness, the 
terrorists are preparing a future of oppression and misery.
    Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy is dismissive of free 
peoples, claiming that men and women who live in liberty are weak and 
decadent. Zarqawi has said that Americans are, quote, ``the most 
cowardly of God's creatures.'' But let us be clear: It is cowardice that 
seeks to kill children and the elderly with car bombs. It's cowardice 
that cuts the throat of a bound captive. It is cowardice that targets 
worshipers leaving a mosque. It is the courage that liberated more than 
50 million people. It is courage that keeps an untiring vigil against 
the enemies of a rising democracy. It is courage in the cause of freedom 
that will once again destroy the enemies of freedom.
    And Islamic radicalism, like the ideology of communism, contains 
inherent contradictions that doom it to failure. By fearing freedom, by 
distrusting human creativity and punishing change and limiting the 
contributions of half the population, this ideology undermines the very 
qualities that make human progress possible and human societies 
successful. The only thing modern about the militants' vision is the 
weapons they want to use against us. The rest of their grim vision is 
defined by a warped image of the past, a declaration of war on the idea 
of progress itself. And whatever lies ahead in the war against this 
ideology, the outcome is not in doubt: Those who despise freedom and 
progress have condemned themselves to isolation, decline, and collapse. 
Because free peoples believe in the future, free peoples will own the 
future.
    We didn't ask for this global struggle, but we're answering 
history's call with confidence and with a comprehensive strategy. 
Defeating a broad and adaptive network requires patience and constant 
pressure and strong partners in Europe, in the Middle East, in North 
Africa, and Asia and beyond. Working with these partners, we're 
disrupting militant conspiracies, destroying their ability to make war, 
and working to give millions in a troubled region of the world a hopeful 
alternative to resentment and violence.
    First, we're determined to prevent the attacks of terrorist networks 
before they occur. We're reorganizing the Government to give this Nation 
a broad and coordinated homeland defense. We're reforming our 
intelligence agencies for the incredibly difficult task of tracking 
enemy activity, based on information that often comes in small fragments 
from widely scattered sources, here and abroad. And as we're acting, 
along with governments from many countries, we're doing so to destroy 
the terrorist networks and incapacitate their leaders.
    Together with our coalition partners, we've disrupted a number of 
serious Al Qaida terrorist plots since September the 11th, including 
several Al Qaida plots to attack inside the United States. Our coalition 
against terror has killed or captured nearly all of those directly 
responsible for the September the 11th attacks, several of bin Laden's 
most senior deputies, Al Qaida managers and operatives in more than 24 
countries, the mastermind of the U.S.S. Cole bombing, who was chief of 
Al Qaida operations in the Persian Gulf. We brought to justice the 
mastermind of the bombings in Jakarta and Bali,

[[Page 1588]]

a senior Zarqawi terrorist planner, and many of Al Qaida's senior 
leaders in Saudi Arabia.
    Because of this steady progress, the enemy is wounded, but the enemy 
is still capable of global operations. Our commitment is clear: We will 
not relent until the organized international terror networks are exposed 
and broken and their leaders are held to account for their murder.
    Second, we're determined to deny weapons of mass destruction to 
outlaw regimes and to the terrorist allies who would use them without 
hesitation. The United States, working with Great Britain, Pakistan, and 
other nations, has exposed and disrupted a major black-market operation 
in nuclear technology led by A.Q. Khan. Libya has abandoned its chemical 
and nuclear weapons programs as well as its long-range ballistic 
missiles. In the last year, America and our partners in the 
Proliferation Security Initiative have stopped more than a dozen 
shipments of suspected weapons technology, including equipment for 
Iran's ballistic missile program. This progress has reduced the danger 
of free nations, but it has not removed it. Evil men who want to use 
horrendous weapons against us are working in deadly earnest to gain 
them. And we're working urgently to keep weapons of mass murder out of 
the hands of those fanatics.
    Third, we're determined to deny radical groups the support and 
sanctuary of outlaw regimes. State sponsors like Syria and Iran have a 
long history of collaboration with terrorists, and they deserve no 
patience from the victims of terror. The United States makes no 
distinction between those who commit acts of terror and those who 
support and harbor them, because they are equally guilty of murder. Any 
government that chooses to be an ally of terror has chosen to be an 
enemy of civilization, and the civilized world must hold those regimes 
to account.
    This week, the United Nations Security Council will hear a new 
report from an independent commission that points to Syrian involvement 
in the terrorist bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister 
Hariri and 22 others last February. Syria is destabilizing Lebanon, 
permitting terrorists to use its territory to reach Iraq, and giving 
safe harbor to Palestinian terrorist groups. The United Nations has 
passed strong resolutions against terror. Now the United Nations must 
act, and Syria and its leaders must be held accountable for their 
continuing support for terrorism, including any involvement in the 
murder of Prime Minister Hariri.
    Fourth, we're determined to deny the militants control of any 
nation, which they would use as a home base and launching pad for 
terror. This mission has brought new and urgent responsibilities to our 
Armed Forces, and because of that, it's brought urgent responsibilities 
to you all. American troops are fighting beside Afghan partners against 
remnants of the Taliban and their Al Qaida allies. We're working with 
President Musharraf to oppose and isolate the militants in Pakistan. 
We're fighting the regime remnants and terrorists in Iraq. The 
terrorists' goal is to overthrow a rising democracy, claim a strategic 
country as a haven for terror, destabilize the Middle East, and strike 
America and other free nations with ever-increasing violence. Our goal 
is to defeat the terrorists and their allies at the heart of their 
power, and so we will defeat the enemy in Iraq.
    Our coalition, along with our Iraqi allies, is moving forward with a 
comprehensive plan. As Secretary Rice explained last week, our strategy 
is to clear, hold, and build. We're working to clear areas from 
terrorist control, to hold those areas securely, and to build lasting, 
democratic Iraqi institutions. In recent weeks, American and Iraqi 
troops have conducted several major assaults to clear out enemy fighters 
in western Iraq and to help shut down terrorist entry routes from Syria. 
During one raid, our forces killed a top Zarqawi henchman named Abu 
Abdullah, who was responsible for attacks on American troops and on 
innocent Iraqis. Thousands of Iraqi forces have been participating in 
these operations, and many have remained in cities along with coalition 
forces to hold onto our gains and prevent the enemy from returning. 
Iraqi forces are using their local expertise to maintain security and to 
make tangible improvements in the lives of their fellow Iraqis.
    At the same time, Iraqis are making inspiring progress toward 
building a democracy. Ten days ago, millions of Iraqis turned out

[[Page 1589]]

to vote on a constitution that guarantees fundamental freedoms and lays 
the foundation for lasting democracy. And today the Iraqi elections 
commission certified the passage of the constitution. Many more Sunnis 
participated in this vote than in January's historic elections, and the 
level of violence was dramatically lower. With their courageous vote, 
the Iraqi people have once again proved their determination to build a 
democracy united against extremism and violence.
    An 85-year-old Iraqi woman cast a ballot in favor of the 
constitution after her son carried her on his back to the polls. Here's 
what she said. She said, ``I went out to vote for it because I want the 
future to be safe and peaceful for my sons and my grandchildren.''
    We got more work to do, and it involves great risk for Iraqis and 
for American and coalition forces. A time of war is a time for 
sacrifice, and the greatest burden falls on military families. We've 
lost some of our Nation's finest men and women in the war on terror. 
Each of these men and women left grieving families and left loved ones 
back home. Each of these patriots left a legacy that will allow 
generations of their fellow Americans to enjoy the blessings of liberty. 
Each loss of life is heartbreaking. And the best way to honor the 
sacrifice of our fallen troops is to complete the mission and lay the 
foundation of peace by spreading freedom.
    The sacrifices made by you and your loved ones in uniform are always 
on our minds and in our prayers. All of you also understand that 
sacrifice is essential to winning war, and this war will require more 
sacrifice, more time, and more resolve. The terrorists are as brutal an 
enemy as we have ever faced, unconstrained by any notion of common 
humanity and by the rules of warfare. No one should underestimate the 
difficulties ahead nor should they overlook the advantages we bring to 
this fight.
    Some observers look at the job ahead and adopt a self-defeating 
pessimism. It's not justified. With every random bombing and every 
funeral of a child, it becomes more clear that the extremists are not 
patriots or resistance fighters; they are murderers at war with the 
Iraqi people themselves. In contrast, the elected leaders of Iraq are 
proving to be strong and steadfast. By any standard or precedent of 
history, Iraq has made incredible political progress, from tyranny to 
liberation, to national elections, to the ratification of a constitution 
in the space of 2\1/2\ years.
    And with our help, the Iraqi military is gaining new capabilities 
and new confidence with every passing month. At the time of our Fallujah 
operations nearly a year ago, there were only a few Iraqi army 
battalions in combat. Today, there are nearly 90 Iraqi army battalions 
fighting the terrorists alongside our forces. General David Petraeus 
said, ``Iraqis are in the fight. They're fighting and dying for their 
country, and they're fighting increasingly well.'' The progress isn't 
easy, but it is steady. And no fair-minded person should ignore, deny, 
or dismiss the achievements of the Iraqi people.
    Some observers question the durability of democracy in Iraq. They 
underestimate the power and appeal of freedom. We've heard it suggested 
Iraq's democracy must be on shaky ground because Iraqis are arguing with 
each other. [Laughter] That's the essence of democracy. [Laughter] You 
make your case; you debate those who disagree with you; you build 
consensus by persuasion; and you answer to the will of the people.
    We've heard it said that the Shi'a and Sunnis and Kurds of Iraq are 
too divided to form a lasting democracy. In fact, democratic federalism 
is the best hope for unifying a diverse population, because a federal 
constitutional system respects the rights and religious traditions of 
all citizens while giving all minorities, including the Sunnis, a stake 
and a voice in the future of their country.
    It's true that the seeds of freedom have only recently been planted 
in Iraq, but democracy, when it grows, is not a fragile flower. It's a 
healthy, sturdy tree. As Americans, we believe that people everywhere 
prefer freedom to slavery and that liberty, once chosen, improves the 
lives of all. And so we're confident, as our coalition and the Iraqi 
people each do their part, Iraqi democracy will succeed.
    Some observers also claim that America would be better off by 
cutting our losses and leaving Iraq now. This is a dangerous illusion, 
refuted by a simple question: Would the United States and other free 
nations be more safe or less safe with Zarqawi and bin Laden

[[Page 1590]]

in control of Iraq, its people, and its resources? Having removed a 
dictator who hated free peoples, we will not stand by as a new set of 
killers, dedicated to the destruction of our country, seizes control of 
Iraq by violence.
    There's always a temptation in the middle of a long struggle to seek 
the quiet life, to escape the duties and problems of the world, to hope 
the enemy grows weary of fanaticism and tired of murder. That would be a 
pleasant world, but it isn't the world in which we live. The enemy is 
never tired, never sated, never content with yesterday's brutality. This 
enemy considers every retreat of the civilized world as an invitation to 
greater violence. In Iraq, there is no peace without victory, and we 
will keep our nerve, and we will win that victory.
    The fifth element of our strategy in the war on terror is to deny 
the militants of future recruits by replacing hatred and resentment with 
democracy and hope across the broader Middle East. This is difficult, 
and it's a long-term project. Yet there's no alternative to it. Our 
future and the future of that region are linked. If the broader Middle 
East is left to grow in bitterness, if countries remain in misery while 
radicals stir the resentments of millions, then that part of the world 
will be a source of endless conflict and mounting danger in our own 
generation and in the next. If the peoples of that region are permitted 
to choose their own destiny and advance by their own energy and 
participation as free men and women, then the extremists will be 
marginalized, and the flow of violent radicalism to the rest of the 
world will slow and eventually end. By standing for the hope and freedom 
of others, we make our own freedom more secure.
    America is making this stand in practical ways. We are encouraging 
our friends in the Middle East, including Egypt and Saudi Arabia, to 
take the path of reform, to strengthen their own societies in the fight 
against terror by respecting the rights and choices of their own people. 
We're standing with dissidents and exiles against oppressive regimes, 
because we know that the dissidents of today will be the democratic 
leaders of tomorrow. We're making our case through public diplomacy, 
stating clearly and confidently our belief in self-determination and the 
rule of law and religious freedom and equal rights for women, beliefs 
that are right and true in every land and in every culture.
    And as we do our part to confront radicalism, we know that the most 
vital work will be done within the Islamic world itself. And this work 
has begun. Many Muslim scholars have publicly condemned terrorism, often 
citing Chapter 5, Verse 32 of the Koran, which states that killing an 
innocent human being is the killing of all humanity--is like killing all 
humanity, and saving the life of one person is like saving all of 
humanity.
    After the attacks in London on July the 7th, an imam in the UAE 
declared, ``Whoever does such a thing is not a Muslim nor a religious 
person.'' The time has come for all responsible Islamic leaders to join 
in denouncing an ideology that exploits Islam for political ends and 
defiles a noble faith.
    Many people of the Muslim faith are proving their commitment at 
great personal risk. Everywhere we have engaged the fight against 
extremism, Muslim allies have stood up and joined the fight, becoming 
partners in a vital cause. Afghan troops are in combat against Taliban 
remnants. Iraqi soldiers are sacrificing to defeat the Al Qaida in their 
own country. These brave citizens know the stakes, the survival of their 
own liberty, the future of their own region, the justice and humanity of 
their own tradition, and we are proud to stand beside them.
    With the rise of a deadly enemy and the unfolding of a global 
ideological struggle, our time in history will be remembered for new 
challenges and unprecedented dangers. And yet the fight we've joined is 
also the current expression of an ancient struggle between those who put 
their faith in dictators and those who put their faith in the people. 
Throughout history, tyrants and would-be tyrants have always claimed 
that murder is justified to serve their grand vision, and they end up 
alienating decent people across the globe. Tyrants and would-be tyrants 
have always claimed that regimented societies are strong and pure, until 
those societies collapse in corruption and decay. Tyrants and would-be 
tyrants have always claimed that free men and women are weak and 
decadent, until the day that free men and women defeat them.

[[Page 1591]]

    We don't know the course of--our own struggle will take or the 
sacrifices that might lie ahead. We do know, however, that the defense 
of freedom is worth our sacrifice. We do know that the love of freedom 
is the mightiest force of history. We do know the strength and character 
that our troops and military families bring to the fight, and we do know 
that the cause of freedom will once again prevail.

    These are historic times. It's a vital time for our Nation and the 
world. And I want to thank you for your courage and thank you for your 
sacrifice. May God bless your loved ones. May God bless you, and may God 
continue to bless our country.

Note: The President spoke at 11:33 a.m. at Bolling Air Force Base. In 
his remarks, he referred to Jonnie Nance, chairman, Joint Armed Forces 
Officers' Wives Luncheon; Lynne Pace, wife of Gen. Peter Pace, USMC, 
Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff; Cindy Giambastiani, wife of Adm. Edmund 
P. Giambastiani, USN, Vice Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff; Linda 
Odierno, wife of Lt. Gen. Raymond T. Odierno, USA, Assistant to the 
Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff; Joyce Rumsfeld, wife of Secretary of 
Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld; Meryl J. Chertoff, wife of Secretary of 
Homeland Secretary Michael Chertoff; Dorothy ``Dotty'' England, wife of 
Secretary of the Navy Gordon R. England; Mary Harvey, wife of Secretary 
of the Army Francis J. Harvey; Usama bin Laden, leader of the Al Qaida 
terrorist organization; Ayman Al-Zawahiri, founder of the Egyptian 
Islamic Jihad and senior Al Qaida associate; senior Al Qaida associate 
Abu Musab Al Zarqawi; Mohammed Bouyeri, who was convicted of the murder 
of Theo van Gogh; Anneke van Gogh, mother of Theo van Gogh; Abd al-Rahim 
al-Nashiri, Al Qaida's chief of operations for the Persian Gulf; 
Nurjaman Riduan Isamuddin (also known as Hambali), Al Qaida's chief 
operational planner in Southeast Asia; A.Q. Khan, former head of 
Pakistan's nuclear program; President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan; Lt. 
Gen. David H. Petraeus, USA, former commander, Multi-National Security 
Transition Command--Iraq; and former President Saddam Hussein of Iraq. 
The Office of the Press Secretary also released a Spanish language 
transcript of these remarks.