[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 40, Number 22 (Monday, May 31, 2004)]
[Pages 944-949]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at the United States Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania

May 24, 2004

    Thank you all. Thank you, and good evening. I'm honored to visit the 
Army War College. Generations of officers have come here to study the 
strategies and history of warfare. I've come here tonight to report to 
all Americans and to the Iraqi people on the strategy our Nation is 
pursuing in Iraq and the specific steps we're taking to achieve our 
goals.
    The actions of our enemies over the last few weeks have been brutal, 
calculating, and instructive. We've seen a car bombing take the life of 
a 61-year-old Iraqi named Izz al-Din Salim, who was serving as President 
of the Governing Council. This crime shows our enemy's intention to 
prevent Iraqi self-government, even if that means killing a lifelong 
Iraqi patriot and a faithful Muslim. Mr. Salim was assassinated by 
terrorists seeking the return of tyranny and the death of democracy.
    We've also seen images of a young American facing decapitation. This 
vile display shows a contempt for all the rules of warfare and all the 
bounds of civilized behavior. It reveals a fanaticism that was not 
caused by any action of ours and would not be appeased by any 
concession. We suspect that the man with the knife was an Al Qaida 
associate named Zarqawi. He and other terrorists know that Iraq is now 
the central front in the war on terror, and we must understand that as 
well. The return of tyranny to Iraq would be an unprecedented terrorist 
victory and a cause for killers to rejoice. It would also embolden the 
terrorists, leading to more bombings, more beheadings, and more murders 
of the innocent around the world.
    The rise of a free and self-governing Iraq will deny terrorists a 
base of operation, discredit their narrow ideology, and give momentum to 
reformers across the region. This will be a decisive blow to terrorism 
at the heart of its power and a victory for the security of America and 
the civilized world.
    Our work in Iraq has been hard. Our coalition has faced changing 
conditions of war, and that has required perseverance, sacrifice, and an 
ability to adapt. The swift removal

[[Page 945]]

of Saddam Hussein's regime last spring had an unintended effect: Instead 
of being killed or captured on the battlefield, some of Saddam's elite 
guards shed their uniforms and melted into the civilian population. 
These elements of Saddam's repressive regime and secret police have 
reorganized, rearmed, and adopted sophisticated terrorist tactics. 
They've linked up with foreign fighters and terrorists. In a few cities, 
extremists have tried to sow chaos and seize regional power for 
themselves. These groups and individuals have conflicting ambitions, but 
they share a goal: They hope to wear out the patience of Americans, our 
coalition, and Iraqis before the arrival of effective self-government 
and before Iraqis have the capability to defend their freedom.
    Iraq now faces a critical moment. As the Iraqi people move closer to 
governing themselves, the terrorists are likely to become more active 
and more brutal. There are difficult days ahead, and the way forward may 
sometimes appear chaotic. Yet our coalition is strong, our efforts are 
focused and unrelenting, and no power of the enemy will stop Iraq's 
progress.
    Helping construct a stable democracy after decades of dictatorship 
is a massive undertaking. Yet we have a great advantage. Whenever people 
are given a choice in the matter, they prefer lives of freedom to lives 
of fear. Our enemies in Iraq are good at filling hospitals, but they 
don't build any. They can incite men to murder and suicide, but they 
cannot inspire men to live and hope and add to the progress of their 
country. The terrorists' only influence is violence, and their only 
agenda is death.
    Our agenda, in contrast, is freedom and independence, security and 
prosperity for the Iraqi people. And by removing a source of terrorist 
violence and instability in the Middle East, we also make our own 
country more secure.
    Our coalition has a clear goal, understood by all, to see the Iraqi 
people in charge of Iraq for the first time in generations. America's 
task in Iraq is not only to defeat an enemy; it is to give strength to a 
friend, a free, representative government that serves its people and 
fights on their behalf. And the sooner this goal is achieved, the sooner 
our job will be done.
    There are five steps in our plan to help Iraq achieve democracy and 
freedom. We will hand over authority to a sovereign Iraqi government, 
help establish security, continue rebuilding Iraq's infrastructure, 
encourage more international support, and move toward a national 
election that will bring forward new leaders empowered by the Iraqi 
people.
    The first of these steps will occur next month, when our coalition 
will transfer full sovereignty to a government of Iraqi citizens who 
will prepare the way for national elections. On June 30th, the Coalition 
Provisional Authority will cease to exist and will not be replaced. The 
occupation will end, and Iraqis will govern their own affairs. America's 
Ambassador to Iraq, John Negroponte, will present his credentials to the 
new President of Iraq. Our Embassy in Baghdad will have the same purpose 
as any other American Embassy, to assure good relations with a sovereign 
nation. America and other countries will continue to provide technical 
experts to help Iraq's ministries of government, but these ministries 
will report to Iraq's new Prime Minister.
    The United Nations special envoy, Lakhdar Brahimi, is now consulting 
with a broad spectrum of Iraqis to determine the composition of this 
interim government. The special envoy intends to put forward the names 
of interim government officials this week. In addition to a President, 
two Vice Presidents, and a Prime Minister, 26 Iraqi ministers will 
oversee government departments from health to justice to defense. This 
new government will be advised by a national council, which will be 
chosen in July by Iraqis representing their country's diversity. This 
interim government will exercise full sovereignty until national 
elections are held. America fully supports Mr. Brahimi's efforts, and I 
have instructed the Coalition Provisional Authority to assist him in 
every way possible.
    In preparation for sovereignty, many functions of government have 
already been transferred. Twelve government ministries are currently 
under the direct control of Iraqis. The Ministry of Education, for 
example, is out of the propaganda business and is now

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concerned with educating Iraqi children. Under the direction of Dr. 
Aladin al-Alwan, the Ministry has trained more than 30,000 teachers and 
supervisors for the schools of a new Iraq.
    All along, some have questioned whether the Iraqi people are ready 
for self-government or want it. And all along, the Iraqi people have 
given their answer. In settings where Iraqis have met to discuss their 
country's future, they have endorsed representative government, and they 
are practicing representative government. Many of Iraq's cities and 
towns now have elected town councils and city governments, and beyond 
the violence, a civil society is emerging.
    The June 30th transfer of sovereignty is an essential commitment of 
our strategy. Iraqis are proud people who resent foreign control of 
their affairs, just as we would. After decades under the tyrant, they 
are also reluctant to trust authority. By keeping our promise on June 
30th, the coalition will demonstrate that we have no interest in 
occupation. And full sovereignty will give Iraqis a direct interest in 
the success of their own government. Iraqis will know that when they 
build a school or repair a bridge, they're not working for the Coalition 
Provisional Authority; they are working for themselves. And when they 
patrol the streets of Baghdad or engage radical militias, they will be 
fighting for their own country.
    The second step in the plan for Iraqi democracy is to help establish 
the stability and security that democracy requires. Coalition forces and 
the Iraqi people have the same enemies, the terrorists, illegal militia, 
and Saddam loyalists who stand between the Iraqi people and their future 
as a free nation. Working as allies, we will defend Iraq and defeat 
these enemies.
    America will provide forces and support necessary for achieving 
these goals. Our commanders had estimated that a troop level below 
115,000 would be sufficient at this point in the conflict. Given the 
recent increase in violence, we'll maintain our troop level at the 
current 138,000 as long as necessary. This has required extended duty 
for the 1st Armored Division and the 2d Light Cavalry Regiment, 20,000 
men and women who were scheduled to leave Iraq in April. Our Nation 
appreciates their hard work and sacrifice, and they can know that they 
will be heading home soon. General Abizaid and other commanders in Iraq 
are constantly assessing the level of troops they need to fulfill the 
mission. If they need more troops, I will send them. The mission of our 
forces in Iraq is demanding and dangerous. Our troops are showing 
exceptional skill and courage. I thank them for their sacrifices and 
their duty.
    In the city of Fallujah, there's been considerable violence by 
Saddam loyalists and foreign fighters, including the murder of four 
American contractors. American soldiers and marines could have used 
overwhelming force. Our commanders, however, consulted with Iraq's 
Governing Council and local officials and determined that massive 
strikes against the enemy would alienate the local population and 
increase support for the insurgency, so we have pursued a different 
approach. We're making security a shared responsibility in Fallujah. 
Coalition commanders have worked with local leaders to create an all-
Iraqi security force, which is now patrolling the city. Our soldiers and 
marines will continue to disrupt enemy attacks on our supply routes, 
conduct joint patrols with Iraqis to destroy bomb factories and safe 
houses, and kill or capture any enemy.
    We want Iraqi forces to gain experience and confidence in dealing 
with their country's enemies. We want the Iraqi people to know that we 
trust their growing capabilities, even as we help build them. At the 
same time, Fallujah must cease to be a sanctuary for the enemy, and 
those responsible for terrorism will be held to account.
    In the cities of Najaf and Karbala and Kufa, most of the violence 
has been incited by a young, radical cleric who commands an illegal 
militia. These enemies have been hiding behind an innocent civilian 
population, storing arms and ammunition in mosques, and launching 
attacks from holy shrines. Our soldiers have treated religious sites 
with respect while systematically dismantling the illegal militia.
    We're also seeing Iraqis, themselves, take more responsibility for 
restoring order. In recent weeks, Iraqi forces have ejected elements of 
this militia from the Governor's office in Najaf. Yesterday, an elite 
Iraqi unit

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cleared out a weapons cache from a large mosque in Kufa. Respected Shi'a 
leaders have called on the militia to withdraw from these towns. 
Ordinary Iraqis have marched in protest against the militants.
    As challenges rise in Fallujah, Najaf, and elsewhere, the tactics of 
our military will be flexible. Commanders on the ground will pay close 
attention to local conditions. And we will do all that is necessary by 
measured force or overwhelming force to achieve a stable Iraq.
    Iraq's military, police, and border forces have begun to take on 
broader responsibilities. Eventually, they must be the primary defenders 
of Iraqi security, as American and coalition forces are withdrawn. And 
we're helping them to prepare for this role. In some cases, the early 
performance of Iraqi forces fell short. Some refused orders to engage 
the enemy. We've learned from these failures, and we've taken steps to 
correct them. Successful fighting units need a sense of cohesion, so 
we've lengthened and intensified their training. Successful units need 
to know they are fighting for the future of their own country, not for 
any occupying power, so we are ensuring that Iraqi forces serve under an 
Iraqi chain of command. Successful fighting units need the best possible 
leadership, so we improved the vetting and training of Iraqi officers 
and senior enlisted men.
    At my direction and with the support of Iraqi authorities, we are 
accelerating our program to help train Iraqis to defend their country. A 
new team of senior military officers is now assessing every unit in 
Iraq's security forces. I've asked this team to oversee the training of 
a force of 260,000 Iraqi soldiers, police, and other security personnel. 
Five Iraqi army battalions are in the field now, with another eight 
battalions to join them by July the 1st. The eventual goal is an Iraqi 
army of 35,000 soldiers in 27 battalions, fully prepared to defend their 
country.
    After June 30th, American and other forces will still have important 
duties. American military forces in Iraq will operate under American 
command as a part of a multinational force authorized by the United 
Nations. Iraq's new sovereign government will still face enormous 
security challenges, and our forces will be there to help.
    The third step in the plan for Iraqi democracy is to continue 
rebuilding that nation's infrastructure so that a free Iraq can quickly 
gain economic independence and a better quality of life. Our coalition 
has already helped Iraqis to rebuild schools and refurbish hospitals and 
health clinics, repair bridges, upgrade the electrical grid, and 
modernize the communications system. And now a growing private economy 
is taking shape. A new currency has been introduced. Iraq's Governing 
Council approved a new law that opens the country to foreign investment 
for the first time in decades. Iraq has liberalized its trade policy, 
and today an Iraqi observer attends meetings of the World Trade 
Organization. Iraqi oil production has reached more than two million 
barrels per day, bringing revenues of nearly $6 billion so far this 
year, which is being used to help the people of Iraq. And thanks in part 
to our efforts--to the efforts of former Secretary of State James Baker, 
many of Iraq's largest creditors have pledged to forgive or 
substantially reduce Iraqi debt incurred by the former regime.
    We're making progress. Yet there still is much work to do. Over the 
decades of Saddam's rule, Iraq's infrastructure was allowed to crumble 
while money was diverted to palaces and to wars and to weapons programs. 
We're urging other nations to contribute to Iraqi reconstruction, and 37 
countries and the IMF and the World Bank have so far pledged $13.5 
billion in aid. America has dedicated more than $20 billion to 
reconstruction and development projects in Iraq. To ensure our money is 
spent wisely and effectively, our new Embassy in Iraq will have regional 
offices in several key cities. These offices will work closely with 
Iraqis at all levels of government to help make sure projects are 
completed on time and on budget.
    A new Iraq will also need a humane, well-supervised prison system. 
Under the dictator, prisons like Abu Ghraib were symbols of death and 
torture. That same prison became a symbol of disgraceful conduct by a 
few American troops who dishonored our country and disregarded our 
values. America will fund the construction of a modern maximum security 
prison. When that prison is completed, detainees at Abu Ghraib will be 
relocated. Then, with the approval of the Iraqi

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government, we will demolish the Abu Ghraib prison, as a fitting symbol 
of Iraq's new beginning.
    The fourth step in our plan is to enlist additional international 
support for Iraq's transition. At every stage, the United States has 
gone to the United Nations--to confront Saddam Hussein, to promise 
serious consequences for his actions, and to begin Iraqi reconstruction. 
Today the United States and Great Britain presented a new resolution in 
the Security Council to help move Iraq toward self-government. I've 
directed Secretary Powell to work with fellow members of the Council to 
endorse the timetable the Iraqis have adopted, to express international 
support for Iraq's interim government, to reaffirm the world's security 
commitment to the Iraqi people, and to encourage other U.N. members to 
join in the effort. Despite past disagreements, most nations have 
indicated strong support for the success of a free Iraq, and I'm 
confident they will share in the responsibility of assuring that 
success.
    Next month, at the NATO summit in Istanbul, I will thank our 15 NATO 
Allies who together have more than 17,000 troops on the ground in Iraq. 
Great Britain and Poland are each leading a multinational division that 
is securing important parts of the country. And NATO, itself, is giving 
helpful intelligence and communications and logistical support to the 
Polish-led division. At the summit, we will discuss NATO's role in 
helping Iraq build and secure its democracy.
    The fifth and most important step is free national elections to be 
held no later than next January. A United Nations team headed by Carina 
Perelli is now in Iraq, helping form an independent election commission 
that will oversee an orderly, accurate national election. In that 
election, the Iraqi people will choose a transitional national assembly, 
the first freely elected, truly representative national governing body 
in Iraq's history. This assembly will serve as Iraq's legislature, and 
it will choose a transitional government with executive powers. The 
transitional national assembly will also draft a new constitution, which 
will be presented to the Iraqi people in a referendum scheduled for the 
fall of 2005. Under this new constitution, Iraq will elect a permanent 
government by the end of next year.
    In this time of war and liberation and rebuilding, American soldiers 
and civilians on the ground have come to know and respect the citizens 
of Iraq. They're a proud people who hold strong and diverse opinions. 
Yet Iraqis are united in a broad and deep conviction: They're determined 
never again to live at the mercy of a dictator, and they believe that a 
national election will put that dark time behind them. A representative 
government that protects basic rights, elected by Iraqis, is the best 
defense against the return of tyranny, and that election is coming.
    Completing the five steps to Iraqi elected self-government will not 
be easy. There's likely to be more violence before the transfer of 
sovereignty and after the transfer of sovereignty. The terrorists and 
Saddam loyalists would rather see many Iraqis die than have any live in 
freedom, but terrorists will not determine the future of Iraq.
    That nation is moving every week toward free elections and a 
permanent place among free nations. Like every nation that has made the 
journey to democracy, Iraqis will raise up a government that reflects 
their own culture and values. I sent American troops to Iraq to defend 
our security, not to stay as an occupying power. I sent American troops 
to Iraq to make its people free, not to make them American. Iraqis will 
write their own history and find their own way. As they do, Iraqis can 
be certain, a free Iraq will always have a friend in the United States 
of America.
    In the last 32 months, history has placed great demands on our 
country, and events have come quickly. Americans have seen the flames of 
September the 11th, followed battles in the mountains of Afghanistan, 
and learned new terms like ``orange alert'' and ``ricin'' and ``dirty 
bomb.'' We've seen killers at work on trains in Madrid, in a bank in 
Istanbul, at a synagogue in Tunis, and at a nightclub in Bali. And now 
the families of our soldiers and civilian workers pray for their sons 
and daughters in Mosul and Karbala and Baghdad.
    We did not seek this war on terror, but this is the world as we find 
it. We must keep our focus. We must do our duty. History is

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moving, and it will tend toward hope or tend toward tragedy. Our 
terrorist enemies have a vision that guides and explains all their 
varied acts of murder. They seek to impose Taliban-like rule, country by 
country, across the greater Middle East. They seek the total control of 
every person and mind and soul, a harsh society in which women are 
voiceless and brutalized. They seek bases of operation to train more 
killers and export more violence. They commit dramatic acts of murder to 
shock, frighten, and demoralize civilized nations, hoping we will 
retreat from the world and give them free rein. They seek weapons of 
mass destruction to impose their will through blackmail and catastrophic 
attacks. None of this is the expression of a religion. It is a 
totalitarian political ideology, pursued with consuming zeal and without 
conscience.
    Our actions too are guided by a vision. We believe that freedom can 
advance and change lives in the greater Middle East as it has advanced 
and changed lives in Asia and Latin America and Eastern Europe and 
Africa. We believe it is a tragedy of history that in the Middle East, 
which gave the world great gifts of law and science and faith, so many 
have been held back by lawless tyranny and fanaticism. We believe that 
when all Middle Eastern peoples are finally allowed to live and think 
and work and worship as free men and women, they will reclaim the 
greatness of their own heritage. And when that day comes, the bitterness 
and burning hatreds that feed terrorism will fade and die away. America 
and all the world will be safer when hope has returned to the Middle 
East.
    These two visions--one of tyranny and murder, the other of liberty 
and life--clashed in Afghanistan. And thanks to brave U.S. and coalition 
forces and to Afghan patriots, the nightmare of the Taliban is over, and 
that nation is coming to life again. These two visions have now met in 
Iraq and are contending for the future of that country. The failure of 
freedom would only mark the beginning of peril and violence. But my 
fellow Americans, we will not fail. We will persevere and defeat this 
enemy and hold this hard-won ground for the realm of liberty.
    May God bless our country.

Note: The President spoke at 8 p.m. in the Thorpe Hall gymnasium. In his 
remarks, he referred to American hostage Nicholas Berg, who was killed 
in Iraq in early May by senior Al Qaida associate Abu Musab Al Zarqawi; 
former President Saddam Hussein of Iraq; Lakhdar Brahimi, Special 
Adviser to the U.N. Secretary-General; Aladin Abd al-Sahib al-Alwan, 
Iraqi Minister of Education; Gen. John P. Abizaid, USA, combatant 
commander, U.S. Central Command; Muqtada Al Sadr, Iraq Shiite cleric 
whose militia engaged in an uprising in Iraq that began in early April; 
James A. Baker III, the President's personal envoy on the issue of Iraqi 
debt; and Carina Perelli, Director, United Nations Electoral Assistance 
Division, who heads the United Nations electoral mission to Iraq. The 
Office of the Press Secretary also released a Spanish language 
transcript of these remarks.