[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 36, Number 13 (Monday, April 3, 2000)]
[Pages 635-638]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Television Address to the People of Pakistan From Islamabad, Pakistan

March 25, 2000

    As-salaam aleikum. It is an honor to be the first President of the 
United States to address all the people of Pakistan, and the first to 
visit your country in more than 30 years. I'm here as a great admirer of 
your land's rich history, of its centuries of civilization which stretch 
as long as the Indus River. I'm here as one whose own Nation has been 
greatly enriched by the talents of Americans of Pakistani descent. But 
most of all, I am here as a friend, a grateful friend who values our 
long partnership, a concerned friend who cares deeply about the future 
course of your country, a committed friend who will stand with the 
people of Pakistan as long as you seek the stable, prosperous, 
democratic nation of your founders' dreams.

[[Page 636]]

    More than half a century ago, Mohammed Ali Jinnah shared that vision 
as he addressed Pakistan's Constituent Assembly. ``If you work 
together,'' he said, ``in the spirit that every one of you is first, 
second, and last a citizen, with equal rights, privileges, and 
obligations, there will be no end to the progress you will make.'' The 
Quaid-e Azam ended that speech by reading a telegram he had just 
received. The message expressed hope for success in the great work you 
were about to undertake. That message was from the people of the United 
States.
    Despite setbacks and suffering, the people of Pakistan have built 
this nation from the ground up, on a foundation of democracy and law. 
And for more than 50 years now, we have been partners with you. Pakistan 
helped the United States open a dialog with China. We stood together 
when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Our partnership helped to end 
the cold war. In many years since, we have cooperated in the fight 
against terrorism. Our soldiers have stood together in missions of peace 
in every part of the world. This is your proud legacy, our proud legacy.
    Now we are in the dawn of a new century, and a new and changing 
world has come into view. All around the globe a revolution is taking 
hold, a revolution that is tearing down barriers and building up 
networks among nations and individuals. For millions it has made real 
the dream of a better life with good schools, good jobs, a good future 
for their children.
    Like all key moments in human history, this one poses some hard 
choices, for this era does not reward people who struggle in vain to 
redraw borders with blood. It belongs to those with the vision to look 
beyond borders for partners and commerce and trade. It does not favor 
nations where governments claim all the power to solve every problem. 
Instead, it favors nations where the people have the freedom and 
responsibility to shape their own destiny.
    Pakistan can achieve great things in this new world, but real 
obstacles stand in the way. The political situation, the economic 
situation, the tensions in this region, they are holding Pakistan back 
from achieving its full potential in the global economy.
    I know I don't have to tell you all this. This is something you 
know, something you have seen. But I do have hope. I believe Pakistan 
can make its way through the trouble, and build a future worthy of the 
vision of its founders: a stable, prosperous, democratic Pakistan, 
secure in its borders, friendly with its neighbors, confident in its 
future. A Pakistan, as Jinnah said, ``at peace within and at peace 
without.''
    What is in the way of that vision? Well, clearly, the absence of 
democracy makes it harder, not easier, for people to move ahead. I know 
democracy isn't easy; it's certainly not perfect. The authors of my own 
country's Constitution knew that as well. They said that the mission of 
the United States would always be, and I quote, ``to form a more perfect 
Union.'' In other words, they knew we would never fully realize our 
ideals, but that we could keep moving closer to them. That means the 
question for free people is always how to keep moving forward.
    We share your disappointment that previous democratic governments in 
Pakistan did not do better for their citizens. But one thing is certain: 
Democracy cannot develop if it is constantly uprooted before it has a 
chance to firmly take hold. Successful democratic government takes time 
and patience and hard work. The answer to flawed democracy is not to end 
democracy but to improve it.
    I know General Musharraf has just announced a date for local 
elections. That is a good step. But the return of civilian democratic 
rule requires a complete plan, a real roadmap.
    Of course, no one from the outside can tell Pakistan how it should 
be governed. That is for you, the people of Pakistan, to decide, and you 
should be given the opportunity to do so. I hope and believe you want 
Pakistan to be a country where the rule of law prevails; a country where 
officials are accountable; a country where people can express their 
points of view without fear; a country that wisely forsakes revenge for 
the wounds of the past, and instead pursues reconciliation for the sake 
of the future. If you choose this path, your friends in the United 
States will stand with you.

[[Page 637]]

    There are obstacles to your progress, including violence and 
extremism. We Americans also have felt these evils. Surely we have both 
suffered enough to know that no grievance, no cause, no system of 
beliefs can ever justify the deliberate killing of innocents. Those who 
bomb bus stations, target Embassies, or kill those who uphold the law 
are not heroes. They are our common enemies, for their aim is to exploit 
painful problems, not to resolve them.
    Just as we have fought together to defeat those who traffic in 
narcotics, today I ask Pakistan to intensify its efforts to defeat those 
who inflict terror.
    Another obstacle to Pakistan's progress is the tragic squandering of 
effort, energy, and wealth on policies that make your nation poorer, but 
not safer. That is one reason we must try to resolve the differences 
between our two nations on nuclear weapons.
    Again, you must make the decision. But my questions to you are no 
different from those I posed in India. Are you really more secure today 
than you were before you tested nuclear weapons? Will these weapons make 
war with India less likely or simply more deadly? Will a costly arms 
race help you to achieve any economic development? Will it bring you 
closer to your friends around the world, closer to the partnerships you 
need to build your dreams?
    Today, the United States is dramatically cutting its nuclear 
arsenal. Around the world nations are renouncing these weapons. I ask 
Pakistan also to be a leader for nonproliferation. In your own self-
interest, to help us to prevent dangerous technologies from spreading to 
those who might have no reservations at all about using them, take the 
right steps now to prevent escalation, to avoid miscalculation, to 
reduce the risk of war.
    As leaders in your own country have suggested, one way to strengthen 
your security would be to join the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. The 
whole world will rally around you if you do.
    I believe it is also in Pakistan's interest to reduce tensions with 
India. When I was in New Delhi, I urged India to seize the opportunity 
for dialog. Pakistan also must help create conditions that will allow 
dialog to succeed. For India and Pakistan this must be a time of 
restraint, for respect for the Line of Control, and renewed lines of 
communication.
    I have listened carefully to General Musharraf and others. I 
understand your concerns about Kashmir. I share your convictions that 
human rights of all its people must be respected. But a stark truth must 
also be faced. There is no military solution to Kashmir. International 
sympathy, support, and intervention cannot be won by provoking a bigger, 
bloodier conflict. On the contrary, sympathy and support will be lost. 
And no matter how great the grievance, it is wrong to support attacks 
against civilians across the Line of Control.
    In the meantime, I ask again: Will endless, costly struggle build 
good schools for your children? Will it make your cities safer? Will it 
bring clean water and better health care? Will it narrow the gaps 
between those who have and those who have nothing? Will it hasten the 
day when Pakistan's energy and wealth are invested in building its 
future? The answer to all these questions is plainly no.
    The American people don't want to see tensions rise and suffering 
increase. We want to be a force for peace. But we cannot force peace. We 
can't impose it. We cannot and will not mediate or resolve the dispute 
in Kashmir. Only you and India can do that, through dialog.
    Last year the world watched with hope as the leaders of India and 
Pakistan met in Lahore on the road to better relations. This is the 
right road to peace for Pakistan and India, and for the resolution of 
the problems in Kashmir. Therefore, I will do all I can to help both 
sides restore the promise and the process of Lahore.
    A few months ago we had a ceremony at the White House to mark the 
end of Ramadan. An imam shared a message from the Koran which tells us 
that God created nations and tribes that we might know one another, not 
that we may despise one another. During the years of my Presidency, I 
have tried to know the Muslim world as part of our common humanity. I 
have stood with the people of Bosnia and Kosovo, who were brutalized 
because of their Muslim faith. I have mourned with Jordanians and 
Moroccans at

[[Page 638]]

the loss of their brave leaders. I have been privileged to speak with 
Palestinians at their National Council in Gaza. Today I am proud to 
speak with you because I value our long friendship, and because I 
believe our friendship can still be a force for tolerance and 
understanding throughout the world. I hope you will be able to meet the 
difficult challenges we have discussed today.
    If you do not, there is a danger that Pakistan may grow even more 
isolated, draining even more resources away from the needs of the 
people, moving even closer to a conflict no one can win. But if you do 
meet these challenges, our full economic and political partnership can 
be restored for the benefit of the people of Pakistan.
    So let us draw strength from the words of the great Pakistani poet 
Muhammad Iqbal, who said, ``In the midst of today's upheaval, give us a 
vision of tomorrow.'' If the people of Pakistan and South Asia are 
driven by a tolerant, generous vision of tomorrow, your nation and this 
entire region can be the great success story of the world's next 50 
years.
    It is all in your hands. I know enough about the ingenuity and 
enterprise and heart of Pakistani people to know that this is possible. 
With the right vision, rooted in tomorrow's promise, not yesterday's 
pain, rooted in dialog, not destruction, Pakistan can fulfill its 
destiny as a beacon of democracy in the Moslem world, an engine of 
growth, a model of tolerance, an anchor of stability. Pakistan can have 
a future worthy of the dreams of the Quaid-e Azam.
    If you choose that future, the United States will walk with you. I 
hope you will make that choice. And I pray for our continued friendship, 
for peace, for Pakistan. Zindabad.

 Note: The President spoke at 4:20 p.m. from the Presidential Palace. In 
his remarks, he referred to Gen. Pervez Musharraf, army chief of staff, 
who led a coup d'etat in Pakistan on October 12, 1999. A tape was not 
available for verification of the content of this address.