[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 37, Number 30 (Monday, July 30, 2001)]
[Pages 1088-1094]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
The President's News Conference With Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi of 
Italy in Rome, Italy

July 23, 2001

    Prime Minister Berlusconi. Good afternoon, everyone. I am very happy 
to extend my welcome to President Bush during his first visit to Rome. 
It's as a friend that I receive him in a free country, a democratic 
country, that has always been a friend of the United States of America, 
which, with the

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United States of America, has had for over 50 years a very special 
cooperation based on the feelings of the Atlantic Alliance, the European 
Union.
    Our country is a country that looks to the United States of America 
with a recognition that must be steadfast, a recognition that derives 
from a very profound feeling, Mr. President, of those who are aware of 
the fact that precisely--thanks to your country, to your great 
democracy, to the young lives that the Americans sacrificed in Italian 
territory over 50 years ago--Italy ended a very dark moment where 
totalitarianism had got rid of freedom. And thanks to the sacrifice of 
the United States and its Allies, we were able to reach democracy, 
freedom, and we had a period of over half a century in freedom, 
democracy, and in prosperity.
    Therefore, with the feelings of a very great friend, where we 
recognize the feelings that are at the basis of the American feelings, 
with the same values that are the basis of your political action, that 
we receive you, Mr. President. And we, as we know in Genoa, have spent 
very special moments in Genoa, moments that I will always remember with 
great pleasure.
    And I must tell you that, in Genoa, I admired the way that you 
opened up towards others. I have to tell you that you conquered American 
journalists. You conquered everyone, because you were so spontaneous, so 
natural. It was such a frank way to say things, because yes is yes, no 
is no.
    In politics, we weren't used to seeing all this, and we were always 
beating around the bush, and we were taking things from the left or the 
right, up, down, and so on. With President Bush, everything is simple. 
And at the very end, all the other leaders truly appreciated the manner 
in which you were pragmatic, you were concrete, and that is how you 
faced all of the problems.
    And I also must add, and here I will end, I, who have already 
directed a G-8 in Naples 7 years ago, found a new atmosphere, a more 
positive atmosphere with a greater closeness amongst leaders. And I made 
this reflection: I said, ``It is almost a miracle today, at the 
beginning of a new century, at the beginning of a new millennium, that 
having around a table, people looking at each other in their eyes, with 
faith and with friendship.'' We have the Prime Minister of Japan, the 
President of the United States of America, the Prime Minister of 
Germany, and the Presidents of England, France, and Italy, and again, 
the United States President and the President of the Russian Federation.
    Only 13 years ago the world was divided in two. There were two 
ideologies, a wall in the middle, and we thought that planned and 
collective economies could be a competitive economy against our system 
of free markets and free enterprise. How the world has changed.
    And therefore, I have to tell you that as a citizen, an anybody, I 
must say that from Genoa, from the talks with President Bush and the 
other leaders, just by the way you had these relationships with the 
other leaders in such a frank and open way, we have greater hope. The 
world today is much more safe than it was a few years ago. And we can 
truly build, construct for our peoples, but for other peoples, as well, 
calling them within the virtuous cycle of trade, of exchanges, as 
friends, with faith, with confidence. We can definitely build a better 
world.
    And thank you, to history in this sense and in this specific 
instance, I must say thank you to President Bush.
    President Bush. Mr. Prime Minister, thank you very much. Perhaps the 
interpreter got it wrong when she says that my performance at the G-8 
conquered the American press. [Laughter] If so, I would expect their 
stories to reflect it from now on. But one thing is for certain: On 
this, my first trip as President to Italy, I've really enjoyed myself. I 
can see why so many Americans choose Italy as a place to visit--its 
fantastic history, beautiful buildings and monuments, and wonderful 
people.
    Mr. Prime Minister, I appreciate your leadership, as well. We share 
an entrepreneurial spirit. We understand the role of the entrepreneur in 
our societies. After all, this good man came from humble beginnings to 
not only build a business enterprise that employs thousands of people 
but also had the courage to seek political office. And I firmly believe 
the people of Italy will be well off with my friend as their leader.

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    And I've got some experience to say that, because I saw him at the 
G-8. We had meetings where there was nobody else in the room except the 
leaders of the industrialized world. We had good and honest discussions. 
But the Prime Minister was a pro, an expert at encouraging dialog and 
expressing his opinion.
    I want to thank the people of Genoa again for the sacrifices they 
made. I want to thank the law enforcement officials for providing 
security. I appreciate the Prime Minister and his government for making 
available the opportunity for those of us who lead our respective 
nations to come together and have a good, frank dialog, to talk about 
ways to improve relations amongst ourselves, as well as ways to help 
those nations not as fortunate as we are. You deserve a lot of credit, 
Mr. Prime Minister.
    Secondly, we've had good discussions today about our bilateral 
relations. We've got great trade between our nations, and we work 
together to make sure that trade continues. We've got good military 
cooperation between our respective lands, and we'll continue to do so. I 
reconfirmed to the Prime Minister that which I said in NATO, that 
America came into the Balkans with our friends, and we will leave with 
our friends. And I appreciate so very much the Italian leadership in the 
Balkans, not only the general who led our troops at one point in time 
but, as well, the troops that are still there. Our two nations comprise 
a large part of the force in keeping the peace.
    I also want to say something about the development in Indonesia. The 
people of Indonesia, by addressing their leadership crisis under their 
Constitution and laws, have shown commitment to the rule of law and 
democracy. We hope all parties will work together to maintain peace, 
support the Constitution, and promote national reconciliation.
    We appreciate President Wahid's work the last 2 years in leading 
Indonesia through its democratic transition. We look forward to working 
with President Megawati and her team to address Indonesia's challenges 
of economic reform, peaceful resolution of separatist challenges, and 
maintaining territorial integrity.
    Mr. Prime Minister, once again, thank you for your friendship, and 
thank you for the friendship of the Italian people with the American 
people.
    Prime Minister Berlusconi. Thank you. There were agreements, and we 
drew the journalists that are going to ask the questions. The name that 
was given to me is the name, Mr. Dennis Ismore.

Meeting With the Pope/Italy-U.S. Relations

    Q. Mr. President, was it a surprise for you to hear today from the 
Holy Father on his declarations on manipulations of embryos? And how do 
you intend to take it into consideration as you examine the decision 
about Federal funds to research, especially in view of what you've said 
before regarding your decision?
    And to Prime Minister Berlusconi, the relationship between Italy and 
the United States, does it go through Europe, or on what topics do you 
believe that Italy has a privileged and specific role? Because the 
communique was not very precise on this.
    President Bush. We have the two-question strategy. [Laughter] A 
person is allowed to ask one question, but they manage to convert it to 
two. I suspect that may be the case with some of the American press, as 
well.
    First, let me say how honored I was to be able to be in the presence 
of the Holy Father. It was a moment I was looking forward to because of 
his profound impact on the world. He's an extraordinary man who is, by 
virtue of his leadership and his conscience and his presence, has not 
only affected political systems but affected the hearts and souls of 
thousands of people all around the world. And it's hard to describe--I'm 
not poetic enough to describe what it's like to be in his presence.
    Nor was I surprised to hear his strong, consistent message of life. 
It's been his message ever since he's been the Holy Father. He's never 
deviated. He sent a consistent word throughout the church and throughout 
society that we ought to take into account the preciousness of life.
    I hear that message from his cardinals and bishops throughout our 
country. One of the

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things about the Catholic Church that I admire, it's a church that 
stands on consistent and solid principle. And of course, I'll take that 
point of view into consideration as I make up my mind on a very 
difficult issue confronting the United States of America. It's the need 
to balance value and respect for life with the promise of science and 
the hope of saving life.
    And so I will go back home, after what has been a very successful 
trip, continue to listen to points of view, and make up my mind when I'm 
ready to. And when I do, I'll make the case to the American people.
    Prime Minister Berlusconi. As far as the question that was asked, I 
think that the statement comprises all of the sectors where we all have 
the same views, and therefore, we have the same political identity that 
derives from the same values, from the same way of looking at things and 
the events in the world. I think that this is the basis of a cooperation 
that can be a very tight one, indeed.
    As far as the European Union, we know that the European Union wants 
to have a task force that will cooperate and work with NATO. It asks 
NATO to provide the elements that the task force in the beginning would 
not have on its own, but again, with cooperation and working with NATO. 
And I do believe that this is something positive, because it would not 
be logical, it would not be possible to continue, for NATO to come in, 
intervene on its own in all of those situations that arise in the world 
in order to make sure that they go in to take care of those wounds that 
become chronic ulcers.
    Therefore, I think that it's fair that if Europe wants to become 
politically strong, that wants to express itself with a single voice, I 
was saying it should have its own military force. However, I believe 
that this military force must be fully synchronized with the NATO 
forces. And it might be able to intervene by itself with preventative 
agreements with NATO, so that NATO does not have to face every single 
situation in the world. As far as the United States, it's a very intense 
trade relationship in both directions.
    Last week we signed an agreement for a greater cooperation in 
technological and scientific research. I believe that this can be useful 
even in difficult situations, like the situations of the factors that 
increase the temperature on the planet. I think that every single topic, 
every single situation should go back to the fundamental agreement that 
is borne from the historic reasons that I mentioned, and which 
consolidates itself due to the fact that we have a common basis of 
values and principles, and today, also due to the human liking and the 
sympathy that we have that has developed between the President of the 
Italian Government and the President of the United States.
    President Bush. This man is from NBC, Mr. Prime Minister, NBC.

Stem Cell Research

    Q. Mr. President, I'd like to return to the issue of your decision 
regarding stem cell research. I was struck by the fact that the Pope 
specifically condemned the creation of embryonic stem cells for the 
purpose of research, when, in fact, one central element of what you're 
grappling with is the research on existing stem cells. Can you elaborate 
on what you two discussed in that regard? Are there areas that you're 
considering that he did not address? And I'm not asking you to provide 
us with what you're going to do, but can you at least share with us what 
options are out there, what compromises you might be looking at?
    President Bush. David [David Gregory, NBC News], I think it's 
important for the American people to know that I take this issue very 
seriously, because it is an issue that, on the one hand, deals with so 
much hope, hope that perhaps through research and development we'll be 
able to save lives. It's also an issue that has got serious moral 
implications. And our Nation must think carefully before we proceed. And 
therefore, my process has been, frankly, unusually deliberative for my 
administration. I'm taking my time.
    I, frankly, do not care what the political polls say. I do care 
about the opinions of people, particularly someone as profound as the 
Holy Father. But I will tell you that the first time the subject came up 
was when he read his statement at the palace, at his summer palace. And 
my discussions with the Holy Father were more about foreign policy. He 
was

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interested in my view of the world and my discussions with President 
Putin, for example. He was most interested in what went on at Genoa.
    And so his statement was very consistent, a consistent part of the 
philosophy that the Catholic Church has embraced. But that's the only 
time it came up, Dave.
    Q. [Inaudible]--options----
    President Bush. Well, I'm thinking about all options, but I'm 
thinking about them privately. In all due respect to a great--one of 
several great news organizations, I'd rather not be expressing--laying 
my options out on the air, because I have yet to reach a conclusion. And 
when I do, I will lay it out to you. I don't know if you'll be first, 
but I'll lay it out to the American people.
    And the American people will know that this decision has been made 
in all due deliberations, with sound deliberations, that it's an 
important decision. And I think people understand that it is that way, 
and it's important for America to fully understand the ramifications. 
And time has helped people understand the complexities of the issue. And 
when I get back, I will continue my deliberations, and when I'm ready, I 
will lay out my decision.

National Missile Defense

    Q. Mr. President, yesterday there was a step ahead made in the 
relations between Russia and the United States for the defense of 
missile systems. Don't you think that the United States and President 
Bush perhaps need a better--a more explicit support from its European 
Allies in this type of dialog? Are you willing to do this, as opposed to 
other European countries? It's been talked for about $60 billion to $100 
billion of investment for the strategic missile defense. Will you share 
some of that money with European companies, in investments in technology 
and, especially, with some of the Italian companies? They're very 
advanced in that.
    Thank you.
    President Bush. We did have a major discussion about how best to 
keep the peace. I was really pleased with the conversation I've had, 
with President Putin. It was the second such conversation I've had, and 
we're making good progress toward understanding. And the understanding 
is that the cold war is over: Russia is not the enemy of the United 
States and that freedom-loving people should address the true threats of 
the 21st century. And those threats are, amongst other things, the 
ability of a rogue nation to have weapons of mass destruction, which 
could affect the United States or Italy or Russia or anybody else who 
embraces freedom.
    And it seems to me that we must do the research and development 
necessary, research and development prohibited by the current treaty 
that codifies the old cold war mentality of distrust. And we have yet to 
do that. We have yet to fully explore the opportunities and options 
available to not only the United States but our Allies, as to how to 
keep the peace.
    So it's premature for me to answer not only how much the systems 
will cost but who will participate. I will tell you this: The spirit of 
collaboration and cooperation should indicate to our friends and Allies 
that we're more than willing to cooperate. We've discussed the issue, 
and I'm so much thankful to my friend for being supportive and forward-
leaning when others have been skeptical.
    And in the appropriate time, when we figure out the best way to 
address the true threats, which is the ability to intercept twos--
launches of twos or threes that could hold us hostage and affect all our 
foreign policies--then we will work on the development. And the 
development of the systems may very well entail cooperation with our 
friends and Allies. I'm very openminded on this subject.
    Prime Minister Berlusconi. As President Bush has just mentioned, in 
Brussels, during the NATO meeting, I spoke, and then I spoke at Goteborg 
during the dinner that we shared. And I said that I was in agreement 
with what President Bush had said very clearly. The world scene has 
changed. There is no antagonism between Europe and the United States, on 
the one hand, and the Soviet Union on the other hand. The Soviet Union 
is something different.
    And we're very interested as Europeans with the support of the 
United States; we look to a progressive journey of the Russian 
Federation. Maybe tomorrow, the day after, the Russian Federation might 
even become

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part of the European federation, where we have countries that share a 
common Christian civilization. And I believe that in the future we will 
also be able to speak of a Russian Federation that becomes part of the 
Atlantic Alliance.
    Our enemies are elsewhere. Potentially, our enemies are elsewhere. 
Of course, we know that we will need some time before certain countries 
that do not give us full confidence will be able to build strategic 
weapons with a range that allows them to go to far-off places like the 
United States. But undoubtedly, the situation is worrisome, and I 
believe that it would be logical to preserve the security of Europe and 
the United States, making sure that we keep an eye on these 
potentialities, on these dangers.
    I think that President Bush was extremely clear when he said that 
these topics the United States is willing to talk about with the 
European Allies. On our side, I think that this is something that must 
be done. We have said this. We will always be next to the United States 
in order to take part in this discussion, going well beyond the 
attitudes of certain European states, which still, today, have not, in 
my opinion, understood how the world has changed and how we should start 
worrying about the future.
    Q. Mr. President, if I could follow up on missile defense. It seems 
there was a little bit of ambiguity about what happened yesterday. Does 
the agreement that you reached with President Putin yesterday commit 
your administration to slowing down or in any way delaying the 
development of missile technologies and the withdrawing from the ABM 
Treaty until after the two nations have reached an agreement about both 
offensive and defensive systems? Or will you just continue to develop 
these technologies and withdraw from the Treaty when you see fit?
    And Mr. Prime Minister, if I could just follow up, how important is 
an agreement, a formal agreement between Russia and the United States on 
these matters to Europe-wide support of the U.S. developing these 
technologies?
    President Bush. Since it's your country, I'll give you the last 
word. I have told President Putin that time matters, that I want to 
reach an accord sooner, rather than later, that I'm interested in 
getting something done with him. That's my first priority. The American 
people, our friends and Allies, and others should take me for my word 
when I said in the campaign, and since being the President, that I will 
consult with our friends and Allies, that I will work with Russia. But 
make no mistake about it, I think it's important to move beyond the ABM 
Treaty. I would rather others come with us, but I feel so strongly and 
passionately on the subject about how to keep the peace in the 21st 
century, that we'll move beyond, if need be.
    But first things first, Terry [Terry Moran, ABC News], and that is 
to give President Putin and our friends and Allies ample time to 
discuss, consider, and understand what I'm trying to say. My friend has 
been quick to grasp the notion about changing the security arrangements 
in the world. But others who have said that mutually assured destruction 
will keep the peace in the future--it's worked in the past; therefore it 
should be around in the future--need some time to understand the full 
implications about which we're discussing. And I understand that--
particularly President Putin, his nation has been bound by the Treaty. 
It's a Treaty, of course, that--from which either party can withdraw 
with ample notice. And I can understand why he wants time, and I'm going 
to give him some time.
    But I also want to emphasize to you that time is of the essence. It 
is time to move beyond. It is time to begin the research and 
development, which we have yet to do--the research and development, 
constrained by the ABM Treaty, to determine that which is feasible. And 
it's important to do so for a couple of reasons.
    One, it's important to discard the old cold war mentality. And I 
explained that to President Putin, and I believe he understands that 
America is no longer Russia's enemy, that we have a chance to fashion a 
new strategic framework beyond just missile defenses, a strategic 
framework that says we'll reduce our own offensive weapons, a strategic 
framework that says we'll cooperate on security matters, particularly as 
it relates to terrorist activities, a security relationship where we'll 
work for safer nuclear storage and safer nuclear energy. It is a 
different framework,

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a different frame of mind that I truly believe will make the world a 
more peaceful place.
    And since I feel it so strongly, if we can't reach an agreement, 
we're going to implement. It's the right thing to do. It's what I told 
the American people we're going to do. It's what I've explained to our 
Allies we're going to do.
    But I believe we've got a great opportunity to welcome others into 
the strategic framework. You saw the President yesterday. I thought he 
was very forward-leaning, as they say in diplomatic nuanced circles. We 
signed an agreement. That should say something about the intentions and 
about how far we've progressed on this issue.
    Mr. Prime Minister.
    Prime Minister Berlusconi. I have to confirm the judgment on the 
President on this, and I can also bear witness to the fact that during 
the G-8 Summit, we spoke about this topic. In fact, in a bilateral 
meeting, I met President Putin and, with the invitation of the other 
Allies, I, in fact, spoke about the problem of the atomic potential in 
his country. I began expressing the preoccupation of the Western world 
vis-a-vis the nuclear stations in Russia, because here we're talking 
about the maintenance of the old ones and the building codes for new 
nuclear stations.
    President Putin said that he would face this very openly. He spoke 
to us about their plans for these places, and he also said that he will 
continue to cooperate with Western technicians as far as the building 
codes of the new plants. And after that, we spoke, and I must say that I 
spoke to him directly on the atomic potential. But here I would like to 
digress.
    We also have to understand the physiological aspect for the 
President and for his people. They come from a past. They were a world 
power. They had a very strong fall, as far as their economy was 
concerned. Their global revenue is well below the other countries of the 
G-7, but they still have that old pride. And above all, they have that 
atomic stockpile that is still an extraordinary one. It's huge. 
Therefore, we must be very tactful.
    We must take the entire situation into account, the psychological 
and actual situation. We must proceed with patience on a road, which is 
the one expressed by President Bush, that cannot be hurried on. But the 
reactions that we saw from President Putin make us believe that we will 
be able to cooperate. And I think that we're on the right path in order 
to reach an agreement that would obviously imply certain modifications 
in the existing treaty. And I believe that this can all be done without 
unilateral measures.
    On the other hand, President Bush also confirmed the will of the 
United States of America to talk with the Allies, to not do anything 
without having a discussion with the Allies first. So I believe that 
this is an issue that has been well placed and is on the right path.
    President Bush. Thank you.

Note: The President's 14th news conference began at 2:52 p.m. at the 
Villa Dona Pamphilj. In his remarks, he referred to former President 
Abdurrahman Wahid and President Megawati Sukarnoputri of Indonesia; 
President Vladimir Putin of Russia; and Pope John Paul II. Prime 
Minister Berlusconi referred to Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi of 
Japan; Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder of Germany; Prime Minister Tony 
Blair of the United Kingdom; President Jacques Chirac of France; and 
President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi of Italy. Prime Minister Berlusconi spoke 
in Italian, and his remarks were translated by an interpreter.