[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 35, Number 46 (Monday, November 22, 1999)]
[Pages 2381-2386]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks to the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara

November 15, 1999

    Thank you, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Deputy Speaker, distinguished members, 
it is a great honor for me and my family and for our delegation to 
appear before this body, the repository of Turkish sovereignty which, as 
the words behind me affirm, belongs unconditionally and without 
exception to the people.
    I have come to express America's solidarity with the Turkish people 
at a time of national tragedy and to reaffirm our partnership for a 
common future. We have been friends for a very long time.
    In 1863 the first American college outside the United States, Robert 
College, opened its doors to the youth of Turkey. It was the

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only foreign institution allowed along the Bosphorus, precisely because 
America had never encroached upon Turkish sovereignty. I'm very proud 
that Prime Minister Ecevit is an alumnus of Robert College.
    Earlier in this century, the great founder of the Turkish Republic, 
Kemal Ataturk, captured America's imagination with his bold reforms. He 
was called a second George Washington. He appeared on the cover of our 
Time magazine. He corresponded with Members of our Congress. And we 
moved our Embassy here to Ankara, the capital of his new republic.
    In 1927, in a 6-day speech before this body, Ataturk surveyed 
Turkey's relations with the countries of the world. And he paid America 
what I believe was a compliment when he said, and I quote, ``The United 
States is more acceptable than the rest.'' In an effort to remain more 
acceptable to you, I promise not to speak for 6 days. But I would like 
to review our relationship and our future.
    At the dawn of the cold war, President Truman committed America's 
resources to protect Turkey's sovereignty. The Truman doctrine sealed 
our partnership and laid the basis for the Marshall plan and for 
America's entire postwar engagement with the rest of the world. Over 50 
years now, our alliance has stood the test of time, and passed every 
other test, from Korea to Kosovo. On behalf of all Americans, I thank 
you for half a century of friendship, mutual respect, and partnership.
    Since the cold war ended, we have learned something quite wonderful. 
We have learned that our friendship does not depend upon a common 
concern with the Soviet Union, and that in fact, in the post-cold-war 
era, our partnership has become even more important. Together we are 
adapting NATO to the demands of a new century. We are partners for peace 
in the Balkans and the Middle East. We are developing new sources of 
energy to help the entire region. Last year our trade was over $6 
billion. It has risen 50 percent in the last 5 years alone.
    Thanks to the vision of your former President Turgut Ozal, the 
continuing leadership of President Demirel and Prime Minister Ecevit, 
and the dynamism of the Turkish people, Turkey has become an engine of 
regional growth. In the months ahead, together we will launch new 
projects worth billions of dollars, mostly in the energy sector, to 
bring jobs to Turkey and to bring our two nations even closer.
    This assembly has taken bold steps to lead Turkey into the new 
century. I want the American press to listen to this. Between June and 
September, this assembly passed a remarkable 69 laws. I'm going to tell 
our Congress about that when I get home. [Laughter] But I will say this, 
it is not just the quantity of those laws that count; it is the quality. 
Landmark legislation on Social Security, an international arbitration 
law, banking reform--laws that took courage and vision. Now, you face a 
difficult budget decision that requires courage and vision. If you do 
pass a sound budget, it will strengthen your economy and advance the 
prospects of a standby IMF agreement, something the United States 
strongly supports.
    On the edge of a new millennium, we have a rare opportunity to 
reflect upon our journey--two nations that started in very different 
places, with a shared commitment to democracy, who now must forge a 
partnership relevant to the new era.
    In a sense, we are all here today because of Kemal Ataturk. Not only 
because he chose Ankara to be the capital, not only because he chose 
Ankara to be your capital, but because he pledged Turkey's future to the 
democracy symbolized by this proud assembly. Ironically, he accomplished 
much of what he did with no help from the Western powers, indeed, 
against the opposition of most of them. Many tried to carve up Turkey, 
to reduce it to a rump state. In the face of this, however, Ataturk 
responded not by closing Turkey up but by opening Turkey to the rest of 
the world, a decision for which we must all be very grateful.
    For better and for worse, the events of that time, when the Ottoman 
Empire disintegrated and a new Turkey arose, have shaped the history of 
this entire century. From Bulgaria to Albania to Israel to Arabia, new 
nations were born, and a century of conflict erupted from the turmoil of 
shifting borders, unrealized ambitions, and old hatreds, beginning with 
the first Balkan war and World War

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I, all the way to today's struggles in the Middle East and in the former 
Yugoslavia. Turkey's past is key to understanding the 20th century. But, 
more importantly, I believe Turkey's future will be critical to shaping 
the 21st century. [Applause] Thank you.
    Today I want to take a few minutes to explain why I believe that is 
true, and what we can do together to realize the future we both want.
    Since people have been able to draw maps, they have pointed out the 
immutable fact of Turkey's geography--that Asia Minor is a bridge 
between continents. Less than a kilometer separates Europe from Asia at 
the nearest point along the Bosphorus. And, in reality, there is no 
separation at all, thanks to the bridges you have built--to the commerce 
that spans Turkey every day to the communications revolution that links 
all parts of the world instantaneously.
    Turkey's ability to bridge East and West is all the more important 
when another fact of Turkey's geography is considered. You are almost 
entirely surrounded by neighbors who are either actively hostile to 
democracy and peace or struggling against great obstacles to embrace 
democracy and peace. To the southeast, Iran is witnessing a remarkable 
debate between proponents of a closed and open society, while Iraq 
continues to repress its people, threaten its neighbors, and seek 
weapons of mass destruction. I thank Turkey for its support of Operation 
Northern Watch, which allows us to deter Saddam's aggression, protect 
the people of northern Iraq, and avoid another refugee crisis like the 
one you so courageously met in 1991.
    To the south, the Middle East is still roiled with violence but 
blessed with an historic opportunity to build a comprehensive, just, and 
lasting peace. Turkey is a force for that peace, as well, through its 
ties to Israel and the Arab States.
    To the northwest lie the Balkans, where in the last decade, seven 
new democracies have been born, and four wars have claimed hundreds of 
thousands of lives. Turkish forces in NATO helped to end those wars and, 
thus, to end this century with a powerful affirmation of human dignity 
and human rights. Today, we are working side by side for an enduring 
peace in the Balkans, one which not only ends ethnic cleansing but 
builds genuine cooperation, progress, and prosperity.
    To the east, 12 independent nations have emerged from the ruins of 
the Soviet empire. There is no more important challenge today than 
helping them to develop stable, independent, democratic societies. 
Turkey here also has been a leader, reaching out in particular to 
nations that share ties of language, culture, and history.
    There is still much to be done. We must help Russia to complete its 
momentous democratic revolution. We must be clear with Russia that its 
fight against terrorism is right but that the use of indiscriminate 
force against civilians is wrong, likely to exacerbate the very tensions 
Russia wants to resolve. We must keep working together to resolve the 
conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. We must secure the region's energy 
resources in a way that protects the Bosphorus, helps newly free states 
to stand on their feet, empowers Turkey and Europe's future growth. 
We'll have a chance to address all these challenges when nearly a third 
of the world's nations gather at the OSCE Summit in Istanbul this week.
    When we step back and look ahead, it is possible to imagine two very 
different futures over the next generation. Without too much trouble, a 
pessimist might foresee a dark future, indeed, a Middle East with the 
peace process shattered, Saddam's aggression unchecked, democracy 
collapsed in the Caucasus in central Asia, extremism and terror 
spreading across the region, more violence in the Balkans, military 
coups, unstoppable nuclear tensions in Pakistan and India.
    But there is another vision, one that requires a strong Turkey 
playing its rightful role at the crossroads of the world, at the meeting 
place of three great faiths. It is possible to see that brighter future, 
one of rising prosperity and declining conflict; one in which tolerance 
is an article of faith; and terrorism is seen, rightly, as a travesty of 
faith; a future in which people are free to pursue their beliefs and 
proclaim their heritage; in which women are treated with equal respect; 
in which nations see no contradiction between preserving traditions and 
participating in the life of the world; a future of growing

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respect for human rights that protect our differences and our common 
humanity; and, specifically, a future in which nations that are 
predominantly Muslim are increasingly partners with nations that are 
not, acting in concert in ways, large and small, to realize the shared 
hopes of their people.
    I hope that the next time an American President addresses a nation 
with a Muslim tradition, he will be able to say that the progress of 
Indonesia and Nigeria and Morocco, all very different nations, has 
helped all of us put the lie to the tired claim of an inherent clash of 
civilizations. As Ataturk said 75 years ago, ``Countries vary, but 
civilization is one.'' President Kennedy said the same thing in Berlin 
when he said, ``Freedom is indivisible.''
    All told, there are now billions of people around the region and the 
world whose future depends upon decisions made in this very room over 
the next 25 years. Each has a stake in Turkey's success in defining 
itself as a strong, secular, modern nation, proud of its traditions, 
fully part of Europe. That will require hard work and vision. You have 
done much of it already through Ozal's reforms, through the actions of 
this assembly, through the thousands of ways in which the Turkish people 
daily are forging an energetic and responsive civil society.
    The future we want to build together begins with Turkish progress in 
deepening democracy at home. Nobody wants this more than the people of 
Turkey. You have created momentum and edicts against torture and a new 
law that protects the rights of political parties, in the achievements 
and vitality of this assembly. Avenues are opening for Kurdish citizens 
of Turkey to reclaim that most basic of birth rights--a normal life.
    But there still is far more to be done to realize the promise of the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, articulate at the very moment our 
two countries entered into close relations 50 years ago. That progress 
will be the most significant sign of Turkey's confidence in looking to 
the new century, and in many ways, the most meaningful measure of your 
progress.
    We agree with something that was never said more clearly than by the 
founder of the Turkish Republic--sovereignty should not be built on 
fear. Neither America nor Europe nor anyone else has the right to shape 
your destiny for you. Only you have that right; that, after all, is what 
democracy is all about. We raise these issues because for all the 
reasons I have mentioned, we have a profound interest in your success, 
and we consider ourselves your friends.
    Keep in mind, I come from a nation that was founded on the creed 
that all are created equal; and yet, when we were founded, we had 
slavery; women could not vote; even men could not vote unless they owned 
property. I know something about the imperfect realization of a 
country's ideals. We have had a long journey in America, from our 
founding to where we are, but the journey has been worth making.
    And in our own troubled century, about to close, we have clearly 
learned that when writers and journalists freely express themselves, 
they exercise not only a fundamental right but fuel the exchange of 
ideals essential to prosperity and growth. When peaceful outlets exist 
to express normal human differences, the peace is preserved, not 
shattered. When people can celebrate their culture and faith in ways 
that do not infringe upon the rights of others, moderates do not become 
extremists, and extremists do not become misguided heroes.
    A second way to shape the future lies in reducing tensions in the 
Aegean, something that will require hard work by both Turkey and Greece. 
Believe me, I appreciate how much history lies behind this troubled 
relationship. But people are beginning to see the possibilities that can 
be created by a new and better history. Prime Minister Ecevit's 
government has taken important strides in that direction. I agree with 
something he once said to me, ``There is just as much as history and 
geography uniting you across the Aegean as there is dividing you.''
    Greece is also taking some risks for peace and recognizing as never 
before that Turkey's destiny lies in Europe. You came together to 
promote stability in the Balkans, something that was, in fairness, far 
more difficult for them to do than for Turkey or the United States. The 
people of both nations were movingly joined again when tragedy struck 
you

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both in the form of earthquakes, first in August and then, horribly, 
again last week. Every person who lost a loved one or a home to those 
earthquakes knows that there was no such thing then as a Turkish or a 
Greek tragedy. They were human tragedies, and the world will never 
forget the humanity each nation displayed toward the other.
    We must also work hard to reach a just settlement in Cyprus, and I 
am very pleased that yesterday the parties accepted Secretary-General 
Annan's invitation to start proximity talks in New York on December 3d. 
Their goal is to prepare the ground for meaningful negotiations, leading 
to a comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem. I hope these talks 
will bring us a step closer to lasting peace. I believe a negotiated 
settlement is the best way to meet the fundamental interests of all the 
parties, including real security for all Cypriots and an end to the 
island's division.
    Finally, the future we want to build together will require foresight 
on the part of our other allies in Europe. The foresight to see that our 
vision of a Europe that is undivided, democratic, and at peace for the 
first time in all of history will never be complete unless and until it 
embraces Turkey. The United States is not a member of the European 
Union, but I have consistently urged European integration to move 
further and faster--and that includes Turkey.
    There are still those who see Europe in narrower terms. Their Europe 
might stop at this mountain range or that body of water or, worse, where 
people stopped to worship God in a different way. But there is a growing 
and encouraging consensus that knows Europe is an idea as much as a 
place--the idea that people can find strength in diversity of opinions, 
cultures, and faiths, as long as they are commonly committed to 
democracy and human rights; the idea that people can be united without 
being uniform, and that if the community we loosely refer to as the West 
is an idea, it has no fixed frontiers. It stretches as far as the 
frontiers of freedom can go.
    Ten years ago this month the Berlin Wall tumbled; a curtain lifted 
across Europe. The best way to celebrate that anniversary is to rekindle 
the feeling of liberation for a new generation. The best way to complete 
the unity glimpsed in 1989 is to integrate all of southeastern Europe 
into the idea and institutions of Europe in 1999 and the years ahead. 
That means democracy in Serbia. It means peace in the Aegean. It means a 
successful democratic Turkey fully welcomed into the European community.
    At the beginning of this new century, in which we have so much hope, 
there is great optimism for both our countries. We have much to be proud 
of, but we must never forget that Turkey is built on the ruins of many 
ancient civilizations that once were every bit as optimistic as we are 
today. To avoid their fate, we must back up our words and our hopes with 
deeds. We must acknowledge the challenges still before us. We must not 
relinquish the confidence that brought us everything in this century as 
it becomes our history, but we must not lose the humility that this 
century's great troubles leave to every thinking person.
    Turkey has come so far over so many barriers in so short a time. It 
was, after all, only 61 years ago this week that Ataturk died. Prime 
Minister Ecevit was one of the schoolchildren who filed into the palace 
to pay their respects to the fallen leader. All of you are the youth he 
advised in his most unselfish mandate near the end: to continue to think 
for yourselves, to always reexamine your beliefs, and to reshape 
democracy, generation after generation after generation.
    What Turkey has generated in this century is a living example of 
what all people can do to claim a better destiny for themselves. A new 
century now lies untested before us. It is an enormous opportunity. By 
deepening the democratic revolution embodied by, and still emanating 
from, this very chamber, Turkey can do more than serve its own people 
well. By your example and your exertion, you can truly inspire the 
world.
    Thank you very much.

Note: The President spoke at 4:20 p.m. in the General Assembly Hall. In 
his remarks, he referred to Turkish Grand National Assembly Speaker 
Yildirim Akbulut; President Saddam Hussein of Iraq; Prime Minister 
Bulent Ecevit and President Suleyman Demirel of Turkey; and United 
Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan.

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