[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 38, Number 41 (Monday, October 14, 2002)]
[Pages 1716-1721]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Address to the Nation on Iraq From Cincinnati, Ohio

October 7, 2002

    Thank you all. Thank you for that very gracious and warm Cincinnati 
welcome. I'm honored to be here tonight. I appreciate you all coming.
    Tonight I want to take a few minutes to discuss a grave threat to 
peace and America's determination to lead the world in confronting that 
threat.
    The threat comes from Iraq. It arises directly from the Iraqi 
regime's own actions--its history of aggression and its drive toward an 
arsenal of terror. Eleven years ago, as a condition for ending the 
Persian Gulf war, the Iraqi regime was required to destroy its weapons 
of mass destruction, to cease all development of such weapons, and to 
stop all support for terrorist groups. The Iraqi regime has violated all 
of those obligations. It possesses and produces chemical and biological 
weapons. It is seeking nuclear weapons. It has given shelter and support 
to terrorism and practices terror against its own people. The entire 
world has witnessed Iraq's 11-year history of defiance, deception, and 
bad faith.
    We must also never forget the most vivid events of recent history. 
On September the 11th, 2001, America felt its vulnerability, even to 
threats that gather on the other side of the Earth. We resolved then and 
we are resolved today to confront every threat, from any source, that 
could bring sudden terror and suffering to America.
    Members of Congress of both political parties and members of the 
United Nations Security Council agree that Saddam Hussein is a threat to 
peace and must disarm. We agree that the Iraqi dictator must not be 
permitted to threaten America and the world with horrible poisons and 
diseases and gases and atomic weapons. Since we all agree on this goal, 
the issue is: How can we best achieve it?
    Many Americans have raised legitimate questions about the nature of 
the threat, about the urgency of action--why be concerned now--about the 
link between Iraq developing weapons of terror and the wider war on 
terror. These are all issues we've discussed broadly and fully within my 
administration. And tonight I want to share those discussions with you.
    First, some ask why Iraq is different from other countries or 
regimes that also have terrible weapons. While there are many dangers in 
the world, the threat from Iraq stands alone because it gathers the most 
serious dangers of our age in one place. Iraq's weapons of mass 
destruction are controlled by a murderous tyrant who has already used 
chemical weapons to kill thousands of people. This same tyrant has tried 
to dominate the Middle East, has invaded and brutally occupied a small 
neighbor, has struck other nations without warning, and holds an 
unrelenting hostility toward the United States.
    By its past and present actions, by its technological capabilities, 
by the merciless nature of its regime, Iraq is unique. As a former chief 
weapons inspector of the U.N. has said,

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``The fundamental problem with Iraq remains the nature of the regime, 
itself. Saddam Hussein is a homicidal dictator who is addicted to 
weapons of mass destruction.''
    Some ask how urgent this danger is to America and the world. The 
danger is already significant, and it only grows worse with time. If we 
know Saddam Hussein has dangerous weapons today--and we do--does it make 
any sense for the world to wait to confront him as he grows even 
stronger and develops even more dangerous weapons?
    In 1995, after several years of deceit by the Iraqi regime, the head 
of Iraq's military industries defected. It was then that the regime was 
forced to admit that it had produced more than 30,000 liters of anthrax 
and other deadly biological agents. The inspectors, however, concluded 
that Iraq had likely produced 2 to 4 times that amount. This is a 
massive stockpile of biological weapons that has never been accounted 
for and is capable of killing millions.
    We know that the regime has produced thousands of tons of chemical 
agents, including mustard gas, sarin nerve gas, VX nerve gas. Saddam 
Hussein also has experience in using chemical weapons. He has ordered 
chemical attacks on Iran and on more than 40 villages in his own 
country. These actions killed or injured at least 20,000 people, more 
than 6 times the number of people who died in the attacks of September 
the 11th.
    And surveillance photos reveal that the regime is rebuilding 
facilities that it had used to produce chemical and biological weapons. 
Every chemical and biological weapon that Iraq has or makes is a direct 
violation of the truce that ended the Persian Gulf war in 1991. Yet, 
Saddam Hussein has chosen to build and keep these weapons despite 
international sanctions, U.N. demands, and isolation from the civilized 
world.
    Iraq possesses ballistic missiles with a likely range of hundreds of 
miles--far enough to strike Saudi Arabia, Israel, Turkey, and other 
nations--in a region where more than 135,000 American civilians and 
service members live and work. We've also discovered through 
intelligence that Iraq has a growing fleet of manned and unmanned aerial 
vehicles that could be used to disperse chemical or biological weapons 
across broad areas. We're concerned that Iraq is exploring ways of using 
these UAVs for missions targeting the United States. And of course, 
sophisticated delivery systems aren't required for a chemical or 
biological attack; all that might be required are a small container and 
one terrorist or Iraqi intelligence operative to deliver it.
    And that is the source of our urgent concern about Saddam Hussein's 
links to international terrorist groups. Over the years, Iraq has 
provided safe haven to terrorists such as Abu Nidal, whose terror 
organization carried out more than 90 terrorist attacks in 20 countries 
that killed or injured nearly 900 people, including 12 Americans. Iraq 
has also provided safe haven to Abu Abbas, who was responsible for 
seizing the Achille Lauro and killing an American passenger. And we know 
that Iraq is continuing to finance terror and gives assistance to groups 
that use terrorism to undermine Middle East peace.
    We know that Iraq and the Al Qaida terrorist network share a common 
enemy--the United States of America. We know that Iraq and Al Qaida have 
had high-level contacts that go back a decade. Some Al Qaida leaders who 
fled Afghanistan went to Iraq. These include one very senior Al Qaida 
leader who received medical treatment in Baghdad this year, and who has 
been associated with planning for chemical and biological attacks. We've 
learned that Iraq has trained Al Qaida members in bombmaking and poisons 
and deadly gases. And we know that after September the 11th, Saddam 
Hussein's regime gleefully celebrated the terrorist attacks on America.
    Iraq could decide on any given day to provide a biological or 
chemical weapon to a terrorist group or individual terrorists. Alliance 
with terrorists could allow the Iraqi regime to attack America without 
leaving any fingerprints.
    Some have argued that confronting the threat from Iraq could detract 
from the war against terror. To the contrary, confronting the threat 
posed by Iraq is crucial to winning the war on terror. When I spoke to 
Congress more than a year ago, I said that those who harbor terrorists 
are as guilty as the terrorists themselves. Saddam Hussein is harboring 
terrorists and the instruments of terror, the

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instruments of mass death and destruction. And he cannot be trusted. The 
risk is simply too great that he will use them or provide them to a 
terror network.
    Terror cells and outlaw regimes building weapons of mass destruction 
are different faces of the same evil. Our security requires that we 
confront both. And the United States military is capable of confronting 
both.
    Many people have asked how close Saddam Hussein is to developing a 
nuclear weapon. Well, we don't know exactly, and that's the problem. 
Before the Gulf war, the best intelligence indicated that Iraq was 8 to 
10 years away from developing a nuclear weapon. After the war, 
international inspectors learned that the regime had been much closer--
the regime in Iraq would likely have possessed a nuclear weapon no later 
than 1993. The inspectors discovered that Iraq had an advanced nuclear 
weapons development program, had a design for a workable nuclear weapon, 
and was pursuing several different methods of enriching uranium for a 
bomb.
    Before being barred from Iraq in 1998, the International Atomic 
Energy Agency dismantled extensive nuclear weapons-related facilities, 
including three uranium enrichment sites. That same year, information 
from a high-ranking Iraqi nuclear engineer who had defected revealed 
that despite his public promises, Saddam Hussein had ordered his nuclear 
program to continue.
    The evidence indicates that Iraq is reconstituting its nuclear 
weapons program. Saddam Hussein has held numerous meetings with Iraqi 
nuclear scientists, a group he calls his ``nuclear mujahideen,'' his 
nuclear holy warriors. Satellite photographs reveal that Iraq is 
rebuilding facilities at sites that have been part of its nuclear 
program in the past. Iraq has attempted to purchase high-strength 
aluminum tubes and other equipment needed for gas centrifuges, which are 
used to enrich uranium for nuclear weapons.
    If the Iraqi regime is able to produce, buy, or steal an amount of 
highly enriched uranium a little larger than a single softball, it could 
have a nuclear weapon in less than a year. And if we allow that to 
happen, a terrible line would be crossed. Saddam Hussein would be in a 
position to blackmail anyone who opposes his aggression. He would be in 
a position to dominate the Middle East. He would be in a position to 
threaten America. And Saddam Hussein would be in a position to pass 
nuclear technology to terrorists.
    Some citizens wonder, after 11 years of living with this problem, 
why do we need to confront it now? And there's a reason. We've 
experienced the horror of September the 11th. We have seen that those 
who hate America are willing to crash airplanes into buildings full of 
innocent people. Our enemies would be no less willing--in fact, they 
would be eager--to use biological or chemical or a nuclear weapon.
    Knowing these realities, America must not ignore the threat 
gathering against us. Facing clear evidence of peril, we cannot wait for 
the final proof, the smoking gun, that could come in the form of a 
mushroom cloud. As President Kennedy said in October of 1962, ``Neither 
the United States of America nor the world community of nations can 
tolerate deliberate deception and offensive threats on the part of any 
nation, large or small. We no longer live in a world,'' he said, ``where 
only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficient challenge to a 
nation's security to constitute maximum peril.''
    Understanding the threats of our time, knowing the designs and 
deceptions of the Iraqi regime, we have every reason to assume the 
worst, and we have an urgent duty to prevent the worst from occurring.
    Some believe we can address this danger by simply resuming the old 
approach to inspections and applying diplomatic and economic pressure. 
Yet this is precisely what the world has tried to do since 1991. The 
U.N. inspections program was met with systematic deception. The Iraqi 
regime bugged hotel rooms and offices of inspectors to find where they 
were going next. They forged documents, destroyed evidence, and 
developed mobile weapons facilities to keep a step ahead of inspectors. 
Eight so-called Presidential palaces were declared off-limits to 
unfettered inspections. These sites actually encompass 12 square miles, 
with hundreds of structures, both above and below the ground, where 
sensitive materials could be hidden.

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    The world has also tried economic sanctions and watched Iraq use 
billions of dollars in illegal oil revenues to fund more weapons 
purchases, rather than providing for the needs of the Iraqi people.
    The world has tried limited military strikes to destroy Iraq's 
weapons of mass destruction capabilities, only to see them openly 
rebuilt, while the regime again denies they even exist.
    The world has tried no-fly zones to keep Saddam from terrorizing his 
own people, and in the last year alone, the Iraqi military has fired 
upon American and British pilots more than 750 times.
    After 11 years during which we have tried containment, sanctions, 
inspections, even selected military action, the end result is that 
Saddam Hussein still has chemical and biological weapons and is 
increasing his capabilities to make more. And he is moving ever closer 
to developing a nuclear weapon.
    Clearly, to actually work, any new inspections, sanctions, or 
enforcement mechanisms will have to be very different. America wants the 
U.N. to be an effective organization that helps keep the peace. And that 
is why we are urging the Security Council to adopt a new resolution 
setting out tough, immediate requirements. Among those requirements, the 
Iraqi regime must reveal and destroy, under U.N. supervision, all 
existing weapons of mass destruction. To ensure that we learn the truth, 
the regime must allow witnesses to its illegal activities to be 
interviewed outside the country, and these witnesses must be free to 
bring their families with them so they are all beyond the reach of 
Saddam Hussein's terror and murder. And inspectors must have access to 
any site, at any time, without preclearance, without delay, without 
exceptions.
    The time for denying, deceiving, and delaying has come to an end. 
Saddam Hussein must disarm himself, or for the sake of peace, we will 
lead a coalition to disarm him.
    Many nations are joining us in insisting that Saddam Hussein's 
regime be held accountable. They are committed to defending the 
international security that protects the lives of both our citizens and 
theirs. And that's why America is challenging all nations to take the 
resolutions of the U.N. Security Council seriously.
    And these resolutions are very clear. In addition to declaring and 
destroying all of its weapons of mass destruction, Iraq must end its 
support for terrorism. It must cease the persecution of its civilian 
population. It must stop all illicit trade outside the oil-for-food 
program. It must release or account for all Gulf war personnel, 
including an American pilot whose fate is still unknown.
    By taking these steps and by only taking these steps, the Iraqi 
regime has an opportunity to avoid conflict. Taking these steps would 
also change the nature of the Iraqi regime, itself. America hopes the 
regime will make that choice. Unfortunately, at least so far, we have 
little reason to expect it. And that's why two administrations, mine and 
President Clinton's, have stated that regime change in Iraq is the only 
certain means of removing a great danger to our Nation.
    I hope this will not require military action, but it may. And 
military conflict could be difficult. An Iraqi regime faced with its own 
demise may attempt cruel and desperate measures. If Saddam Hussein 
orders such measures, his generals would be well advised to refuse those 
orders. If they do not refuse, they must understand that all war 
criminals will be pursued and punished. If we have to act, we will take 
every precaution that is possible. We will plan carefully. We will act 
with the full power of the United States military. We will act with 
allies at our side, and we will prevail.
    There is no easy or risk-free course of action. Some have argued we 
should wait, and that's an option. In my view, it's the riskiest of all 
options, because the longer we wait, the stronger and bolder Saddam 
Hussein will become. We could wait and hope that Saddam does not give 
weapons to terrorists or develop a nuclear weapon to blackmail the 
world. But I'm convinced that is a hope against all evidence. As 
Americans, we want peace; we work and sacrifice for peace. But there can 
be no peace if our security depends on the will and whims of a ruthless 
and aggressive dictator. I'm not willing to stake one American life on 
trusting Saddam Hussein.
    Failure to act would embolden other tyrants, allow terrorists access 
to new weapons

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and new resources, and make blackmail a permanent feature of world 
events. The United Nations would betray the purpose of its founding and 
prove irrelevant to the problems of our time. And through its inaction, 
the United States would resign itself to a future of fear.
    That is not the America I know. That is not the America I serve. We 
refuse to live in fear. This Nation, in World War and in cold war, has 
never permitted the brutal and lawless to set history's course. Now as 
before, we will secure our Nation, protect our freedom, and help others 
to find freedom of their own.
    Some worry that a change of leadership in Iraq could create 
instability and make the situation worse. The situation could hardly get 
worse, for world security and for the people of Iraq. The lives of Iraqi 
citizens would improve dramatically if Saddam Hussein were no longer in 
power, just as the lives of Afghanistan's citizens improved after the 
Taliban. The dictator of Iraq is a student of Stalin, using murder as a 
tool of terror and control, within his own cabinet, within his own army, 
and even within his own family. On Saddam Hussein's orders, opponents 
have been decapitated, wives and mothers of political opponents have 
been systematically raped as a method of intimidation, and political 
prisoners have been forced to watch their own children being tortured.
    America believes that all people are entitled to hope and human 
rights, to the non-negotiable demands of human dignity. People 
everywhere prefer freedom to slavery, prosperity to squalor, self-
government to the rule of terror and torture. America is a friend to the 
people of Iraq. Our demands are directed only at the regime that 
enslaves them and threatens us. When these demands are met, the first 
and greatest benefit will come to Iraqi men, women, and children. The 
oppression of Kurds, Assyrians, Turkomans, Shi'a, Sunnis, and others 
will be lifted. The long captivity of Iraq will end, and an era of new 
hope will begin.
    Iraq is a land rich in culture and resources and talent. Freed from 
the weight of oppression, Iraq's people will be able to share in the 
progress and prosperity of our time. If military action is necessary, 
the United States and our allies will help the Iraqi people rebuild 
their economy and create the institutions of liberty in a unified Iraq 
at peace with its neighbors.
     Later this week, the United States Congress will vote on this 
matter. I have asked Congress to authorize the use of America's 
military, if it proves necessary, to enforce U.N. Security Council 
demands. Approving this resolution does not mean that military action is 
imminent or unavoidable. The resolution will tell the United Nations and 
all nations that America speaks with one voice and is determined to make 
the demands of the civilized world mean something. Congress will also be 
sending a message to the dictator in Iraq that his only chance--his only 
choice is full compliance, and the time remaining for that choice is 
limited. Members of Congress are nearing an historic vote. I'm confident 
they will fully consider the facts and their duties.
    The attacks of September the 11th showed our country that vast 
oceans no longer protect us from danger. Before that tragic date, we had 
only hints of Al Qaida's plans and designs. Today in Iraq, we see a 
threat whose outlines are far more clearly defined and whose 
consequences could be far more deadly. Saddam Hussein's actions have put 
us on notice, and there is no refuge from our responsibilities.
    We did not ask for this present challenge, but we accept it. Like 
other generations of Americans, we will meet the responsibility of 
defending human liberty against violence and aggression. By our resolve, 
we will give strength to others. By our courage, we will give hope to 
others. And by our actions, we will secure the peace and lead the world 
to a better day.
    May God bless America.

Note: The President spoke at 8:02 p.m. in the Grand Rotunda at the 
Cincinnati Museum Center at Union Terminal. In his remarks, he referred 
to President Saddam Hussein of Iraq; former chief U.N. weapons inspector 
Richard Butler; and missing American pilot Lt. Comdr. Michael S. 
Speicher, USN. The Office of the Press Secretary also released a Spanish 
language transcript of this address.

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