[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 36, Number 37 (Monday, September 18, 2000)]
[Pages 2032-2037]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]
<R04>
Remarks at a Luncheon Honoring Representative James H. Maloney
in Danbury, Connecticut
September 11, 2000
Thank you. Wow! [Laughter] Well, first of all, that's the best talk
I ever heard Jim Maloney give. It was amazing. [Laughter] I thought two
things when he was giving that speech: The first thing I thought is,
that's the speech everybody ought to be giving around America this year;
and the second thing I thought is, if he keeps giving that speech, this
election won't be nearly as close as the last one was, if you guys help
to get the message out. Thank you.
Let me say, I'm honored to be here with Jim and Mary and what he
referred to as the delegation from his family. I thought Lew Wallace
gave a great speech, too. We ought to give him--[applause]--it was a
very good speech. Thank you.
I want to thank your attorney general and my law school classmate
and friend of 30 years Dick Blumenthal for being here, and Secretary of
State Susan Bysiewicz and Comptroller Nancy Wyman, thank you. Did I say
it right?
And I want to thank the mayor of Danbury for making me feel welcome
here. Thank you, Gene. Where are you? Thank you, Gene Eriquez. And Ed
Marcus and John Olsen, John Walkovich, I want to thank all them. And I'd
also like to, on a point of personal privilege, one of the most talented
people who ever served on my staff and one of the
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most valuable to me, personally, is a young man named Jonathan Prince,
who has now gone off to do well. But he's from Danbury. He and his
parents are here today. Jonathan, where are you? Give him a hand. He did
a great job. He's here somewhere. [Applause] Thank you.
I also want to thank my longtime friend Mayor Joe Ganim from
Bridgeport for coming over here. He and Gene and I took a picture
together. We took a picture together, and they whispered to me that most
mayors, unlike Presidents, aren't term limited. [Laughter]
Let me say to all of you, I am having a great day today. I started
off today, Hillary and I were in Washington at the White House, and we
went up to Westchester County, where we now make our home. And we did an
event at a Jewish community center on the Federal Trade Commission
report today on violence in the media, pointing out that a number of
entertainment companies--by no means all of them; we don't want to paint
with too broad a brush--but a number of them actually have been
advertising these violent movies to the same kids that they say
shouldn't go see them.
And Senator Lieberman and Vice President Gore talked about it
yesterday, and I think Joe is going to testify before the Congress
sometime this week, in the next few days, about it. But we had a
wonderful time, talking about the future and the challenges that
families at work face, and succeeding at work and succeeding at raising
their children, which is the most important work of all.
And then I came up here to be with you, and I'm going back to New
York, and we're going to do, I think, three or four more things today.
[Laughter] And I'm going to--Hillary and I are going to end up tonight
at a dinner honoring the efforts that we made, along with several others
in a bipartisan way, to deal with the so-called Nazi gold issues in
Switzerland and get the wealth returned back to the people who needed
it. So, it's a great day.
This is an interesting time in my life. My family has a new
candidate. My party has a new leader, and I've become the Cheerleader in
Chief of America. [Laughter] And I like it. [Laughter]
I guess what I would like to tell you is, as someone who is not
running for office--for the first time since 1974, I'm not going to be
on the ballot--I, too, believe what Jim Maloney said. And the most
important thing to me to try to get across to the American people is,
yes, we've had a great year. This has been a terrific run. And I'm
grateful, not just for the economic prosperity but for the greater sense
of unity that the country has, for the social progress we see in crime
and welfare and teen pregnancy and a whole lot of other indicators,
showing our country is coming together, for the change in the American
political climate now, away from the kind of just dripping venom that
dominated so many elections of the last 20 years. I'm grateful for all
that.
So what I want you to understand and believe is that the best is
still out there, because we have spent a great deal of time these last 8
years just trying to turn the country around, to dig it out of a
mountain of debt, to dig it out so that the interest rates could come
down and so that people just in their private lives could go about
making America the success it ought to be, changing the crime policy,
changing the environmental policy, changing the education policy,
changing the health care policy. But a lot of the biggest, best things
are still out there.
At least in my lifetime, we have never had a period where we had so
much progress and prosperity with so little internal crisis or external
threat. I think Jim told me when I came in that Theodore Roosevelt was
the last President to come to Danbury and spend any time. And I like
Theodore Roosevelt. [Laughter] If he were alive today, he'd be a
Democrat, too. [Laughter]
You know, Roosevelt governed at another magic time. He inherited the
Presidency as the youngest man ever to be President, when President
McKinley was assassinated shortly after his reelection in 1900 and was
inaugurated in 1901, and shortly after that, he was killed. So Teddy
Roosevelt inherited the Presidency and did, I think, a very good job
with it, in dealing with a time that is probably more like this time in
historical terms than any period in the middle, because we were moving
from an agricultural to an industrial society, and we had to redefine
our sense
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of national community and what our obligations were to one another. How
were we going to take in that huge wave of immigrants that came into
America at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century;
how were we going to deal with this huge influx of people who couldn't
make a living on the farm anymore but wanted to make a living in the
factory? But a lot of them were children, and a lot of them were working
12 and 14 or 15 hours a day, and there were all kinds of abusive
conditions there.
And in the first Roosevelt era, we began to come to grips with our
responsibilities to immigrant populations living in difficult situations
in the slums, our responsibilities to end child labor in the most
abusive labor conditions. And we began to be aware of the capacity of
the industrial revolution to damage the environment. And Teddy Roosevelt
became our first great environmental President by meeting the challenges
of the moment.
And then when--ironically, there was a brief interruption because
after he left office, his designated successor, William Howard Taft, was
elected, the person he wanted to succeed him, but he turned out not to
be a progressive. So Woodrow Wilson got elected, with a little help from
Theodore Roosevelt, and we had 8 more years.
But then what we were trying to do was interrupted by war and then
by depression and then again by war. And so Franklin Roosevelt had to
build this sense of unity out of all this adversity. But in a funny
way--I used to talk to my grandfather all the time about the Depression.
One thing, it's almost a purging effect, total adversity has on you,
because you don't--it's not like you have all the options in the world.
You got up in the morning. You tried to figure out how to keep body and
soul together, and you know you've got to change something, because if
you keep on doing the same thing, you'll be in the same hole.
However, when things are going very well, your opportunity for error
increases because you have lots of options. And that really is what's
going on in this election. You've got to decide what you want to do with
the most truly astonishing moment of prosperity and social progress and
national security in our lifetime. You have to decide.
And people ask me all the time, you know, for a year and a half or 2
years, ``Do you really think that Al Gore is going to win?'' And I
always said, yes, and I always believed it, when the polls weren't
nearly as good as they are today, because I knew the underlying
conditions of the country were good. I knew that he was a good man. I
knew he had played a terrific role in the building of what we have done.
But I also knew that he was thinking about what we should do in the
future. And when he picked Joe Lieberman to be on the ticket with him,
it proved that he was thinking about what we should do in the future.
People ask me all the time if I think Hillary is going to win. I
tell them, yes. And I do, and I always have, but I do for the same
reasons.
But the truth is--I meant precisely what I said when I said, if Jim
keeps giving that speech and you all keep giving him enough money to
make sure people hear the message--[laughter]--and make sure people hear
the message, the race won't be as close as it was last time, because
that's where America is and where America wants to go.
But I'm telling you, this is not exactly your standard political
speech, but the truth is, I've been doing this a long time now--
[laughter]--and I have nearly got the hang of it. [Laughter] And I have
observed that very often, an election is determined not so much by who
the two candidates are but by what the people think the election is
about. Now, I'll get serious a minute.
If the people believe the election is about how much they can get
for themselves today, right now, never mind tomorrow, and never mind my
neighbor, we're going to be in a tough fix, folks, and especially if
they talk nice about it, you know? [Laughter] ``I would like to raise
the minimum wage, and I would like to have a Patients' Bill of Rights.
And I know all the seniors need prescription drugs, and half of them
will be left out if we only take people at 150 percent of the poverty
line. I'd like to do all that, and I feel really terrible that I can't.
But I've got to keep dishing out this tax cut money.'' [Laughter]
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Now, you're laughing, but times are good. And a lot of people say,
``Well, what could be wrong with that? I could use the money.'' So I'm
telling you--you hear me now--it's good that you gave him a check, but
it's not enough. You've got 60 days here, and every time you see
somebody, you need to talk to them about this election. Every day, when
you come home from work or when you end your day, if you are a homemaker
or whatever you do, you ought to ask yourself if you've talked to one or
two people about the decision that we have to make as a people in this
millennial year.
Because I'm telling you, there are profound economic and educational
and health care and environmental and criminal justice and what I call
one America--how we're all going to live and work together--issues, that
there are honest differences--big election, big differences. All the
best stuff is still out there. The other side wants to blur over the
differences and emphasize how appealing their tax cuts are.
We want to have tax cuts, too, very badly, actually, in the area of
the marriage penalty or giving kids--families a tax deduction for their
children's college tuition, long-term care credit for elderly and
disabled family members that you have to take care of, making it easier
for people to save for retirement. We've got quite a nice tax package,
but theirs is 3 or 4 times bigger than ours.
But there's a reason theirs is 3 or 4 times bigger--because we don't
want to get rid of this whole surplus. We think it's a good thing that
we're paying the debt down. We know that we need some money to invest in
education and health care, in science and technology, in the future of
America. We know we may have some emergency come up. We know we may have
some defense crisis develop, where we need to give our military even
more than we anticipate. We know that over 10 years we might have a
recession, and the money might not all come in.
So we can't make the expansive tax cut promises they can, and that
may obscure the fact to the voters that we actually have, as Jim said,
quite a good tax cut package that we strongly believe we can still pass
in this Congress, if they want to do it. But I think they'd rather have
the issue, because they want it to look like we're sort of the, you
know, the curmudgeons that won't give the average Joe a break, and the
country's rolling in dough, and it's their money, and the other side is
going to give it all back to them.
Let me just remind you, that rhetoric quadrupled the debt of the
United States of America in the 12 years before I took office with Al
Gore. And we have worked very hard--we've worked very hard to turn that
around. A lot of Members of Congress gave up their seats after 1993,
because they voted to turn it around. And we'd better think a long time
before we play games with our fiscal discipline and our ability to pay
down that debt.
Let me just give you one example. They talk all the time about tax
cuts. If you did everything they're talking about, you passed all the
tax cuts they've advocated and all the one's they're rolling out and all
the one's their nominee for President rolled out and then you pass their
Social Security privatization plan, which costs another trillion
dollars, nearly--and that's before they pay for Star Wars or any of
their other spending--no, seriously, before they pay for any of that--
and you compare that to the Gore-Lieberman-Maloney positions--now,
listen, hear me here--you can--interest rates under our approach would
be one percent lower a year for a decade. Why? Because we're going to
keep paying down the debt until we get America out of debt for the first
time since 1835, and they'll have to stop doing that, because they're
going to spend so much money on the tax cuts and the privatization
program. They're going to spend all this projected surplus, and then
some.
And when you do that, interest rates will go up, and the market will
react accordingly, and the economy will be weaker. Everybody will have
their tax cut. I don't know how much good it will be if the economy gets
weak. But let me say this--I had a study done--you know how much a one
percent reduction in interest rates for a decade is worth? Three hundred
and ninety billion dollars in home mortgages, about $900 a year on a
$100,000 mortgage--I don't want to mess this up--$30 billion in car
payments, and $15 billion in student loan payments. So that's a $435
billion tax cut the American
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people get for paying for a strong economy and getting rid of the debt
and saving some money to invest in caring for the needs of all
Americans.
You know, we believe, our party does, that all these people in these
pretty uniforms that served our lunch here, we believe that they ought
to have the same chance to send their kids to college that I have to
send my child to college. We believe they ought to be able to make a
living. And if they need child care, they ought to have it. And when the
time comes to raise the minimum wage, we ought to raise it. And that's
what we believe.
We believe the rest of us are going to make more money when the
average Americans are all out there working, making a good living, and
able to support their children. So I'm just saying to you--I realize I'm
preaching to the choir, but what I'm really trying to do here is to
drive home the imperative of your taking some time every day to talk to
your fellow citizens.
Most of you are more interested in politics than most of your
friends. Is that right? Isn't that right? Every one of you has friends
who--even the Congressman's in-laws, I'll bet, have friends. [Laughter]
I used to have an uncle--let me tell you, I had a great uncle I buried a
couple of years ago. He was 91 years old, and I loved him like he was my
own father. And he was my total barometer about how I was doing when I
was Governor. This guy had about a sixth grade education and about a 200
IQ and total recall of events that occurred in the 1930's.
And I called him one time to ask about something. He said, ``I don't
care about politics.'' He said, ``I wouldn't care about you if you
weren't my nephew.'' [Laughter] And so whenever I needed to know how I
was doing, I called him, and he was better than any poll I ever took.
[Laughter] So I'm telling you, you all know people who--they think
they're too busy. They're too preoccupied with their lives. They don't
think about this all the time like you do. They've never been to one of
these political fundraisers. They've never heard their Congressman give
a speech like this, and they may never get a chance to.
And it may be that the only direct flesh-and-blood contact they ever
have with anybody asking them to think about this is with you.
Otherwise, it's just some secondhand experience with the television ads
or the debates for President or whatever.
Now, I've done everything I could to turn this country around. You
know there are big differences in this election. I hope you believe me
when I tell you, as good as the last 8 years have been, the next 8 years
can be better. And we can keep building on this if we decide that we're
going to use and not abuse what is a truly unique moment in our history.
But the members of the clergy who are here will tell you that
throughout human history, people have been more likely to make a mistake
when things were so good than when things were full of adversity and the
options were clearer. So I implore you. This is a good man representing
you in Congress. He is a good man, and he deserves to be reelected. And
I want Joe Lieberman to be the next Vice President, and I believe he
will be.
But believe me, you can make a difference here. You can make a
difference if every day--you just look at how many people there are in
this room--if every one of you talk to three people every day between
now and November, it's enough to turn the entire margin--that would be
far more, by the way--if every one of you talk to three people between
now and November, that would be far more than the victory margin he had
in the last election. Far more, right?
Now, I'm telling you, it's your country--and if you know anybody in
New York, I wouldn't mind you talking to them either. [Laughter] If the
American people really believe this is a magic moment, if they really
believe that together we can build the future of our dreams for our
children, if they understand clearly what we're for and what we're not,
then Al Gore and Joe Lieberman, Jim Maloney and Hillary, the whole
crowd, they'll win.
Clarity, clarity and focus are our friend. You've got to bring this
message clearly into focus for people who might never come here but who
are going to be just as affected by the decision we make as a people in
November as you are. So you cared enough to come here for Jim. Care
enough to talk for him,
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every day for the next 60 days, and help us build America's best days.
Thank you, and God bless you.
Note: The President spoke at 2:25 p.m. in the Amber Room Colonnade at
Western Connecticut State University. In his remarks, he referred to
Representative Maloney's wife, Mary; State Representative Lewis Wallace,
Jr.; Edward L. Marcus, chair, Connecticut State Democratic Party;
delegates to the 2000 Democratic National Convention John Olsen and
Joseph Walkovich; former Special Assistant to the President and
Presidential Speechwriter Jonathan Prince; and Republican Presidential
candidate Gov. George W. Bush. Representative Maloney is a candidate for
reelection in Connecticut's Fifth Congressional District. The President
also referred to a September 11 Federal Trade Commission report entitled
``Marketing Violent Entertainment to Children: A Review of Self-
Regulation and Industry Practices in the Motion Picture, Music Recording
& Electronic Game Industries.''