[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 38, Number 21 (Monday, May 27, 2002)]
[Pages 881-885]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks to a Special Session of the German Bundestag

May 23, 2002

    The President. President, thank you very much for your kind 
introduction. And thank you for giving me this chance to be here today. 
President Rau, thank you very much; Chancellor Schroeder. I understand 
former Chancellor Kohl is here. I want to thank the members of the 
Bundestag. How are you, sir? I was a little nervous when the President 
told me that you all are on vacation. [Laughter] I can just imagine how 
my Congress would react if I called them back to hear a speech of mine 
when they were on vacation. [Laughter] But thank you for coming. I'm so 
honored to be here, and my wife Laura and I really appreciate the 
hospitality that you've shown us.
    I've had the pleasure of welcoming your Chancellor to Washington 
three times, and we have established a strong relationship. Mr. 
Chancellor, I'm grateful.
    And now I am honored to visit this great city. The history of our 
time is written in the life of Berlin. In this building, fires of hatred 
were set that swept across the world. To this city, Allied planes 
brought food and hope

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during 323 days and nights of siege. Across an infamous divide, men and 
women jumped from tenement buildings and crossed through razor wire to 
live in freedom or to die in the attempt. One American President came 
here to proudly call himself a citizen of Berlin. Another President 
dared the Soviets to tear down that wall. And on a night in November, 
Berliners took history into their hands and made your city whole.
    In a single lifetime, the people of this capital and this country 
endured 12 years of dictatorial rule, suffered 40 years of bitter 
separation, and persevered through the challenging decade of 
unification. For all these trials, Germany has emerged a responsible and 
prosperous and peaceful nation. More than a decade ago, as the President 
pointed out, my dad spoke of Germany and America as partners in 
leadership, and this has come to pass. A new era has arrived. The strong 
Germany you have built is good for the world.
    On both sides of the Atlantic, the generation of our fathers was 
called to shape great events, and they built the great transatlantic 
alliance of democracies. They built the most successful alliance in 
history. After the cold war, during the relative quiet of the 1990s, 
some questioned whether our transatlantic partnership still had a 
purpose. History has given its answer. Our generation faces new and 
grave threats to liberty, to the safety of our people, and to 
civilization itself. We face an aggressive force that glorifies death, 
that targets the innocent, and seeks the means to matter--murder on a 
massive scale. We face the global tragedy of disease and poverty that 
take uncounted lives and leave whole nations vulnerable to oppression 
and terror.
    We'll face these challenges together. We must face them together. 
Those who despise human freedom will attack it on every continent. Those 
who seek missiles and terrible weapons are also familiar with the map of 
Europe. Like the threats of another era, this threat cannot be appeased 
or cannot be ignored. By being patient, relentless, and resolute, we 
will defeat the enemies of freedom.
    By remaining united----

[At this point, there was a disturbance in the audience.]

    The President. By remaining united, we are meeting--we are meeting 
modern threats with the greatest resources of wealth and will ever 
assembled by free nations. Together, Europe and the United States have 
the creative genius, the economic power, the moral heritage, and the 
democratic vision to protect our liberty and to advance our cause of 
peace.
    Different as we are, we are building and defending the same house of 
freedom--its doors open to all of Europe's people, its windows looking 
out to global challenges beyond. We must lay the foundation with a 
Europe that is whole and free and at peace for the first time in its 
history. This dream of the centuries is close at hand.
    From the Argonne Forest to the Anzio beachhead, conflicts in Europe 
have drawn the blood of millions, squandering and shattering lives 
across the Earth. There are thousands, thousands of monuments in parks 
and squares across my country to young men of 18 and 19 and 20 whose 
lives ended in battle on this continent. Ours is the first generation in 
a hundred years that does not expect and does not fear the next European 
war. And that achievement--your achievement--is one of the greatest in 
modern times.
    When Europe grows in unity, Europe and America grow in security. 
When you integrate your markets and share a currency in the European 
Union, you are creating the conditions for security and common purpose. 
In all these steps, Americans do not see the rise of a rival, we see the 
end of old hostilities. We see the success of our Allies, and we applaud 
your progress.
    The expansion of NATO will also extend the security on this 
continent, especially for nations that knew little peace or security in 
the last century. We have moved cautiously in this direction; now we 
must act decisively.
    As our summit in Prague approaches, America is committed to NATO 
membership for all of Europe's democracies that are ready to share in 
the responsibilities that NATO brings. Every part of Europe should share 
in the security and success of this continent. A broader alliance will 
strengthen NATO; it will fulfill NATO's promise.

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    Another mission we share is to encourage the Russian people to find 
their future in Europe and with America. Russia has its best chance 
since 1917 to become a part of Europe's family. Russia's transformation 
is not finished; the outcome is not yet determined. But for all the 
problems and challenges, Russia is moving toward freedom, more freedom 
in its politics and its markets, freedom that will help Russia to act as 
a great and just power. A Russia at peace with its neighbors, respecting 
the legitimate rights of minorities, is welcome in Europe.
    A new Russian-American partnership is being forged. Russia is 
lending crucial support in the war on global terror. A Russian colonel 
now works on the staff of U.S. Army General Tommy Franks, commander of 
the war in Afghanistan. And in Afghanistan, itself, Russia is helping to 
build hospitals and a better future for the Afghan people.
    America and Europe must throw off old suspicions and realize our 
common interests with Russia. Tomorrow in Moscow, President Putin and I 
will again act upon these interests.
    The United States and Russia are ridding ourselves of the last 
vestiges of cold war confrontation. We have moved beyond an ABM treaty 
that prevented us from defending our people and our friends. Some warned 
that moving beyond the ABM treaty would cause an arms race. Instead, 
President Putin and I are about to sign the most dramatic nuclear arms 
reduction in history. Both the United States and Russia will reduce our 
nuclear arsenals by about two-thirds, to the lowest level in decades. 
Old arms agreements sought to manage hostility and maintain a balance of 
terror. This new agreement recognizes that Russia and the West are no 
longer enemies.
    The entire transatlantic Alliance is forming a new relationship with 
Russia. Next week in Rome, Chancellor Schroeder, NATO Allies, and I will 
meet as equal partners with President Putin at the creation of the NATO-
Russia Council. The Council gives us an opportunity to build common 
security against common threats. We will start with projects on 
nonproliferation, counterterrorism, and search-and-rescue operations. 
Over time, we will expand this cooperation, even as we preserve the core 
mission of NATO. Many generations have looked at Russia with alarm. Our 
generation can finally lift this shadow from Europe by embracing the 
friendship of a new democratic Russia.
    As we expand our Alliance, as we reach out to Russia, we must also 
look beyond Europe to gathering dangers and important responsibilities. 
As we build the house of freedom, we must meet the challenges of a 
larger world. And we must meet them together.
    For the United States, September the 11th, 2001, cut a deep dividing 
line in our history, a change of eras as sharp and clear as Pearl Harbor 
or the first day of the Berlin blockade. There can be no lasting 
security in a world at the mercy of terrorists--for my Nation or for any 
nation.
    Given this threat, NATO's defining purpose, our collective defense, 
is as urgent as ever. America and Europe need each other to fight and 
win the war against global terror. My Nation is so grateful for the 
sympathy of the German people and for the strong support of Germany and 
all of Europe.
    Troops from more than a dozen European countries have deployed in 
and around Afghanistan, including thousands from this country, the first 
deployment of German forces outside of Europe since 1945. German 
soldiers have died in this war, and we mourn their loss as we do our 
own. German authorities are on the trail of terrorist cells and 
finances. And German police are helping Afghans build their own police 
force, and we're so grateful for this support.
    Together, we oppose an enemy that thrives on violence and the grief 
of the innocent. The terrorists are defined by their hatreds. They hate 
democracy and tolerance and free expression and women and Jews and 
Christians and all Muslims who disagree with them. Others killed in the 
name of racial purity or the class struggle; these enemies kill in the 
name of a false religious purity, perverting the faith they claim to 
hold. In this war we defend not just America or Europe; we are defending 
civilization itself.
    The evil that has formed against us has been termed the ``new 
totalitarian threat.'' The authors of terror are seeking nuclear, 
chemical, and biological weapons. Regimes that sponsor terror are 
developing these weapons and the missiles to deliver them. If

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these regimes and their terrorist allies were to perfect these 
capabilities, no inner voice of reason, no hint of conscience would 
prevent their use.
    Wishful thinking might bring comfort but not security. Call this a 
strategic challenge; call it, as I do, ``axis of evil''; call it by any 
name you choose; but let us speak the truth: If we ignore this threat, 
we invite certain blackmail and place millions of our citizens in grave 
danger.
    Our response will be reasoned and focused and deliberate. We will 
use more than our military might. We will cut off terrorist finances, 
apply diplomatic pressure, and continue to share intelligence. America 
will consult closely with our friends and allies at every stage. But 
make no mistake about it, we will and we must confront this conspiracy 
against our liberty and against our lives.
    As it faces new threats, NATO needs a new strategy and new 
capabilities. Dangers originating far from Europe can now strike at 
Europe's heart, so NATO must be able and willing to act whenever threats 
emerge. This will require all the assets of modern defense: mobile and 
deployable forces, sophisticated special operations, the ability to 
fight under the threat of chemical and biological weapons. Each nation 
must focus on the military strengths it can bring to this alliance, with 
the hard choices and financial commitment that requires. We do not know 
where the next threat might come from; we really don't know what form it 
might take. But we must be ready, as full military partners, to confront 
these urgent threats to our common security.
    One way to make ourselves more secure is to address the regional 
conflicts that enflame violence. Our work in the Balkans and Afghanistan 
shows how much we can achieve when we stand together. We must continue 
to stand for peace in the Middle East. That peace must assure the 
permanent safety of the Jewish people, and that peace must provide the 
Palestinian people with a state of their own.
    In the midst of terrorist violence in the Middle East, the hope of a 
lasting accord may seem distant. That's how many once viewed the 
prospect of peace between Poland and Germany, Germany and France, France 
and England, Protestant and Catholic. Yet, after generations of traded 
violence and humiliation, we have seen enemies become partners and 
allies in a new Europe. We pray the same healing, the same shredding of 
hatred, might come to the Middle East. And we will be unrelenting in our 
quest for that peace.
    We must recognize that violence and resentment are defeated by the 
advance of health and learning and prosperity. Poverty doesn't create 
terror; yet, terror takes root in failing nations that do not police 
themselves or provide for their people. Our conscience and our interests 
speak as one: To achieve a safer world, we must create a better world.
    The expansion of trade in our time is one of the primary reasons for 
our progress against poverty. At Doha, we committed to build on this 
progress, and we must keep that commitment. Transatlantic nations must 
resolve the small, disputed portion of our vast trading relationship 
within the rules and settlement mechanisms of the World Trade 
Organization, whether those disputes concern tax law, steel, 
agriculture, or biotechnology.
    For all nations--for all nations to gain the benefit of global 
markets, they need populations that are healthy and literate. To help 
developing nations achieve these goals, leaders of wealthy nations have 
a duty of conscience. We have a duty to share our wealth generously and 
wisely. Those who lead poor nations have a duty to their own people, but 
they have a duty as well, to pursue reforms that turn temporary aid into 
lasting progress.
    I've proposed that new American aid be directed to nations on the 
path of reform. The United States will increase our core development 
assistance by 50 percent over the next 3 budget years. It will be up to 
a level of 5 billion a year, above and beyond that which we already 
contribute to development.
    When nations are governed justly, the people benefit. When nations 
are governed unjustly, for the benefit of a corrupt few, no amount of 
aid will help the people in need. When nations are governed justly--when 
nations are governed justly, investing in education and health and 
encouraging economic freedom, they will have our help. And more 
importantly, these rising nations will have

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their own ability and, eventually, the resources necessary to battle 
disease and improve their environment and build lives of dignity for 
their people.
    Members of the Bundestag, we are joined in serious purpose--very 
serious purposes--on which the safety of our people and the fate of our 
freedom now rest. We build a world of justice, or we will live in a 
world of coercion. The magnitude of our shared responsibilities makes 
our disagreements look so small. And those who exaggerate our 
differences play a shallow game and hold a simplistic view of our 
relationship.
    America and the nations in Europe are more than military allies; 
we're more than trading partners; we are heirs to the same civilization. 
The pledges of the Magna Carta, the learning of Athens, the creativity 
of Paris, the unbending conscience of Luther, the gentle faith of St. 
Francis: All of these are part of the American soul. The New World has 
succeeded by holding to the values of the Old.
    Our histories have diverged, yet we seek to live by the same ideals. 
We believe in free markets, tempered by compassion. We believe in open 
societies that reflect unchanging truths. We believe in the value and 
dignity of every life.
    These convictions bind our civilization together and set our enemies 
against us. These convictions are universally true and right. And they 
define our nations and our partnership in a unique way. And these 
beliefs lead us to fight tyranny and evil, as others have done before 
us.
    One of the greatest Germans of the 20th century was Pastor Dietrich 
Bonhoeffer, who left the security of America to stand against Nazi rule. 
In a dark hour, he gave witness to the Gospel of life and paid the cost 
of his discipleship, being put to death only days before his camp was 
liberated. ``I believe,'' said Bonhoeffer, ``that God can and wants to 
create good out of everything, even evil.''
    That belief is proven in the history of Europe since that day, in 
the reconciliation and renewal that have transformed this continent. In 
America, very recently, we have also seen the horror of evil and the 
power of good. In the tests of our time, we are affirming our deepest 
values and our closest friendships. Inside this Chamber, across this 
city, throughout this nation and continent, America has valued friends. 
And with our friends we are building that house of freedom for our time 
and for all time.
    May God bless.

Note: The President spoke at 2:13 p.m. in the Bundestag at the 
Reichstag. In his remarks, he referred to President Johannes Rau, 
Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, and former Chancellor Helmut Kohl of 
Germany.