[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 36, Number 31 (Monday, August 7, 2000)]
[Pages 1775-1781]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at a Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee Dinner in Palm 
Beach

July 31, 2000

    Thank you very much. This is the fourth time that Bill and I have 
done this today, and we're about to get the hang of it. [Laughter] I 
want to thank Eric and Colleen for having us in their beautiful little 
home tonight, in this fabulous, fabulous tent. This is exhibit A for the 
proposition that if you want to live like a Republican, you should vote 
Democratic. [Laughter]
    I want to thank the Aaronsons for having us earlier at the 
reception. I want to thank my great friend Alcee Hastings for being here 
and for representing Florida brilliantly in the House of 
Representatives.
    I want to say a special word of appreciation to Bob Graham, who has 
been my friend for more than 20 years now. He and Adele and Hillary and 
I have been through a lot of interesting times together. And I've told 
anybody who cared to listen that the only job I ever could really hold 
down for any period of time was being Governor of my home State. I did 
that for 12 years, and I didn't seem to have much upward mobility for a 
while. But I had the good fortune to serve with 150 Governors and to see 
probably another 100 or more since then, since I've been President, and 
without any question, Bob Graham is one of the two or three ablest 
people I ever served with when he was Governor of this State. And he's 
done a fabulous job in Congress. I'll say more about that in a moment.
    And I want to thank Bill Nelson and Grace for making this race for 
the Senate. It isn't easy to run for major office today. You never know 
what's going to hit you. You never know how difficult it will be, and 
you can't predict the twists and turns of the campaign. And he looks 
great right now, but when he made the decision, it might not have worked 
out

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this way. He did it not knowing how it would come out because he 
believed he should serve.
    And he and Grace have been friends of Hillary's and mine for a long, 
long time. They and their children have spent the night with us in the 
White House. I know them well, and I'm just so proud that people like 
that still want to serve, still want to give. Besides that, he's really 
been a good insurance commissioner. I mean, he stopped insurance fraud 
against the elderly. He helped children to get health insurance. He's 
really done a good job.
    I also want to mention my good friend, your former Lieutenant 
Governor, Buddy MacKay, who is here with us tonight, who has really been 
great as our Ambassador to Latin America. And we just got a special bill 
passed to increase trade with the Caribbean region, which will be 
immensely helpful to the people here in south Florida. And I thank him 
for joining us today.
    I would also just--I'd like to thank the people that catered this 
dinner and the people that served it. They made our dinner very nice 
tonight. Most of the time, people don't say that. So I thank them.
    Let me say that I never know what to say at one of these dinners 
because I always feel that I'm preaching to the saved, as we say at 
home. I mean, if you weren't for him, surely you wouldn't have written a 
check. [Laughter] But I have a real interest in trying to get you to do 
more than write a check, because everybody who can come here is someone 
who, by definition, has a lot of contacts with a lot of people. And I'm 
very interested in how this whole election turns out. I'm passionately 
committed to the election of the Vice President, and I will say more 
about that in a minute.
    And there is one Senate seat than I'm even more interested in than 
the Florida election, in New York--[laughter]--where the best person 
I've ever known is running. And the thing I'm thinking about tonight--
and I just kind of want to talk to you--is, what is it that I could ask 
you to do that might make a difference in the election? And here's what 
it is. You can understand exactly what it's about and convince everybody 
you know that that's what it's about.
    My experience over many years now in public life is that very often 
the outcome of an election is determined by what people think the 
election is about. And it may seem self-evident, but it isn't. For 
example, when I ran in 1992 and James Carville came up with that great 
line, ``It's the economy, stupid''--well, he's great, but you didn't 
have to be a genius to figure that out. The country was in trouble, and 
we were going downhill economically. We had quadrupled our debt in 12 
years. All of the social indicators were going in the wrong direction. 
Washington seemed paralyzed.
    The political climate seemed to me in Washington, when I was way out 
in the country--at the time I was serving at what then President Bush 
called--I was the Governor of a small southern State. [Laughter] And I 
was so naive, I thought it was a compliment. [Laughter] And you know, I 
still do.
    But anyway, it seemed to me like Washington, what happened in 
Washington was, that the Republicans and Democrats were saying, ``You've 
got an idea. I've got an idea. Let's fight. Maybe we'll both get on the 
evening news,'' which got a lot of people on the evening news, but not 
much ever happened. And I didn't think anybody else lived that way.
    So it was obvious that we had to try to turn the country around, and 
I won't go through all that. But I will say now we've had 8 years of the 
longest economic prosperity in our history, the lowest unemployment rate 
in 30 years, 22 million new jobs. But it's not just economics. This is a 
more just society. Child poverty is down to a 20-year low, the lowest 
minority unemployment rate ever recorded, lowest female unemployment 
rate in 40 years, lowest single-parent household poverty rate in 46 
years, welfare rolls cut in half, crime rate at a 25-year low, teen 
pregnancy down for 7 years in a row. The indicators are going in the 
right direction. This is a more just society and a stronger society.
    And what I think the election ought to be about is this: Now what? 
Now, that may seem self-evident to you, but now what? What is it that 
we're going to do with all this prosperity? Are we just going to feel 
good about it? Are we going to take our cut and run?

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Or are we going to recognize that this is something that happens once in 
a lifetime, and we had better think very hard about the chance we have 
been given to build the future of our dreams for our children, to seize 
the big opportunities, to meet the big challenges?
    There's not a person in this beautiful setting tonight over 30 years 
of age who cannot recall at least one time in your life when you made a 
big mistake, not because things were going so badly but because things 
were going so well you thought there was no failure to the penalty to 
concentrate--the failure to concentrate. There was no penalty to that. 
If you failed to concentrate, you get distracted, who cares? Things are 
going so great, nothing can go wrong. And so you got to wandering 
around, and all of a sudden you made a mistake, something bad happened.
    Now, countries are no different from people. So I say again--why am 
I telling you this? Because you read all the stories about this 
election--I read a huge story on the cover of USA Today a couple of 
weeks ago that said the voters had no idea that there was any 
significant difference between the Vice President and Governor Bush on 
economic policy. A big story in the New York Times last week on a 
survey, a national survey of suburban women voters who cared about gun 
safety legislation. They were for the Vice President only 45 to 39. Then 
the pollster, who doesn't work for any of us, not a politically 
affiliated person, simply read their positions on the issues to the 
people, and the poll changed from 49 to 35 to 50--45-39, excuse me, to 
57 to 29. Boom, like that, just with information.
    So what have we got? We've got a team headed by the Vice President, 
including Bill Nelson and Hillary and a lot of others who say, ``Look, 
we've got to keep the prosperity going. We've got to keep investing in 
education, expanding trade, paying down the debt. We've got to have a 
tax cut, but one we can afford, so that we don't spend it all. And we've 
got to do some other things. We've got to lengthen the life of Medicare 
and Social Security so when the baby boomers retire, they don't bankrupt 
their kids and grandkids. We ought to add a prescription drug benefit to 
Medicare because it's unconscionable that all these seniors and disabled 
people who need these drugs can't get them, and we'd never create a 
Medicare program today without it. We ought to close the gun show 
loophole and do some other things to keep guns out of the hands of kids 
and criminals. We ought to do more to build one America. We ought to 
raise the minimum wage. We ought to pass employment nondiscrimination 
legislation. We ought to pass hate crimes legislation. We ought to 
preserve the fundamental individual liberties of the American people 
including the right to choose.''
    Now, on their side, they've got a team that basically says, ``We 
used to be real conservative, but now we're moderate.'' [Laughter] Don't 
laugh. I'm not being cynical here. I'm being serious. And they talk 
about inclusion and compassion and harmony, but they don't talk much 
about specifics. And it's clear that they are greatly advantaged by the 
blurring of the lines between the two parties and the fact that people 
don't know what the differences are. So that's what I want to ask you to 
do. I want you to let me tell you, as much as a citizen, as a President, 
what I think the differences are and what I think is at stake.
    First of all, on economic policy, our policy is pay down the debt, 
keep interest rates low, keep the economy going, invest in education and 
health care and science and technology, and have a tax cut we can 
afford, that 80 percent of the people will get more out of than theirs, 
even though it's only 25 percent as expensive, but most of you in this 
room wouldn't get more money out of it. You would, however, get lower 
interest rates, which the economists say our plan would give at least 
one percent lower interest rates for a decade--at least--which is worth, 
among other things, $260 billion in home mortgages, $30 billion in car 
payments, and $15 billion in college loan payments, a pretty good size 
tax cut, not to mention, lower business loan rates, which means higher 
investment and greater growth and a stronger stock market.
    Now, it took me a while to say that. Their case is a lot easier to 
make. Their case is, ``Hey, we're going to have a $2 trillion surplus. 
It's your money, and we're going to give it back to you.'' Doesn't that 
sound good?

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In the last year they passed over a trillion dollars in tax cuts, and 
they've been pretty smart this year. They passed some sort of salami 
fashion so each one of them has a huge constituency. I like a lot of 
them, and I like some of all of what they're trying to do. The problem 
is it's kind of like going to a cafeteria. Did you ever go to a 
cafeteria to eat, and you got the tray, and you're walking down the 
aisle, and all the food looks so good? But if you eat it all, you'll get 
sick. [Laughter] You think about it.
    So they proposed to spend the whole surplus, the whole projected 
surplus--never mind what they promised to spend in money. Now, what's 
wrong with that? Well, we tried it before, number one. Number two, it's 
a projected surplus.
    Now, if you propose to spend some money and the money doesn't come 
in, you just don't spend it. But once you cut the taxes, they're cut. So 
they want to spend the entire projected surplus that we have worked as a 
country for 7 years to accumulate to turn around the deficits and debt. 
Now, it's projected; I don't know if it will come in or not.
    It reminds me of--I told people at the previous meeting. Did you 
ever get one of those letters from Publishers' Clearinghouse in the mail 
signed by Ed McMahon? [Laughter] Did you ever get one? ``You may have 
won $10 million.'' You may have won it. Now, if the next day after you 
got that letter, you went out and spent the $10 million, you should 
support them and their plan. [Laughter] But if you didn't, you had 
better stick with us. And that's what you need to tell people.
    Nobody in their right mind--if I ask every one of you, whatever you 
do for a living, from the people who run the biggest companies here, the 
people that served our dinner, you think about this: What do you think 
your income is going to be over the next 10 years? What do you think 
it's going to be? Come to a very high level of confidence. Now, if I ask 
you to come up here right now and sign a binding contract to spend it 
all tonight, would you do it? If you would, you should support them. If 
not, you should stick with us. This is a huge difference, and all the 
surveys show the people don't know. You should help them know.
    Let's take health care. We favor the Patients' Bill of Rights; 
they're against it. We favor a Medicare drug program that all our 
seniors can buy. They favor a private insurance program that, God bless 
them, the health insurance companies--I've fought them for 7 years, but 
I've got to take my hat off to them--[laughter]--they have been so 
honest. The health insurance companies have said, ``Don't do this. It 
won't work. Nobody will do this. You can't offer policies.''
    In Nevada they passed a program like this, and not a single 
insurance company's even offered the policy. So they're not doing 
anything real for people who desperately need these drugs, the disabled 
people and seniors. And we've got the money now. It's unconscionable not 
to do it. If you live to be 65 years old now, your chance of your life 
expectancy is 83 in America. But it ought to be a good life. It ought to 
be a full life. If you're disable in America today and you can get the 
right kind of medicine, it can dramatically increase your capacity to 
work and to enjoy life and to be a full person to the maximum extent of 
your ability to do so. But you need medicine. This is a huge issue, 
especially in Florida, but throughout the country. They're not for it.
    We say there are a lot of people who lose their health insurance 
when they're over 55 and they're not old enough for Medicare; we ought 
to give them a little tax break and let them buy in. They say no. So 
there's a big difference in health care policy.
    Big difference in education policy. We say that we ought to have 
high standards, and people should turn around failing schools or have to 
shut them down, that we ought to have more teachers and more money for 
teacher training. We ought to spend more money to help places like 
Florida build new schools or repair old ones. They favor block grants 
and vouchers.
    We say, on crime, we want more police in the high-crime areas, and 
we want to close the gun show loophole on the Brady background check law 
and require child safety locks on these guns and stop people importing 
these large capacity ammunition clips that allows people to convert 
legal weapons into assault weapons. And I say, and the Vice President 
says, you ought to get a photo ID

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license before you get a handgun, showing that you passed the background 
check, you know how to use the gun safety. That's what we say.
    Now, they think we're all wet. They think we're wrong. They think 
that all of that should be opposed, and what we really need is more 
people carrying concealed weapons, even in their places of worship. 
That's their record and their commitment.
    We believe, as I said earlier, that we should raise the minimum 
wage; they don't. We favor the hate crimes legislation. Their leadership 
doesn't because it includes gays. I think that's one big reason we need 
it. I mean, how many people do we have to see get killed in this country 
because of who they are before we do that?
    Same thing on employment nondiscrimination laws. And as Bill said in 
a delicate way--and I'll be more blunt--maybe the biggest thing of all 
is the fact that the next President is going to appoint between two and 
four members of the U.S. Supreme Court, and it will change the face of 
America, one way or the other, long after the next President's term is 
finished. And on the one side, you've got the Vice President who 
believes in a woman's right to choose but also in the traditional 
commitment to civil rights and individual rights and responsibilities 
and the idea that the law ought to be a place where the weak as well as 
the strong can find appropriate redress.
    And on the other side, you have two candidates who are firmly 
committed to the repeal of  Roe  v.  Wade,  and their Presidential 
candidate says the two judges he most admires are Justices Thomas and 
Scalia, by far the most conservative members of the Court.
    Now, what's the point of this? We don't have to have a negative 
campaign. We should say, we think they are honorable people with 
wonderful families who love their children, who love their country, who 
want to do public service. But as honorable people, we should say, we 
expect them to do exactly what they say they're going to do even if 
they're not talking about it in this election. We can't pretend that 
these differences don't exist and that they aren't real and that they 
won't affect millions of people's lives.
    Look at civil rights. You know, they've gotten in a lot of--at least 
a little stir lately because Mr. Cheney, when he was in Congress, voted 
against letting Nelson Mandela out of prison, and a lot of people are 
horrified to learn that. Now, he's a friend of mine and, I think, one of 
the greatest human beings I ever met. But to be fair, he did get out, 
and he's made a pretty good job of his life since he got out.
    I'm not nearly as worried about Nelson Mandela 10 years ago as I am 
about some other minorities today. I'll tell you about Enrique Moreno. 
You don't know him. He grew up in El Paso without a lot, and got himself 
to Harvard, graduated summa cum laude, went home and became a lawyer. 
The judges out there in west Texas say he's one of the best lawyers in 
the region. I tried to put him on the Federal Court of Appeals in Texas. 
The ABA gave him a unanimous well-qualified rating. All the local folks 
were for him, the Republicans and the Democrats, they were all for him 
in the local level in El Paso.
    But the Texas Republican Senators won't even give him a hearing. 
They say they don't think he's qualified. And the head of the Republican 
Party in Texas, now the head of the Republican Party in America, didn't 
lift a finger to get him a hearing. So I'd like to get Enrique Moreno 
out of this sort of political prison where he can't get a hearing.
    In the southeast United States, more African-Americans live in the 
fourth circuit than any other one. There's never been a black judge on 
the fourth circuit. I've tried for 7 years to put an African-American 
judge in the fourth circuit. And the Republican Senators there are so 
opposed to this that they have allowed a 25 percent vacancy rate on that 
court. Now, they make all the decisions that don't quite get to the 
Supreme Court. Twenty-five percent vacancy rate because they don't 
want--ask Alcee Hastings if I'm telling the truth. Look at him nodding 
his head. It's unbelievable.
    I want every American to know this. I've got two African-American 
judges now I've appointed. So I'm more concerned about those guys than 
Mandela. Mandela made a pretty good job of his life because, thank God, 
nobody listened to the vote that was

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cast by the Republican nominee for Vice President. He did get out of 
jail, and he went on and made a great job as President of South Africa.
    Look, what kind of country do you want, anyway? And again, what I 
want is a great election. I want people to be upbeat and happy and say, 
``Gosh, here we've got these perfectly fine people that are honorable, 
that are patriots, that want to serve their country, that have very 
different views. Here's what the differences are. Let's choose.'' If 
that's the way this election rolls out, you can book it. Al Gore will be 
the next President, and Bill Nelson will be the next Senator from the 
State of Florida.
    But you cannot allow your fellow Floridians and any Americans you 
know anywhere else in the country to sort of sleepwalk through the 
election, sort of say, ``Oh, well, this is just a fine time, and 
everything is great, and they all seem pretty nice. And this fraternity 
had it for 8 years, maybe we ought to give it to the other fraternity 
for a while.'' They've got a real pretty package here, the other side 
does, and they just hope nobody opens the package before Christmas. 
[Laughter]
    And I say that not sarcastically. I don't blame them. It's a 
brilliant marketing strategy. It's the way they can win. But America is 
still here after 224 years because nearly all the time the people get it 
right if they have enough information and enough time. You can give it 
to them. You can go out and say, ``Look, an election is a choice with 
consequences, and how a country deals with its prosperity is just as 
stern a test of its values, its judgment, and its character as how it 
deals with adversity. And we may never get a chance like this again to 
build a future of our dreams for our children.''
    And let me just close with this very personal note and show my age a 
little bit. In February when we broke the limit for the longest economic 
expansion in history, I asked my staff to tell me when the last longest 
economic expansion in history was. You know when it was? Nineteen sixty-
one to 1969. I graduated from high school in 1964, before a lot of you 
were born, in the full flow of that longest economic expansion in 
history.
    President Kennedy had just been killed, and we were all sad about 
that, but President Johnson was very popular. The country had a lot of 
confidence. We took the health of the economy for granted, low 
unemployment, low inflation, high growth. We thought the civil rights 
problems we had would be solved in the courts and the Congress, not on 
the streets. We never dreamed that Vietnam would get as big or as bloody 
or as divisive as it did. And we were just rolling along. Two years 
later we had riots in the streets all over America. Four years later I 
graduated from college in Washington, DC, 9 weeks after President 
Johnson couldn't run for President anymore and told us so, because of 
the division of the country over Vietnam, 8 weeks after Martin Luther 
King was murdered in Memphis, and 2 days after Robert Kennedy was 
murdered in Los Angeles. And the election and the national mood took a 
different turn. And before you know it, the last longest economic 
expansion in history was history.
    I've lived long enough to know now nothing lasts forever. I have 
waited 35 years for my country to be in a position to truly build the 
future of our dreams for our kids. This kind of thing just comes along 
once in a great long while. And believe me, when you think of the 
implications in the human genome Project or the information revolution, 
all the things that are going out here, all the good things that have 
happened in the last 8 years, they are a small prolog to what is still 
out there. All the best things are still out there if we understand what 
our responsibility is in this election and if the voters understand what 
the choice is. Then we will not blow this, and when it's all done, we'll 
be very proud we didn't.
    Thank you. God bless you.

 Note:  The President spoke at 9:12 p.m. at a private residence. In his 
remarks, he referred to dinner hosts Eric and Colleen Hanson; Senator 
Graham's wife, Adele; Bill Nelson, Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate 
from Florida, and his wife, Grace; Palm Beach County District 5 
Commissioner Burt Aaronson, his wife, Sheila, and son, Daniel; political 
consultant James Carville; and Republican Presidential candidate Gov. 
George W. Bush of Texas and Vice Presidential candidate Dick Cheney.

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