[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 38, Number 21 (Monday, May 27, 2002)]
[Pages 875-881]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
The President's News Conference With Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder of 
Germany in Berlin

May 23, 2002

[The Chancellor's remarks are joined in progress.]

    Chancellor Schroeder. ----welcome you most warmly here to the garden 
of the Chancellery. We have exceedingly been looking forward to this 
visit of the U.S. American President, George W. Bush. And the results of 
our conversations I think are such that we have every reason to be 
pleased.
    U.S. American are in an exceedingly healthy state. It's a very 
friendly atmosphere; that has become abundantly clear in all of our 
conversations. But I also think that there is a tremendous amount of 
agreement between the two of us and our two countries as regards the 
assessment of the situation around the world.
    Now, to begin with, we have started to talk about, very intensely, 
about the U.S. American-European relations. I think what the American 
President and the Russian President have agreed together regarding 
questions of disarmament, but also regarding the process of approachment 
of Russia towards NATO, that that is of historic importance. And I would 
very much say that--and we both agree that this process is going to be 
topped by what we're going to be doing in Rome on the 28th of May 
together. The world is going to be a safer place for it, and I think 
it's a tremendous success not only of America but of this special U.S. 
American President.

[[Page 876]]

    We then, obviously, talked about the ongoing necessity to continue 
with our joint fight against international terrorism. And I have been 
able to brief the President about my visit to Kabul and about the 
necessity of maintaining the protection force on the ground, the ISAF. 
They are the force to guarantee a minimum of security and, therefore, a 
minimum perspective of hope of reconstruction for people in this 
country. This is also important: We want to rebuild economic and social 
structures in the country. We're very much in agreement that we have 
every reason to trust the Interim Government with Interim President 
Karzai and to give them all of the support that they need to move their 
country forward as a way of their own momentum.
    Now, we very much agree that it is necessary and important to make 
sure we move the peace process forward in the Middle East. I have 
emphasized very strongly that the President's speech in Washington was a 
milestone regarding this situation. He went in and made it abundantly 
clear what we all believe in--at least we, too, certainly believe in--
that Israel has got a guaranteed--[inaudible]--right of safe existence 
within strong and reliable borders, that it needs to be recognized by 
all of its neighbors, and that by the end of the day, certainly there is 
going to be an independent Palestinian state too.
    And we're very much agreed that this is a job to be done by the 
international community of states, certainly by means of the Quartet 
that arose from Madrid, the United States of America, the United 
Nations, Europe, and Russia. Now, this Quartet is hopefully going to 
support the constructive process as well as they can, because we really 
need stability and peaceful development for this region, specifically.
    We very much share the concern about the existing conflict between 
Pakistan, on one hand side, and India on the other hand. And we're very 
much agreed that we have to do whatever we can to bring a peaceful 
solution to this conflict. I mean, we must make sure that no further 
escalation happens over there.
    Now, moreover, we addressed questions of interest regarding trade 
with one another. We also addressed some other issues that are in 
existence regarding our bilateral relations.
    Thank you.
    President Bush. Well, thank you, Chancellor. It's an honor to be 
here in this historic city. I want to thank you for your hospitality, 
and I want to thank you for treating Laura so well.
    The Chancellor and I have met--I think it's now five times, and I 
value our friendship. I appreciate the frank discussions we have. I'm 
here to let the German people know how proud I am of our relationship, 
our personal relationship, and how proud I am of the relationship 
between our two countries. Germany is an incredibly important ally to 
the United States of America. We respect the German people. We 
appreciate democracy in this land. We appreciate the struggles that 
Germany has gone through, and we value the friendship going forward.
    My speech today at the Bundestag will talk about the problems that 
we can solve together, that we share so much particularly when it comes 
to values and a deep and abiding concern for humanity and for peace. One 
of the things I like about Gerhardt is, he's willing to confront 
problems in an open way. And he is, hopefully like people consider me, a 
problemsolver, that we're willing to use our respective positions to 
solve problems, such as making sure our respective homelands are secure 
from terrorist attack. I'm going to talk clearly about that today, about 
the need for us to continue to cooperate and to fight against terror--
people who hate freedom, people who are challenging civilization itself.
    I want to thank again the German people and the German Government 
for the commitment to Afghanistan. The Chancellor made a very tough but, 
I think, correct decision in sending troops to Afghanistan, and those 
troops have performed brilliantly. I know you've lost life, as have we. 
And our hearts go out to the families of the soldiers who died. But in 
my judgment, the sacrifice is necessary, because we defend freedom, and 
freedom is precious.
    We talked about weapons of mass destruction and the need for us to 
be concerned about weapons of mass destruction. As I will mention in my 
speech, one way to help our mutual security is to work together to solve

[[Page 877]]

regional problems, and we spent a lot of time talking about the Middle 
East. The German Government has been very helpful in helping set the 
foundation for peace. Both of us agree that there ought to be two 
states, a Palestinian state and obviously the Israeli state, living side 
by side in peace, and we're working in that direction. A hot topic 
today, of course, in the world and one that we spent a lot of time 
talking about is, as Gerhardt mentioned, the India-Pakistan issue.
    My point is, is that we've got a reliable friend and ally in 
Germany. This is a confident country led by a confident man, and that's 
good. That's good for world peace. It's good for those of us who love 
and embrace freedom.
    So, Mr. Chancellor, thanks for--thanks for giving me a chance to 
come and visit with you. Thanks for your hospitality. Thanks for giving 
me a chance to speak to the Bundestag here in a little bit.
    We'll be glad to answer a couple of questions for you.
    Chancellor Schroeder. There is the possibility to put three 
questions from each side. Please, possibly, that the guests could start.
    President Bush. Did he just call on you? Okay--[laughter]--okay, I'm 
sorry. Ron [Ron Fournier, Associated Press], have you got a question? 
[Laughter]
    Q. I do----
    President Bush. That's right.
    Q. This is a question to President Bush----
    President Bush. Wait a minute, how many questions are you going to 
ask?

Intelligence Before September 11/Iraq

    Q. Should the American people conclude there were some intelligence 
lapses before September 11th? And can you please explain why you oppose 
an independent commission to look into the matter and why you won't 
release the August 6th memo?
    And quickly to you, sir, do you think there should be a regime 
change in Iraq?
    President Bush. Well, first of all, I've got great confidence in our 
CIA and FBI. I know what's taken place since the attacks on September 
the 11th. Our communications between the two agencies is much better 
than ever before. We've got a much better--doing a much better job of 
sharing intelligence.
    I, of course, want the Congress to take a look at what took place 
prior to September the 11th. But since it deals with such sensitive 
information, in my judgment, it's best for the ongoing war against 
terror that the investigation be done in the intelligence committee. 
There are committees set up with both Republicans and Democrats who 
understand the obligations of upholding our secrets and our sources and 
methods of collecting intelligence. And therefore, I think it's the best 
place for Congress to take a good look at the events leading up to 
September the 11th.
    The other question?
    Q. The August 6th memo----
    President Bush. Oh, yes. Well, one of the things that is very 
important, Ron, is that the information given to the President be 
protected, because we don't want to give away sources and uses and 
methodology of intelligence gathering. And one of the things that we're 
learning is, in order to win this war on terror, we've got to have the 
best intelligence gathering possible. And not only have we got to share 
intelligence between friends, which we do, but we're still at war; we've 
still got threats to the homeland that we've got to deal with. And it's 
very important for us to not hamper our ability to wage that war. And so 
there are ways to gather information, to help improve the system without 
jeopardizing the capacity for us to gather intelligence, and those are 
the ways I support.
    Chancellor Schroeder. Saddam Hussein is a dictator, there can be no 
doubt, nothing else. And he does act without looking after his people at 
all, whatsoever. We're agreed when it comes to that. And we're also 
agreed to the fact that it is up to the international community of 
states to go in and exercise a lot of political pressure in the most--
possible way. The United Nations have decided to do so as well. We need 
to pressurize him so that international arms inspectors can get into the 
country to find out what weapons of mass destruction can be found in his 
hands. I mean, there is no difference there between President Bush and 
myself when it comes to the assessment of this situation.

[[Page 878]]

    We then obviously also talked about the question as to what should 
happen in the future, what could happen in the future. I have taken 
notice of the fact that His Excellency, the President, does think about 
all possible alternatives. But despite what people occasionally present 
here in rumors, there are no concrete military plans of attack on Iraq. 
And that is why, for me, there is no reason whatsoever to speculate 
about when and if and how. I think such speculation should be forbidden. 
That certainly is not the right thing for a Chancellor, and I am in this 
position.
    We will be called upon to take our decision if and when, after 
consultations--and we've been assured that such consultations are going 
to be happening--and then we'll take a decision. And before that, I 
think we should not speculate about serious questions like this one.

Situation in the Middle East

    Q. Mr. President--[inaudible]--Chancellor, looking beyond Iraq, 
given the fact that Syria, too, in U.S. terminology, is a state sponsor 
of terrorism, given the fact that Saudi Arabia is anything but a 
democratic, rule-of-law, pluralistic society, how do both of you want to 
have this whole region, the Middle East, look like once the fight 
against terror is over?
    President Bush. Yes, it's a great question. Would you care to go 
first, Mr. Chancellor? [Laughter] I'll be glad to answer it, if you 
like.
    First, you need to know that in order for the region to be peaceful 
and hopeful, there must be a resolution to the Palestinian-Israeli 
conflict. I believe that strongly. And that's why my Government and I 
feel strongly that we've got to work toward a vision of peace that 
includes two states living side by side.
    And the positive news is that many Arab leaders understand that they 
have got to be a part of the process now. We spent a great deal of time 
talking to the Saudis, for example--you mentioned the Saudis. They must 
be a party to the process. They have--sometimes in the past, the process 
has not gone forward because there hasn't been, as we say in America, 
the buy-in by the parties; they haven't been a party to the process. And 
I'm pleased to report, as you can probably see in your newspapers, they 
are now; they're involved.
    I think one of our--and the reason I mention that is because I think 
their involvement to a process that I'm optimistic will succeed will 
then enable us to continue to more likely have an effect on promoting 
values that we hold dear, values of rule of law and democracy and 
minority rights. The institutions of change are more likely to be 
effective with our ability to achieve a peace in the Middle East. And so 
much of the ability to promote reform, which we're for, hinges on our 
abilities and capacities to get something done. And it's going to take a 
while, I believe, but nevertheless, we are making progress. And my 
administration spends a great deal of time on the Middle East, because 
we understand it is a linchpin for convincing regimes to adopt the 
habits of freedom that sometimes we take for granted in our respective 
countries.
    Chancellor Schroeder. Well, I don't think I've got to add a lot to 
what's been said, but possibly so much. I think there cannot be peace in 
the Middle East without the United States of America and without them 
being active in this field. And it was not without reason that I pointed 
to the tremendously important speech of the President. It's very 
important. And that is why we support the efforts towards peace 
undertaken by the United States, but also by all other members of the 
so-called Quartet. We are supporting this in the framework of the 
European Union, but we're also doing it through bilateral channels. And 
my impression is--and here yet again, I fully agree with the President--
that a certain degree of progress is visible in this process.
    Now, obviously, we cannot be satisfied with the degree of progress, 
but still we have moved a little bit, and there is no alternative to the 
way that the President just described. There is no such thing as a magic 
formula to solve this tremendously difficult problem. Nobody has such a 
formula. And that is why I think the task that the President just 
described is certainly one that needs to be seriously supported by the 
European Union and us, bilaterally.
    President Bush. Steve Holland, Reuters.
    Q. Thank you very much.

[[Page 879]]

    President Bush. A fine man, fine man.
    Chancellor Schroeder. We'll see that once he's put his question. 
[Laughter]
    President Bush. There you go.

Russia and Iran

    Q. When you meet with President Putin tomorrow, how are you going to 
talk him into ending nuclear cooperation with Iran?
    President Bush. Well, that's a--that's going to be a topic. One way 
to make the case is that if you arm Iran, you're liable to get the 
weapons pointed at you, that you've got to be careful in dealing with a 
country like Iran. This is a country that doesn't--it's not transparent; 
it's not open. It's run by a group of extremists who fund terrorist 
activity, who clearly hate our mutual friend Israel. And you know, it's 
very unpredictable. And therefore, Russia needs to be concerned about 
proliferation into a country that might view them as an enemy at some 
point in time. And if Iran gets a weapon of mass destruction deliverable 
by a missile, that's going to be a problem. That's going to be a problem 
for all of us, including Russia.
    So that's how I'm going to make the case. We've got a lot of work to 
do with Russia. I will continue to make the case. As you know, Steve, I 
have brought that subject up ever since I've started meeting with 
Vladimir Putin.
    The good news is, we're--our relationship is a friendly 
relationship; that I view President Putin as a friend. I view Russia as 
a friend, not as an enemy. And therefore, it's much easier to solve 
these difficult issues, an issue like proliferation, amongst friends.
    And I want to appreciate the Chancellor's kind words about 
tomorrow's treaty signing. It's going to be a positive development for 
America and, I believe, a positive development for Europe. And then, of 
course, we're going to Rome afterwards, and that, too, will be a 
positive development for Europe and America. And it is within the--it's 
in this positive relationship and positive atmosphere that we're more 
likely to be able to achieve satisfaction on nonproliferation.

Iraq/State-Supported Terrorism

    Q. Mr. President, the Chancellor just said that your Government does 
not seem to be very specific right now when it comes to plans to attack 
Iraq. Is that true, sir? And could you, nevertheless, try to explain to 
the German people what your goals are when it comes to Iraq?
    And secondly, by German standards, Germany has already shouldered a 
huge burden in military terms of the fight against terrorism. Are you 
satisfied with that, or do you want Germany to do more?
    President Bush. First, what the Chancellor told you is true.
    Chancellor Schroeder. Of course it is. [Laughter]
    President Bush. I'm surprised anybody would doubt your word, 
Chancellor. [Laughter]
    Yes, look, I mean, he knows my position, and the world knows my 
position about Saddam Hussein. He is a dangerous man. He is a dictator 
who gassed his own people. He's had a history of incredible human rights 
violations. And he is a--it's dangerous to think of a scenario in which 
a country like Iraq would team up with an Al Qaida-type organization, 
particularly if and when they had the capacity--had the capacity, or 
when they have the capacity to deliver weapons of mass destruction via 
ballistic missile. And that's a threat. It's a threat to Germany; it's a 
threat to America; it's a threat to civilization itself. And we've got 
to deal with it. We can play like it's not there. We can hope it goes 
away. But that's not going to work. That's not going to make us safer.
    And I told the Chancellor that I have no war plans on my desk, which 
is the truth, and that we've got to use all means at our disposal to 
deal with Saddam Hussein. And I appreciate the German Chancellor's 
understanding of the threats of weapons of mass destruction, and they're 
real. Now, I know some would play like they're not real. I'm telling 
you: They're real. And if you love freedom, it's a threat to freedom. 
And so we're going to deal with it, and we'll deal with it in a 
respectful way.
    The Chancellor said that I promised consultations. I will say it 
again: I promise consultations with our close friend and ally. We will 
exert a unified diplomatic pressure. We will share intelligence. We love 
freedom, and so does the Chancellor, and we cannot allow

[[Page 880]]

these weapons to be in a position that will affect history.
    Listen, history has called us to action. I don't want to be in a 
position where we look back, and say, ``Why didn't they lead? Where were 
they when it came to our basic freedoms?'' And we are going to lead.
    What was your other part of your question? That's what you get for 
asking long questions, or what I get for answering long answers.

Germany's Role in the War on Terrorism

    Q. That's perfectly all right. The second question was, sir, that 
Germany has already shouldered a huge burden in military terms, and do 
you expect more----
    President Bush. Germany has shouldered a significant burden, and we 
are very grateful for that. The Chancellor and I talked about how to 
make sure we complete the task in Afghanistan, which is to continue 
chasing down the killers, by the way, and to find them before they hit 
us, but as well is to leave institutions behind so that Afghanistan can 
run herself, so Afghanistan can be a peaceful nation, so Afghanistan can 
function. And we both recognize that our presence is going to have to be 
there for a--for quite awhile. And the Chancellor made that commitment, 
and I appreciate that. I'm very satisfied with the commitment of the 
German Government.
    Yes, Terry [Terry Moran, ABC News].

Disposition of the Russian Nuclear Arsenal

    Q. Thank you, sir. On the subject of weapons of mass destruction, 
the strategic arms agreement you'll sign in Moscow does not address what 
many people say is now the greatest threat posed by the Russian arsenal 
of weapons of mass destruction, and that's proliferation to terrorists 
or rogue states because of insufficient security. What specific plan do 
you have to address that issue with President Putin? Do you believe the 
Russian Government is doing a good job securing those weapons? And what 
do you say to critics of this arms deal who say that by taking the 
material off the warheads, you provide more opportunities for terrorists 
to get them?
    President Bush. Well, I guess to start with the critics, I'd say, 
would you rather have them on the launchers? Would you rather have the 
warheads pointed at people? I would think not.
    Secondly, this issue about the so-called loose nuke issue has been 
around for quite a while. This isn't anything new. This is a problem 
that we are jointly working on. As you know, Terry--and others may not 
know--we've got what's called Nunn-Lugar, which is a significant 
expenditure of taxpayers' money to help Russia dispose of and dismantle 
nuclear warheads, which we're willing to do. As a matter of fact, the 
'03 budget is nearly a billion dollars toward that end.
    We're working with Chancellor Schroeder on what's called 10-plus-10-
over-10: $10 billion from the U.S., 10 billion from other members of the 
G-7 over a 10-year period, to help Russia securitize the dismantling--
the dismantled nuclear warheads.
    And President Putin understands that. He understands the need to 
work closely with all of us. Listen, he understands that a loose nuke 
could affect his security as it affects somebody else's security. He's a 
wise man; he's aware of the issues that we confront. That's why he's one 
of the best partners we have on the war against terror. He understands 
the implications and consequences of terror. And he also recognizes that 
a nightmare scenario is a dirty bomb or some kind of nuclear bomb in the 
hands of a--in the hands of any kind of terrorist organization.
    Chancellor Schroeder. Last question.

President's Security Bubble/Addressing Issues of Hope

    Q. Mr. President, at the present you are visiting a kind of ghost 
town around here. Do you feel a bit of pity about not to meet the Berlin 
people--[inaudible]--visit first? And then secondly, when discussing 
ways to find a--[inaudible]--peace, did you discuss on social and 
developmental matters too, these means? Is there a chance that you'll 
come back to the table to sign the Kyoto treaty?
    President Bush. No. [Laughter]
    Q. Then what are your aims, concerns in the Johannesburg summit in 
August? Will you take part of it--[inaudible]?

[[Page 881]]

    President Bush. Okay. Let's see, part one of a four-part question. I 
live in a bubble. That's what happens when you're the President. So 
unfortunately, I don't get to see as much of Berlin as I'd like to see. 
That's just life. So when I come back at some point in my life, Mr. 
Chancellor, you can show me around. We'll go fishing together.
    No, I don't--yes, of course, whether it be in Berlin or Moscow or 
anywhere else, I mean, I'm a person who likes--I like to meet people. I 
like--I enjoy people. I had one small glimpse of Berlin last night when 
we went to a restaurant. It was my pleasure to shake hands with 
everybody or most everybody in the restaurant. I enjoy that. It 
frustrates me not to be able to see this growing city. But that's just 
life in the bubble. That's just what happens when you're the President, 
and I knew that going in, so I'm not griping about it.
    Yes, the human condition is very important to me. I mean, it is--and 
that's one way to make sure that the terrorists are less likely to be 
effective in their recruiting, is to promote those conditions necessary 
for human beings to realize their full potential, such as good health 
and good education and prosperity--those habits necessary for the growth 
of prosperity. And I will address that in my speech to the Bundestag.
    And I don't know whether or not you followed it, but we've laid out 
an initiative called the new Millennium Fund, where after 3 years our 
Government will be spending $5 billion a year--new money--for 
development. And that money is going to go promote--to countries which 
are willing to fight corruption and promote rule of law. Look, you can 
give all kinds of money to corrupt societies, but it's not going to help 
the people; it will help the few. And I'm tired of that. I want to 
encourage reforms in society that help people.
    You know, I'm desperately concerned about AIDS. I know the 
Chancellor shares my grief. And we've put a significant amount of money 
on the table. But eventually I hope to see a strategy that will work. 
It's one thing to commit money; it's another thing to insist that the 
money actually work and start saving people's lives. And when that 
happens, we'll commit more money.
    So, you bet, we're going to talk--we've talked about and will 
continue to talk about the human conditions necessary to really make 
sure the whole world is able to be free and at peace.
    Thank you all.
    Chancellor Schroeder. Thank you, ladies and gentlemen.

Note: The President's news conference began at 1:28 p.m. in the 
courtyard at the Kanzleramt. Chancellor Schroeder spoke in German, and 
his remarks were translated by an interpreter. In his remarks, President 
Bush referred to President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and President 
Saddam Hussein of Iraq. Chancellor Schroeder referred to Chairman Hamid 
Karzai of the Afghan Interim Authority; and ISAF, the International 
Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan. The transcript released by the 
Office of the Press Secretary did not include the complete opening 
remarks of Chancellor Schroeder. A portion of this news conference could 
not be verified because the tape was incomplete.