[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 38, Number 21 (Monday, May 27, 2002)]
[Pages 866-873]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Interview With European Journalists

May 21, 2002

    The President. I have a couple comments, and I'll answer some 
questions, obviously.
    This is a trip that I've been looking forward to. I've never been to 
Germany; I'm looking forward to it. I've prepared a speech to the 
Bundestag, which is going to be a very interesting opportunity for me to 
talk about a very important relationship.
    In my speech I'm going to refer to my trip to Russia as well, about 
how I view this as an opportunity--my trip to Russia and Germany and 
France and eventually Italy--as a

[[Page 867]]

way to confirm the importance of our relationship bilaterally as well as 
institutions like NATO but as a way to talk about how welcoming Russia, 
Russia's vision into the West is important for all of us.
    I look forward to my bilaterals with Gerhard Schroeder. We've got a 
good relationship. I look forward to my bilaterals with Jacques and 
Prime Minister Berlusconi, who is--three friends. As you know, I rely 
upon personal diplomacy a lot. I think it's easy, when people find areas 
of mutual respect, to work together. I've got good relationships with 
all three and, of course, we've got good relationships with President 
Putin as well.
    Q. He's also a friend?
    The President. He is a friend; yes, he is, very much.
    I will talk in the bilaterals as well, of course, in my public 
addresses, about our need to continue to fight terrorism. You've seen 
our newspapers. You've seen members of my administration, high-ranking 
members of my administration clearly talking about the potential threats 
and attacks on America. I will remind our friends that this war is far 
from over. I will praise the cooperation, because I believe it. I will 
talk to them about what we need to do to continue fighting for liberty 
and freedom.
    In my speeches--in discussions privately and in my public speeches, 
I will also remind us that we want the world to be not only more secure 
but a better world. I'll explain the Millennium Challenge Fund that I 
laid out in Monterrey, and I'll talk about some of it publicly in the 
Bundestag as well.
    I think this is an opportunity--I view this as a great opportunity 
for those of us who are in positions of responsibility to defend our 
freedoms and to work collaboratively to make the world a better place, 
improve the human condition. So I'm looking forward to it. It's going to 
be an interesting experience.
    I'm looking forward to going to Normandy on Memorial Day. It's going 
to be a very dramatic moment for the son of a World War II veteran. And 
I look forward to going to a church and a synagogue in Russia, Sunday. I 
look forward, as I said, going to the Bundestag. It's going to be a--
it'll be a memorable event, to talk in front of the vast chamber with 
democratically elected members, some of whom who agree with what I 
believe in, some of whom don't--but all of them are free to express 
their minds.
    And then, of course, go to Paris--it's going to be a magnificent 
moment--then Rome, and then as well the ``at 20,'' the NATO confirmation 
of a new relationship with Russia.
    But anyway, this is going to be a good trip. I sent the best advance 
team I can send, and that is the First Lady--[laughter]--preparing my 
way.
    So why don't we go around and answer some questions? Who would like 
to start?

Europe-U.S. Relationship

    Q. Mr. President.
    The President. Yes, sir.
    Q. You are by now an experienced European traveler, so I would like 
to ask you, is there something wrong with the U.S.-European relationship 
in terms of a growing psychological, military, technological gap? Is 
there something that is worrying you and that you hear from your friends 
that is worrying them?
    The President. Well, first, I recognize that there are more ties 
that bind us than don't. You see, when you love freedom, that's a 
powerful tie. The German people, the French, Russians, and the Italians, 
like Americans, love freedom. And so do I, a lot. And that's what binds 
us. We've got values that bind us: rule of law, constitutions, 
marketplace, the rule of the marketplace. These are common values that 
make us bound together.
    We've got common problems that we must solve that are also greater 
than any dispute that may arise. I mean, listen, fighting for terror is 
a common cause that is a powerful force that unites us.
    So I think the relationship is a strong relationship, and it's a 
healthy relationship. And of course there are disagreements at times. We 
have trade disagreements, but that's because we've got a lot of trade; 
we've got $2 trillion of trade a year. If we didn't have any trade, 
there would be no disagreements. But that's normal; that's in the normal 
course of business. And I certainly do not let that affect my way of how 
I view this incredibly important alliance and relationships.

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    So I'm--I go to Europe feeling optimistic about our relationships 
and feeling optimistic about our capacities to work together to solve 
problems.

Russia

    Q. Mr. President, some American political scientists would prefer to 
see Russia in the future as undeveloped.
    The President. Yes.
    Q. As a strong developer----
    The President. Pay attention to him.
    Q. ----they became a significant competitor for the U.S.A. However, 
a poor and a bitter country would be even more dangerous.
    The President. Yes.
    Q. How do you, Mr. President, see Russia in the near future?
    The President. Well, first of all, it's the same issue that relates 
to the European Union and America as well as Russia and America. We want 
healthy competition. We want our friends to be strong and competitive. 
We want the economies to grow. I think it's essential for American 
policymakers to recognize that a healthy Europe and a healthy Russia is 
in our Nation's interests. It makes it easier; for example, a healthy 
economy makes it more likely that a friendship will develop in a more 
significant way.
    And so my message to the Russian people, as well as to here at home, 
is that it is important that Russia be viewed as a friend, not as an 
enemy. I said that right off the bat; that was my stated goal as a 
President, is to work with Russia as a friend, not as an enemy. I was 
able in Slovenia to realize that was possible when I visited with 
President Putin. And this head of his bureau there, or whatever you want 
to call the guy, asked me the question, first question: Do you trust 
Putin?
    Yes. I answered that several months ago when--what's the boy's name? 
Fournier [Ron Fournier, Associated Press] is his name--please, please, 
scratch that from the--[laughter]--scratch that from the notes.
    They said, ``How do you know?'' I said, ``I looked into his eyes and 
was able to glimpse into his soul.'' See, and I've been proven right. I 
do trust him because I believe he cares deeply about moving forward. 
There's so much that can be done in the spirit of friendship, together. 
And that's how I view--that's--and we've got a lot of problems.
    We've got AIDS ravishing an entire continent. Well, imagine, here we 
are, we're all representative of relatively wealthy nations--hopefully, 
Russia's wealth will increase--and yet, we're confronted with a society 
that's being wiped out. And so one of the fundamental questions is how--
what do we do? We've got nations, responsible nations--how do we respond 
to that?
    And I've got some ideas. As you know, we put a--anyway, my point to 
you is that we want Russia to succeed. We want Russia to be healthy. We 
want Russia, our partner now in fighting terrorism, to have the means to 
continue the fight. And I hope this trip will help, you know, assuage 
the doubts of some in Russia who--and in America--who like the old way 
of resentment and bitterness and hatred. Vladimir Putin and I are 
putting that behind us for the good of both peoples.
    Yes, sir.

NATO

    Q. Mr. President, one of the main vehicles of the relationship 
between the U.S. and Europe is, of course, NATO.
    The President. Yes.
    Q. And we have many in Europe, and not only Europe, are wondering, 
is NATO doomed? Will it disappear at some point? And if not, what is the 
purpose of NATO in the coming years?
    The President. Well, that's a great question. NATO is more needed 
than ever in many ways. And let me explain it to you this way. The 
nature of the threats to us--and I say ``us'' collectively--has changed. 
And what we're learning is, it's the ability for nations to share 
information and to cut off finances, the ability for nations to deny 
safe haven, the ability for nations to keep these killers on the run 
that's going to make this war successful. And therefore, it's a 
collective effort in order to beat a terrorist network. And NATO is a 
collection of freedom-loving countries. Therefore, NATO must change its

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mission--not its mission, its focus and its capabilities in order to 
meet the threats that now face us.
    So I think NATO is very relevant. That is why in Prague, next fall, 
I will--depending upon the actions of applicant states--will follow 
through my speech I gave in Warsaw and will reiterate somewhat in 
Germany, that I see a Europe whole, free, at peace with itself. And NATO 
expansion is one way to achieve that.
    Now, I caution those who would read your articles to not take 
anything for granted when it comes to the NATO expansion. But I have 
been on record as one that has talked aggressively about expansion. The 
reason I do is because I understand the importance of NATO and the 
relevance of NATO.
    And we need to work within NATO to make sure that NATO has got the 
capacities to--to better use capabilities, define capabilities and 
strategies, make sure an expanded NATO is flawless and seamless in its 
capacity to advance against a new threat. So I think it's a very 
relevant part of the future, and I will say that in Germany, and to 
Jacques.
    Q. If I may have a followup on this----
    The President. Sure.
    Q. Are you worried by the gap in military capabilities, which is 
widening--and even, with your budget, will be widening more--between 
Europe and the U.S.?
    The President. I think that's an issue. I do think it's an issue. On 
the other hand, it's an issue that can be overcome with time.
    We're transforming our military or trying to transform our military 
rapidly. There's a few weapons systems that seem to keep popping up, 
even though they may have been doomed at one point. But that's part of 
the process. And--but we are transforming. And NATO must transform as 
well in order to meet the true threats. Russia is not a threat. Russia 
is not a threat to the West. And therefore, NATO must align its 
capabilities and its budgets to the new threat. And that's going to take 
awhile. I understand that.
    So I'm not in a--you know, I'm optimistic about NATO changing. I've 
talked to Lord Robertson about this issue. I will address it in my 
speech in Germany as well, about how to make sure NATO stays relevant as 
we head into the 21st century.
    But gaps can be closed, and gaps can be changed, particularly 
technological gaps, particularly among friends. And I'll repeat, I go to 
Europe as a friend, and someone with whom--someone who wants to work 
with Europe to achieve common objectives.
    And I will say this again: The war on terror requires significant 
cooperation. We're not fighting a nation that has got the capacity to 
move tanks. We're fighting a group of killers, international killers who 
hide in caves, who burrow in free societies, who are patient and tough 
and mean, and who want to destroy. And therefore, we must cooperate with 
each other; we must share intelligence; we must run down leads; we must 
interdict; we must arrest. And a great place to start is with a 
collection of freedom-loving countries, and that is NATO.
    Yes, sir?

Russia

    Q. What is the Russia-NATO Council about? Does it give a say to 
Russia on NATO issues? And if not, what?
    The President. The ``at 20'' certainly does not give Russia any veto 
power over military actions. And that's important to know.
    However, it recognizes that Russia can be an important partner in a 
peaceful Europe by working, initially working with Russia on 
counterproliferation measures, terrorism measures, ways to address the 
new threats facing all of us.
    Russia faces the same threat that Italy, France, Germany, and 
America faces, and that is the threat of terrorism. It is important for 
your readers to know you face the threat, just like we face the threat. 
It may not seem so--it may not seem so. But I'm telling you the threat 
is real. President Putin understands that. Therefore, it makes--as do 
Europe leaders as well, I want you to know. And it, therefore, makes 
eminent sense to include Russia in a new relationship with NATO, and 
that's what we're going to confirm on the outskirts of Rome.

Iraq and State-Supported Terrorism

    Q. Mr. President, would you say that Iraq, for the time being, is 
basically contained? Or

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do you think that there are urgent steps required to undertake against 
Saddam's plans with weapons of mass destruction?
    The President. Sure. I'm a patient man. And I am a deliberate man. 
But the word ``contain'' doesn't work if someone's got the capacity to 
deliver a weapon of mass destruction. How can you contain somebody when 
they've got the ability to blackmail or launch a weapon? And that is my 
deep concern.
    And I feel passionate about this concern, because I know the nature 
of the regime. And I know the potential threat that could come if this 
terrorist organization that we're hunting down teams up with--I'm not 
sure how you translate into German, but----
    Q. We'll find a way.
    The President. ----coordinate, allies with, coordinates with--uses 
these weapons of mass destruction to further their means as well. And 
I'm concerned about it.
    I know there's a lot of angst about my statements about these 
nations, but I have the responsibility to speak as clearly as I possibly 
can about how I view the nature of these regimes. And I will continue 
doing that.
    Q. Is that why the Vice President said that inspections are not 
really enough?
    The President. Well, we certainly hope that the Iraq Government will 
allow there to be full and open and unfettered inspections. We want to 
know. This is a man who's denied inspections for years. I wonder why. I 
think the world ought to ask, why won't you allow for inspections?
    Every time they talk about inspections, he's got a certain kind of 
caveats and strings, and won't let them--``You can't go here. You can't 
go there.'' So I think the Vice President was expressing some skepticism 
about the nature of the regime itself. And we'd like to see inspections, 
unfettered, whole, free inspections. We'd like these inspectors to go 
look where they want to look, just like Saddam Hussein agreed to do over 
a decade ago.
    Mr. Volk?

Putin-Bush Relationship

    Q. Mr. President, can you please describe your relationship--I'm 
excited, therefore I'm reading. [Laughter] Can you please describe your 
relationship with President Vladimir Putin?
    The President. Yes.
    Q. How do you call each other during the informal session? What are 
the subjects of your conversation after official state session?
    The President. Well, I would call my relationship warm. I enjoy his 
company. He has got a good sense of humor, and I appreciate that. And he 
has kindly invited me to his house, and I'm looking forward to going.
    Our conversations will be about--here's a man who loves Russia, and 
he loves the Russian people. And he's deeply concerned about problems 
facing Russia. And a lot of times, even in the most informal gathering, 
he shares with me his deep concerns.
    He is a--he also is a man who worries about the threats that Russia 
faces. We share a common interest in this war on terror because Russia, 
herself, has been attacked; innocent people have lost life. And he's 
passionate on the subject, about protecting his homeland. And we share 
information about how best to do that. I mean, we ask questions as 
friends would ask questions: ``How are you doing this? Where are you 
doing that?''
    Q. How do you call him? Vladimir?
    The President. Oh, I call him Vladimir, yes.
    Q. Vladimir?
    The President. Yes. And he calls me George.
    Press Secretary Ari Fleischer. Jorzh.
    The President. But he's a--one of the interesting things we're going 
to do is go to St. Petersburg together and go on the barges and see the 
White Nights.
    Q. Do you know a couple of words in Russian?
    The President. No.
    Q. No?
    The President. Nyet. [Laughter] One. But I've got a Russian speaker 
with me, Senorita Arroz. ``Arroz'' means ``Rice.''

Terrorist Alerts

    Q. Mr. President, the warnings which have been issued in the last 
days about terrorist threat, including what the Vice President said on 
Sunday--is it a kind of general notice to the American people that they 
must stay vigilant in the demands on the U.S. front? Or does it point 
out to any specific and imminent threat?

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    The President. The FBI Director yesterday, I talked to him--he comes 
in every morning, by the way. So this subject--he came up this morning. 
He was talking about--he was speculating based upon a lot of 
intelligence that indicates that the Al Qaida is active, plotting, 
planning, you know, trying to hit us. So he was speculating. He 
basically said, ``Look, I wouldn't be surprised if there is another 
attack, and it's going to be difficult to stop them,'' is what he said. 
The Vice President also reflected that attitude.
    Now, if and when we have a specific threat, you know, we--in other 
words, if I were to tell you that I know that there's a--thinking about 
an attack on a certain moment at a certain place, we would deal with 
that in a way that would obviously harden that site. We would put our 
assets in place to prevent that from happening. I doubt there'd be a lot 
of publicity. The people, obviously, whose lives could be affected would 
be informed, directly informed, as the country, as the Government 
deployed assets to react.
    These are very clever killers. And I refer to them as killers 
because that's what they are. They're out to kill, no other way to put 
it. And they--their communications are adept. And we're learning more 
about them. But they're--they're a heck of a lot more sophisticated than 
people assume, I guess is the best way to put it. They think, and they 
plan, and they plot. They burrow into free societies.
    And so what the Vice President and the FBI Director were reflecting 
was a general understanding of the desires and attitudes and methodology 
or potential methodology--obviously, if we knew the exact methodology, 
they wouldn't be around; we would have taken care of--well, protect our 
homeland, I'll put it to you that way, within the Constitution of the 
United States, of course. They would be off the streets.
    It's a concern. This is--I mean, every morning I read threats--some, 
by the way, directed not toward U.S. assets, but to the assets of our 
friends. As a matter of fact, I am confident that I've read threats that 
were directed to the countries represented here. All the time, we share 
information immediately. As a matter of fact, before I see it, I'm 
confident that the information has gone to the intelligence-gathering 
networks of the respected countries. And that's very important; that's 
very important. I don't mean to be an alarmist. And again, there are 
no--I didn't have a--there's not a moment.
    But there is an attitude of these people. And they're relentless, 
they just are. And therefore, when you hear me say that the best 
strategy, the best defense is an offense, I mean it. And the best way to 
protect our respective people is to hunt these people down.
    One of my jobs is to continually educate the American people and, 
for that matter, anybody who is interested in the world who wants to 
listen, as to the true nature of what we face. I've got a better handle 
on it than most. I pay attention to it every day. My most important 
job--we'll debate all the debates and all the issues, but my most 
important job is to protect America and our friends and allies and work 
with our friends and allies to protect the innocent people in your 
countries.
    You know, it's a unique war we're fighting. The old wars, there 
would be battlelines and movements, and you could measure progress here 
and territory taken here. A lot of people steeped in history kind of 
still think that way. But it's a different kind of war. And we're 
recognizing how different it is as we get more intelligence. And it 
takes a different effort to fight it.
    But it's real; it's absolutely real. I know some in the world don't 
particularly want to hear that. It's much easier not to be confronted 
with the truth, because it means that there's going to be sacrifice and 
worry and concern. But it's a real threat, and I'm going to--I'll battle 
with all my--and I've got a great country behind me doing----
    Q. On this point, were you disappointed by the questions raised by 
the Democrats about the way you were informed? Did the conclusions you 
draw, you drew from this information----
    The President. As I said, this is the--the thing about Washington. I 
suspect capitals elsewhere--democracy, there's nothing like a little 
second-guessing. As I said, in Washington, the second-guessing is second 
nature. I'm used to it. I think there was a lot of--

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most of the elected officials here are very responsible citizens. They 
understand the nature of the intelligence; they understand how it works.
    We're a united country--may flare up a little, politics flares up. 
But we're a united country. And this country is--both Republicans and 
Democrats are united to win this war on terror, and I appreciate that 
spirit from Washington.

Chairman Yasser Arafat of the Palestinian Authority

    Q. On Middle East----
    The President. Make it a good one.
    Q. Yes.
    The President. Be sure it's a good one. [Laughter] I'm sure 
everybody here is interested in that subject.
    Q. Is peace possible with Arafat?
    The President. It's a very interesting question. First of all, I 
meant what I said on April the 4th, when I said Mr. Arafat has let the 
Palestinian people down. He's had a chance to lead. He had a chance to 
get a peace agreement with my predecessor. He's had chance after chance. 
And by failing to lead, he has really let the Palestinians down.
    I say that with a lot of angst in my heart because I am concerned 
about the plight of the Palestinian citizenry, poor and isolated and 
frustrated. Many live in refugee camps and have for years. And there's 
obviously--I realize in many of their hearts, there's little hope, and 
that's frustrating.
    And so I am clearly disappointed. Somebody said, ``Has he earned 
your respect?'' I said, he never had my respect, because he has--he let 
his people down. The role of a leader is to lead.
    Having said that, I do think peace is possible, and I think it's 
important. I think it's very important that we work toward a vision of 
two states, living side by side in peace. There's work for all of us 
involved in this process, to have that vision so necessary for a secure 
Israel and so necessary for a hopeful Palestine.
    The process to get there is going to require a commitment by all 
parties: a commitment for the United States to continue to lead on the 
issue, and we will; a commitment by the Israelis to make the tough 
choices necessary for the Palestinian state to exist; the commitment by 
the Palestinians to renounce and fight terror; the commitment by the 
Arab world to become engaged not only in the humanitarian aspects of the 
region but to be a part of the building of the institutions necessary 
for a Palestinian state to exist.
    That starts with a security apparatus that actually functions for 
the benefit of the Palestinian people by fighting off terror, by 
rejecting extremism. There is--and at the same time, shows the world, 
not only just Israel but shows American and Arab nations and everybody, 
the EU, that there is a concerted effort to fight terror, a security 
force in which authority and responsibility are properly aligned. That's 
step one.
    A while ago I announced that Tenet was going to reengage in the 
process of developing this security force. There also needs to be the 
institutions necessary for the growth of a state, such as the ability to 
disburse money in a noncorrupt way, the capacity to provide help for 
citizens--actual help for citizens who suffer--in a way that will lead 
to the rebuilding of community; they have the civil institutions 
necessary for growth. That will come when there are--when there is the 
reforms necessary to make sure there is accountability in the 
Palestinian Authority.
    There needs to be the conditions necessary for economic vitality; 
that's trade. There's money willing to be spent. The EU--I've talked to 
President Aznar on the subject; I've talked to your respective leaders 
on the subject. I've committed to it.
    But I'm not committed to spending--sending money in a place until 
I'm convinced it's going to be spent to help the Palestinian people. And 
so I--yes, I think peace is possible. It's going to take awhile; it's 
going to take a lot of work. And the first steps necessary are for 
people to assume their responsibilities, to assume a responsible role.
    I am--I will tell you that you've read the press accounting of 
what's taking place. There is a sense that--amongst some in the region, 
a lot in the region, that there needs to be a reform process in the 
Palestinians that will boost the confidence of, first, the people, 
second, the neighborhood, and third,

[[Page 873]]

the community of the world, of which the EU and America are an integral 
part.
    So I will continue to work for peace, and I just--to renounce 
terror, insist that people fight off terrorist attacks, demand that 
there be accountability for people who are involved in the process, cut 
off money wherever we can, to deny terrorists the capacity to derail 
peace by death. And we have to do that in order to achieve peace. You've 
got to deny people--killers the ability to destroy hope through death. 
And I'm optimistic we can do that. I believe we can. Thanks for asking.
    Okay, thanks for your time.

Note: The interview began at 10:20 a.m. in the Roosevelt Room at the 
White House, and the transcript was embargoed for release by the Office 
of the Press Secretary until 10 p.m. In his remarks, the President 
referred to Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder of Germany; President Jacques 
Chirac of France; Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy; President 
Vladimir V. Putin of Russia; Secretary General Lord Robertson of the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization; President Saddam Hussein of Iraq; 
and President Jose Maria Aznar of Spain in his capacity as President of 
the European Council. He also referred to ``NATO at 20,'' a proposed 
NATO-Russia cooperation mechanism in which NATO member states and Russia 
will work as equal partners in areas of common interest. Journalists 
participating in the interview were: Leo Wieland, Frankfurter Allgemeine 
Zeitung; Patrick Jarreau, Le Monde; Gabrial Volk, Argumenti i Fakti; and 
Alberto Flores-D'Arcais, La Repubblica. A tape was not available for 
verification of the content of this interview.