[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 35, Number 29 (Monday, July 26, 1999)]
[Pages 1424-1426]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and an Exchange With 
Reporters

July 20, 1999

    The President. Good morning. I have just had the privilege of 
meeting with the three Apollo 11 astronauts who, 30 years ago, carried 
out the first landing on the Moon: Neil Armstrong, Buzz Aldrin, and 
Michael
Collins. They and everyone at NASA over the years have made an 
extraordinary contribution to our Nation and to humanity. I am very 
grateful to them.
    President Kennedy, who set a goal of putting a man on the Moon by 
the late 1960's, was committed to using technology to unlock the 
mysteries of the heavens. But President Kennedy was also concerned that 
technology, if misused, literally could destroy life on Earth. So 
another goal he vigorously pursued was one first proposed by President 
Eisenhower, a treaty to ban for all time the testing of the most 
destructive weapons ever devised, nuclear weapons.
    As a first step, President Kennedy negotiated a limited test ban 
treaty to ban nuclear tests except those conducted underground. But for 
far too long nations failed to heed the call to ban all nuclear tests. 
More countries sought to acquire nuclear weapons and to develop ever 
more destructive weapons. This threatened America's security and that

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of our friends and allies. It made the world a more dangerous place.
    Since I have been President, I have made ending nuclear tests one of 
my top goals. And in 1996 we concluded a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty; 
152 countries have now signed it, and 41, including many of our allies, 
have now ratified it. Today, on Capitol Hill, a bipartisan group of 
Senators is speaking out on the importance of the treaty. They include 
Senators Jeffords, Specter, Daschle, Biden, Bingaman, Dorgan, Bob 
Kerrey, Levin, and Murray. I am grateful for their leadership and their 
support of this critical agreement.
    And today I want to express, again, my strong determination to 
obtain ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. America 
already has stopped nuclear testing. We have, today, a robust nuclear 
force and nuclear experts affirm that we can maintain a safe and 
reliable deterrent without nuclear tests.
    The question now is whether we will adopt or whether we will lose a 
verifiable treaty that will bar other nations from testing nuclear 
weapons. The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty will strengthen our national 
security by constraining the development of more advanced and more 
destructive nuclear weapons and by limiting the possibilities for more 
countries to acquire nuclear weapons. It will also enhance our ability 
to detect suspicious activities by other nations.
    With or without a test ban treaty, we must monitor such activities. 
The treaty gives us new means to pursue this important mission, a global 
network of sensors and the right to request short notice, onsight 
inspections in other countries. Four former Chairmen of the Joint Chiefs 
of Staff--David Jones, 
William Crowe, Colin Powell, and John Shalikashvili--plus the current 
Chairman, Hugh Shelton, all agree the treaty is in our national 
interests. Other national leaders, such as former Senators John Glenn 
and Nancy Kassebaum Baker, agree.
    Unfortunately, the Test Ban Treaty is now imperiled by the refusal 
of some Senators even to consider it. If our Senate fails to act, the 
treaty cannot enter into force for any country. Think of that. We're not 
testing now. A hundred and fifty-two countries have signed, 41 have 
ratified, but if our Senate fails to act, this treaty and all the 
protections and increased safety it offers the American people cannot 
enter into force for any country. That would make it harder to prevent 
further nuclear arms competition, and as we have seen, for example, in 
the nuclear tests in India and Pakistan.
    Do we want these countries and other regional rivals to join a test 
ban treaty, or do we want them to stop nuclear testing? Do we want to 
scrap a treaty that could constrain them? The major nuclear powers, 
Britain and France, Russia and China, have signed the treaty. Do we want 
to walk away from a treaty under which those countries and scores of 
others have agreed not to conduct nuclear tests? I believe it is 
strongly in our interest to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
    The American people consistently have supported it for more than 40 
years now. At a minimum, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee should 
hold hearings this fall. Hearings would allow each side to make its case 
for and against the treaty, and allow the Senate to decide this matter 
on the merits. We have a chance right now to end nuclear testing 
forever. It would be a tragedy for our security and for our children's 
future to let this opportunity slip away.
    I thank those Senators in both parties who today are announcing 
their clear intention not to do that.
    I thank you.

China and Taiwan

    Q. Mr. President, did Jiang Zemin tell you that he would use force 
to counter Taiwan's independence? And would you use force in Taiwan's 
defense?
    The President. First let me tell you I'm going to have a press 
conference tomorrow, and I will answer a lot of questions. The answer to 
that question is, we had a conversation in which I restated our strong 
support of the ``one China'' policy and our strong support for the 
cross-strait dialog, and I made it clear, our policy had not changed, 
including our view under the Taiwan Relations Act that it would be--we 
would take very seriously any abridgement of the peaceful dialog. China 
knows very well what our policy is, and we know quite well what their 
policy is. I believe that the action of the United States

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in affirming our support of the ``one China'' policy and encouraging 
Taiwan to support that and the framework within which dialog has 
occurred will be helpful in easing some of the tensions. And that was 
the context in which our conversation occurred.
    So I thought it was a very positive conversation, far more positive 
than negative. And that is the light in which I meant it to unfold, and 
I think that is the shape it is taking. So----
    Q. The Chinese seemed to make it clear that he would use force----

Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and Kyoto Treaty

    Q. On the treaty, Senator Helms says that he would be happy to hold 
hearings if you would send up the ABM Treaty and the Kyoto treaty. Will 
you?
    The President. Look, the ABM Treaty--we have to conclude START II 
first; that's in our national interest. The Kyoto treaty--all the people 
who say they're not for the Kyoto treaty insist that we involve the 
developing nations in it; I agree with them. Even the people who are 
against the Kyoto treaty under any circumstances say, well, if you're 
going to have it you've got to have the developing nations in there. So 
it's inconsistent for me to send it up when we're out there working 
ourselves to death to try to get the developing nations to participate.
    Now, this is a relatively new issue, the Kyoto treaty. And the other 
issue is not ripe yet, clearly, not ripe yet. So to take a matter that 
has been a matter of national debate for 40 years now, and it is finally 
a reality--a treaty that has been ratified by 40 other countries, the 
prospect of dramatically increasing the safety of the American people in 
the future--and hold it hostage to two matters that are literally not 
ripe for presentation to the Senate yet would be a grave error, I think. 
And I hope that we can find a way around that.
    Thank you.

Note: The President spoke at 11:43 a.m. in the Rose Garden at the White 
House. In his remarks, he referred to President Jiang Zemin of China.