[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 41, Number 26 (Monday, July 4, 2005)]
[Pages 1079-1084]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]
<R04>
Address to the Nation on the War on Terror From Fort Bragg, North
Carolina
June 28, 2005
Thank you. Please be seated. Good evening. I'm pleased to visit Fort
Bragg, ``Home of the Airborne and Special Operations Forces.'' It's an
honor to speak before you tonight.
My greatest responsibility as President is to protect the American
people, and that's your calling as well. I thank you for your service,
your courage, and your sacrifice. I thank your families, who support you
in your vital work. The soldiers and families of Fort Bragg have
contributed mightily to our efforts to secure our country and promote
peace. America is grateful, and so is your Commander in Chief.
The troops here and across the world are fighting a global war on
terror. The war reached our shores on September the 11th, 2001. The
terrorists who attacked us--and the terrorists we face--murder in the
name of a totalitarian ideology that hates freedom, rejects tolerance,
and despises all dissent. Their aim is to remake the Middle East in
their own grim image of tyranny and oppression by toppling governments,
by driving us out of the region, and by exporting terror.
To achieve these aims, they have continued to kill in Madrid,
Istanbul, Jakarta, Casablanca, Riyadh, Bali, and elsewhere. The
terrorists believe that free societies are essentially corrupt and
decadent and with a few hard blows, they can force us to retreat. They
are mistaken. After September the 11th, I made a commitment to the
American people: This Nation will not wait to be attacked again. We will
defend our freedom. We will take the fight to the enemy.
Iraq is the latest battlefield in this war. Many terrorists who kill
innocent men, women, and children on the streets of Baghdad are
followers of the same murderous ideology that took the lives of our
citizens in New York, in Washington, and Pennsylvania. There is only one
course of action against them, to defeat them abroad before they attack
us at home. The commander in charge of coalition operations in Iraq, who
is also senior commander at this base, General John Vines, put it well
the other day. He said, ``We either deal with terrorism and this
extremism abroad, or we deal with it when it comes to us.''
Our mission in Iraq is clear. We're hunting down the terrorists.
We're helping Iraqis build a free nation that is an ally in the war on
terror. We're advancing freedom in the broader Middle East. We are
removing a source of violence and instability and laying the foundation
of peace for our children and our grandchildren.
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The work in Iraq is difficult, and it is dangerous. Like most
Americans, I see the images of violence and bloodshed. Every picture is
horrifying, and the suffering is real. Amid all this violence, I know
Americans ask the question: Is the sacrifice worth it? It is worth it,
and it is vital to the future security of our country. And tonight I
will explain the reasons why.
Some of the violence you see in Iraq is being carried out by
ruthless killers who are converging on Iraq to fight the advance of
peace and freedom. Our military reports that we've killed or captured
hundreds of foreign fighters in Iraq who have come from Saudi Arabia and
Syria, Iran, Egypt, Sudan, Yemen, Libya, and others. They are making
common cause with criminal elements, Iraqi insurgents, and remnants of
Saddam Hussein's regime who want to restore the old order. They fight
because they know that the survival of their hateful ideology is at
stake. They know that as freedom takes root in Iraq, it will inspire
millions across the Middle East to claim their liberty as well. And when
the Middle East grows in democracy and prosperity and hope, the
terrorists will lose their sponsors, lose their recruits, and lose their
hopes for turning that region into a base for attacks on America and our
allies around the world.
Some wonder whether Iraq is a central front in the war on terror.
Among the terrorists, there is no debate. Hear the words of Usama bin
Laden: ``This third world war is raging'' in Iraq. ``The whole world is
watching this war.'' He says it will end in ``victory and glory, or
misery and humiliation.''
The terrorists know that the outcome will leave them emboldened or
defeated. So they are waging a campaign of murder and destruction. And
there is no limit to the innocent lives they are willing to take.
We see the nature of the enemy in terrorists who exploded car bombs
along a busy shopping street in Baghdad, including one outside a mosque.
We see the nature of the enemy in terrorists who sent a suicide bomber
to a teaching hospital in Mosul. We see the nature of the enemy in
terrorists who behead civilian hostages and broadcast their atrocities
for the world to see.
These are savage acts of violence, but they have not brought the
terrorists any closer to achieving their strategic objectives. The
terrorists, both foreign and Iraqi, failed to stop the transfer of
sovereignty. They failed to break our coalition and force a mass
withdrawal by our allies. They failed to incite an Iraqi civil war. They
failed to prevent free elections. They failed to stop the formation of a
democratic Iraqi Government that represents all of Iraq's diverse
population. And they failed to stop Iraqis from signing up in large
number with the police forces and the army to defend their new
democracy.
The lesson of this experience is clear: The terrorists can kill the
innocent, but they cannot stop the advance of freedom. The only way our
enemies can succeed is if we forget the lessons of September the 11th,
if we abandon the Iraqi people to men like Zarqawi, and if we yield the
future of the Middle East to men like bin Laden. For the sake of our
Nation's security, this will not happen on my watch.
A little over a year ago, I spoke to the Nation and described our
coalition's goals in Iraq. I said that America's mission in Iraq is to
defeat an enemy and give strength to a friend--a free, representative
government that is an ally in the war on terror and a beacon of hope in
a part of the world that is desperate for reform. I outlined the steps
we would take to achieve this goal: We would hand authority over to a
sovereign Iraqi Government. We would help Iraqis hold free elections by
January 2005. We would continue helping Iraqis rebuild their nation's
infrastructure and economy. We would encourage more international
support for Iraq's democratic transition, and we would enable Iraqis to
take increasing responsibility for their own security and stability.
In the past year, we have made significant progress. One year ago
today, we restored sovereignty to the Iraqi people. In January 2005,
more than 8 million Iraqi men and women voted in elections that were
free and fair and took time on--and took place on time.
We continued our efforts to help them rebuild their country.
Rebuilding a country after three decades of tyranny is hard, and
rebuilding while at war is even harder. Our progress has been uneven,
but progress is being made. We're improving roads and
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schools and health clinics. We're working to improve basic services like
sanitation, electricity, and water. And together with our allies, we'll
help the new Iraqi Government deliver a better life for its citizens.
In the past year, the international community has stepped forward
with vital assistance. Some 30 nations have troops in Iraq, and many
others are contributing nonmilitary assistance. The United Nations is in
Iraq to help Iraqis write a constitution and conduct their next
elections. Thus far, some 40 countries and 3 international organizations
have pledged about $34 billion in assistance for Iraqi reconstruction.
More than 80 countries and international organizations recently came
together in Brussels to coordinate their efforts to help Iraqis provide
for their security and rebuild their country. And next month, donor
countries will meet in Jordan to support Iraqi reconstruction.
Whatever our differences in the past, the world understands that
success in Iraq is critical to the security of our nations. As German
Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder said at the White House yesterday, ``There
can be no question, a stable and democratic Iraq is in the vested
interest of not just Germany but also Europe.''
Finally, we have continued our efforts to equip and train Iraqi
security forces. We made gains in both the number and quality of those
forces. Today, Iraq has more than 160,000 security forces trained and
equipped for a variety of missions. Iraqi forces have fought bravely,
helping to capture terrorists and insurgents in Najaf and Samarra,
Fallujah and Mosul. And in the past month, Iraqi forces have led a major
antiterrorist campaign in Baghdad called Operation Lightning, which has
led to the capture of hundreds of suspected insurgents. Like free people
everywhere, Iraqis want to be defended by their own countrymen, and we
are helping Iraqis assume those duties.
The progress in the past year has been significant, and we have a
clear path forward. To complete the mission, we will continue to hunt
down the terrorists and insurgents. To complete the mission, we will
prevent Al Qaida and other foreign terrorists from turning Iraq into
what Afghanistan was under the Taliban, a safe haven from which they
could launch attacks on America and our friends. And the best way to
complete the mission is to help Iraqis build a free nation that can
govern itself, sustain itself, and defend itself.
So our strategy going forward has both a military track and a
political track. The principal task of our military is to find and
defeat the terrorists, and that is why we are on the offense. And as we
pursue the terrorists, our military is helping to train Iraqi security
forces so that they can defend their people and fight the enemy on their
own. Our strategy can be summed up this way: As the Iraqis stand up, we
will stand down.
We've made progress, but we have a lot more work to do. Today, Iraqi
security forces are at different levels of readiness. Some are capable
of taking on the terrorists and insurgents by themselves. A large number
can plan and execute antiterrorist operations with coalition support.
The rest are forming and not yet ready to participate fully in security
operations. Our task is to make the Iraqi units fully capable and
independent. We're building up Iraqi security forces as quickly as
possible, so they can assume the lead in defeating the terrorists and
insurgents.
Our coalition is devoting considerable resources and manpower to
this critical task. Thousands of coalition troops are involved in the
training and equipping of Iraqi security forces. NATO is establishing a
military academy near Baghdad to train the next generation of Iraqi
military leaders, and 17 nations are contributing troops to the NATO
training mission. Iraqi army and police are being trained by personnel
from Italy, Germany, Ukraine, Turkey, Poland, Romania, Australia, and
the United Kingdom. Today, dozens of nations are working toward a common
objective, an Iraq that can defend itself, defeat its enemies, and
secure its freedom.
To further prepare Iraqi forces to fight the enemy on their own, we
are taking three new steps: First, we are partnering coalition units
with Iraqi units. These coalition-Iraqi teams are conducting operations
together in the field. These combined operations are giving Iraqis a
chance to experience how the most professional armed forces in the world
operate in combat.
Second, we are embedding coalition transition teams inside Iraqi
units. These teams
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are made up of coalition officers and noncommissioned officers who live,
work, and fight together with their Iraqi comrades. Under U.S. command,
they are providing battlefield advice and assistance to Iraqi forces
during combat operations. Between battles, they are assisting the Iraqis
with important skills, such as urban combat and intelligence,
surveillance, and reconnaissance techniques.
Third, we're working with the Iraqi Ministries of Interior and
Defense to improve their capabilities to coordinate antiterrorist
operations. We're helping them develop command and control structures.
We're also providing them with civilian and military leadership
training, so Iraq's new leaders can effectively manage their forces in
the fight against terror.
The new Iraqi security forces are proving their courage every day.
More than 2,000 members of Iraqi security forces have given their lives
in the line of duty. Thousands more have stepped forward and are now
training to serve their nation. With each engagement, Iraqi soldiers
grow more battle-hardened, and their officers grow more experienced.
We've learned that Iraqis are courageous and that they need additional
skills, and that is why a major part of our mission is to train them so
they can do the fighting. And then our troops can come home.
I recognize that Americans want our troops to come home as quickly
as possible. So do I. Some contend that we should set a deadline for
withdrawing U.S. forces. Let me explain why that would be a serious
mistake. Setting an artificial timetable would send the wrong message to
the Iraqis, who need to know that America will not leave before the job
is done. It would send the wrong signal to our troops, who need to know
that we are serious about completing the mission they are risking their
lives to achieve. And it would send the wrong message to the enemy, who
would know that all they have to do is wait us out. We will stay in Iraq
as long as we are needed and not a day longer.
Some Americans ask me, ``If completing the mission is so important,
why don't you send more troops?'' If our commanders on the ground say we
need more troops, I will send them. But our commanders tell me they have
the number of troops they need to do their job. Sending more Americans
would undermine our strategy of encouraging Iraqis to take the lead in
this fight. And sending more Americans would suggest that we intend to
stay forever, when we are, in fact, working for the day when Iraq can
defend itself and we can leave. As we determine the right force level,
our troops can know that I will continue to be guided by the advice that
matters, the sober judgment of our military leaders.
The other critical element of our strategy is to help ensure that
the hopes Iraqis expressed at the polls in January are translated into a
secure democracy. The Iraqi people are emerging from decades of tyranny
and oppression. Under the regime of Saddam Hussein, the Shi'a and Kurds
were brutally oppressed, and the vast majority of Sunni Arabs were also
denied their basic rights, while senior regime officials enjoyed the
privileges of unchecked power. The challenge facing Iraqis today is to
put this past behind them and come together to build a new Iraq that
includes all of its people.
They're doing that by building the institutions of a free society, a
society based on freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of
religion, and equal justice under law. The Iraqis have held free
elections and established a Transitional National Assembly. The next
step is to write a good constitution that enshrines these freedoms in
permanent law. The Assembly plans to expand its constitutional drafting
committee to include more Sunni Arabs. Many Sunnis who opposed the
January elections are now taking part in the democratic process, and
that is essential to Iraq's future.
After a constitution is written, the Iraqi people will have a chance
to vote on it. If approved, Iraqis will go to the polls again to elect a
new Government under their new, permanent constitution. By taking these
critical steps and meeting their deadlines, Iraqis will bind their
multiethnic society together in a democracy that respects the will of
the majority and protects minority rights.
As Iraqis grow confident that the democratic progress they are
making is real and
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permanent, more will join the political process. And as Iraqis see that
their military can protect them, more will step forward with vital
intelligence to help defeat the enemies of a free Iraq. The combination
of political and military reform will lay a solid foundation for a free
and stable Iraq.
As Iraqis make progress toward a free society, the effects are being
felt beyond Iraq's borders. Before our coalition liberated Iraq, Libya
was secretly pursuing nuclear weapons. Today, the leader of Libya has
given up his chemical and nuclear weapons programs. Across the broader
Middle East, people are claiming their freedom. In the last few months,
we've witnessed elections in the Palestinian Territories and Lebanon.
These elections are inspiring democratic reformers in places like Egypt
and Saudi Arabia. Our strategy to defend ourselves and spread freedom is
working. The rise of freedom in this vital region will eliminate the
conditions that feed radicalism and ideologies of murder, and make our
Nation safer.
We have more work to do, and there will be tough moments that test
America's resolve. We're fighting against men with blind hatred and
armed with lethal weapons, who are capable of any atrocity. They wear no
uniform. They respect no laws of warfare or morality. They take innocent
lives to create chaos for the cameras. They are trying to shake our will
in Iraq, just as they tried to shake our will on September the 11th,
2001. They will fail. The terrorists do not understand America. The
American people do not falter under threat, and we will not allow our
future to be determined by car bombers and assassins.
America and our friends are in a conflict that demands much of us.
It demands the courage of our fighting men and women. It demands the
steadfastness of our allies, and it demands the perseverance of our
citizens. We accept these burdens, because we know what is at stake. We
fight today because Iraq now carries the hope of freedom in a vital
region of the world, and the rise of democracy will be the ultimate
triumph over radicalism and terror. And we fight today because
terrorists want to attack our country and kill our citizens, and Iraq is
where they are making their stand. So we'll fight them there. We'll
fight them across the world, and we will stay in the fight until the
fight is won.
America has done difficult work before. From our desperate fight for
independence to the darkest days of a Civil War to the hard-fought
battles against tyranny in the 20th century, there were many chances to
lose our heart, our nerve, or our way. But Americans have always held
firm, because we have always believed in certain truths. We know that if
evil is not confronted, it gains in strength and audacity and returns to
strike us again. We know that when the work is hard, the proper response
is not retreat; it is courage. And we know that this great ideal of
human freedom entrusted to us in a special way and that the ideal of
liberty is worth defending.
In this time of testing, our troops can know: The American people
are behind you. Next week, our Nation has an opportunity to make sure
that support is felt by every soldier, sailor, airman, coast guardsman,
and marine at every outpost across the world. This Fourth of July, I ask
you to find a way to thank the men and women defending our freedom by
flying the flag, sending a letter to our troops in the field, or helping
the military family down the street. The Department of Defense has set
up a web site, americasupportsyou.mil. You can go there to learn about
private efforts in your own community. At this time when we celebrate
our freedom, let us stand with the men and women who defend us all.
To the soldiers in this hall and our service men and women across
the globe: I thank you for your courage under fire and your service to
our Nation. I thank our military families. The burden of war falls
especially hard on you. In this war, we have lost good men and women who
left our shores to defend freedom and did not live to make the journey
home. I've met with families grieving the loss of loved ones who were
taken from us too soon. I've been inspired by their strength in the face
of such great loss. We pray for the families, and the best way to honor
the lives that have been given in this struggle is to complete the
mission.
I thank those of you who have re-enlisted in an hour when your
country needs you. And
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to those watching tonight who are considering a military career, there
is no higher calling than service in our Armed Forces. We live in
freedom because every generation has produced patriots willing to serve
a cause greater than themselves. Those who serve today are taking their
rightful place among the greatest generations that have worn our
Nation's uniform. When the history of this period is written, the
liberation of Afghanistan and the liberation of Iraq will be remembered
as great turning points in the story of freedom.
After September the 11th, 2001, I told the American people that the
road ahead would be difficult and that we would prevail. Well, it has
been difficult, and we are prevailing. Our enemies are brutal, but they
are no match for the United States of America, and they are no match for
the men and women of the United States military.
May God bless you all.
Note: The President spoke at 8:02 p.m. In his remarks, he referred to
Usama bin Laden, leader of the Al Qaida terrorist organization; senior
Al Qaida associate Abu Musab Al Zarqawi; former President Saddam Hussein
of Iraq; and Col. Muammar Abu Minyar al-Qadhafi, leader of Libya. The
Office of the Press Secretary also released a Spanish language
transcript of this address.