    [Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 35, Number 25 (Monday, June 28, 1999)]
    [Pages 1157-1163]
    [Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

    <R04>
    Remarks Following Discussions With European Union Leaders and an
    Exchange With Reporters in Bonn

    June 21, 1999

        Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder. [Inaudible]--I have introduced the
    President and Madam Secretary to Mr. Adenauer's study, and both of them
    thought that it was possibly lighter and brighter and possibly even
    nicer than what we've got over there. But as you might imagine, that
    wasn't the focus of our consultations.
        I'm rather pleased, indeed, that for the second time by now, I have
    the opportunity of welcoming President Clinton here in the Chancellory
    on behalf of the European Union. And I am very pleased also to note that
    Mr. Santer has come here again--the last time wearing the hat he's
    presently wearing. And I think soon he's going to join the European
    Parliament, and he's going to try to narrow it down to certain specific
    things that he would like to see happening. He's going to do that with
    the same sense of humor as he's done it so far.
        We have adopted some important documents regarding the transatlantic
    relationship. The Bonn Declaration that you have already got, or that
    will be handed out to you very soon, is very much going to deal with the
    spirit of the transatlantic partnership. And in the spirit of this, we
    also want to see to the individual trading problems that do exist but
    that we think can be overcome.
        Of course, as you might imagine, the situation in Kosovo and in the
    Balkans played an important role during our discussions. I am very much
    of the opinion that what we have triggered, being the Presidents of the
    European Council in Europe, was to trigger the Stability Pact for the
    Balkans, and the contours of that agreement have been drafted by the
    meeting of the Foreign Ministers very recently--but that will have to be
    promoted further with strong dynamism. And President Clinton and the
    European Union very much agree that this is worth promoting and
    developing further.
        So we think that--still in July and in close cooperation with the
    Finnish Presidency--we call for a meeting of the heads of state and
    governments--all governments involved in the Stability Pact. And that
    meeting is meant to happen in Sarajevo.
        Ladies and gentlemen, in having it there, we want to set a clear
    signal that the region can very much rely on the fact that we are not
    just talking about providing assistance but that we really want to help,
    and will help.
        During the discussions, we also said we want to show rigidity and
    decidedness on the military side but diplomatic skill on the political
    level. And arms have now gone silent since yesterday; it is definite.
    And after we've won the dispute, we will now win peace for us, and we
    will only succeed in doing so if we go in and economically develop that
    region and we get in closer to Europe--in individual steps, in phases,
    but expeditiously, rather. I think that is certainly an interesting part
    of joint cooperation between the European Union and the U.S.A.
        Dear Mr. President, I've very pleased to have you here yet again,
    and actually even more pleased about this wonderful spirit, sir,

    [[Page 1158]]

    of cooperation and friendship that has reigned over our talks here, and
    joint conviction. Thank you.
        President Clinton. Thank you very much. Chancellor and President
    Santer. Let me just make a few brief comments on the issues that
    Chancellor Schroeder has mentioned.
        First, on Kosovo. Yesterday the Serb security forces completed their
    withdrawal. Russia is now participating. The KLA is demilitarizing. I
    spoke late last evening to Mr. Thaci after the agreement had been
    signed. KFOR is moving in, and the refugees are on their way home.
        I congratulate Chancellor Schroeder on initiating this Stability
    Pact as a device for the long-term redevelopment of Kosovo and all of
    southeastern Europe. We will be full partners.
        We are interested in bringing this reconstruction to life. Our
    experts are now assessing the needs. We will have a donors' conference
    in July to finance the immediate reconstruction projects and one later
    in the fall to deal with long-term development of the region.
        We have also agreed, as the Chancellor said, to get the leaders
    together in Sarajevo--both the benefactors and the beneficiaries of the
    Stability Pact--to plan for the future of southeastern Europe, and after
    the pattern followed in the Marshall plan of World
    War II, to get the people of the region to work together to define their
    own future. We think this is very important.
        I'd also like to thank the business leaders involved from Europe and
    the United States in our business dialog for their willingness to
    mobilize the private sector to help in the reconstruction of Kosovo.
        Let me say just a word about one other subject that I think is worth
    some discussion because of the interest to the public opinion in Europe
    and increasingly in the United States. We discussed the need to have
    unresolved trade disputes not define our relationship at a time when
    we're working together so well on so many fronts. With a relationship
    that covers such a large spectrum of economic activity, it is inevitable
    that there will be occasional friction--some small, some large. We must
    not let them cloud the fundamental soundness of our relationship.
        We've made a lot of progress in recent months on some irritants, but
    a lot of work remains. Let me just give you one example. I know there's
    deep concern in Europe on the question of food safety. It's also an
    important priority for me; I've done a lot of work on food safety as
    President in the United States. And it's important for our farmers
    because they have an enormous interest in providing safe and wholesome
    food to the world. We need to develop open and scientific regulatory
    processes in each country that actually command the full confidence of
    ordinary citizens.
        This is an issue of enormous consequence on both sides of the
    Atlantic. We must approach it constructively. We're already making
    progress under our Transatlantic Economic Partnership, establishing a
    pilot project for scientific review of new biotech projects. And I am
    pleased that the G-8, under Chancellor Schroeder's leadership, asked the
    OECD to undertake an analysis of international food safety.
        So I want you to know that I am committed to this. All of us should
    have one standard only: What is the right thing? What is the right
    thing? That's the only thing that should matter. What is the truth? What
    does the science tell us? And that will be my commitment.
        Finally, I think it is important that all of us honor the decisions
    of international tribunals when they are rendered on these trade
    matters.
        Let me say in closing, Chancellor, I'd like to bid farewell to
    President Santer as he leaves his present position and goes to work in
    the European Parliament. I thank him for the work that he has done. This
    has been a remarkable period of European integration with the European
    Monetary Union and common security and other policies. We welcome Romano
    Prodi as his successor.
        I also thank Sir Leon Brittan for his work and wish him well. And I
    would like to acknowledge and greet the newly-confirmed American
    Ambassador to the European Union, Dick Morningstar, who was recently
    very quickly confirmed by the United States Senate.
        So we are preserving this relationship as we change some of the
    personnel involved.

    [[Page 1159]]

    It is a long-term commitment by both the Europeans and the Americans,
    and I'm looking forward to it. I think what we are about to do in
    Kosovo, in the Balkans, and what we have done there, is something that
    our people will be proud of for many decades to come.
        Thank you.
        President Jacques Santer. Mr. President, Mr. Chancellor, this summit
    takes place at a crucial moment in Europe's development and in the
    development of the United States-
    European Union relations. I'll make only four points about our
    discussions this morning.
        First, we have discussed Kosovo and the wider southeastern European
    region. The European Union nations shared equally with the U.S. in NATO
    action in the Kosovo crisis, and the EU has taken the lead in putting
    together the Stability Pact for the region, and the EU will play a
    leading role in financing the reconstruction. The European Commission
    will work with the World Bank to coordinate the donor effect for the
    region. And the Commission will be overseeing the negotiation of the
    proposed EU association and stability agreements with the countries in
    that region. This all shows that the EU is capable of sharing these
    burdens equally with the United States and that it is a full and equal
    partner with the United States in pursuing our common goals.
        We have discussed how the EU and U.S. interests can now jointly use
    their cooperation under the new transatlantic agenda to ensure that our
    partnership is at the heart of the rebuilding of a stable, democratic,
    and prosperous Balkan region.
        Second, we have agreed the Bonn Declaration, which builds on the new
    transatlantic agenda, can strengthen it in a number of areas and affirms
    our joint commitment to a full and equal partnership. We are committed
    in particular to work together to prevent and deal with regional crises,
    and Europe's emerging common security and defense policy makes this much
    easier.
        But too often in the past, President Clinton and I have had to spend
    time on damaging disputes, like Helms-Burton, bananas, and hormone-
    treated beef, even if 98 percent of our trade relations are trouble-
    free. By setting up an effective early warning system, we are seeking to
    resolve such problems before they become politically damaging.
        And we have agreed that it would be a good thing to have our
    scientists work together on health and consumer safety issues. The
    details still need to be worked out in order to prevent--[inaudible].
        To summarize, the transatlantic relationship, 4\1/2\ years after the
    signing of the new transatlantic agenda, is in fine shape. Kosovo has
    demonstrated, as clearly as anyone could wish, how important the
    relationship is, and it has put our occasional trade disputes into
    perspective. And we look forward as we go into the new millennium to
    continuing to deepen that relationship for the good of the whole
    transatlantic community.

    Humanitarian Aid to Serbia

        Q. Chancellor Schroeder and President Clinton, I wonder if you could
    be precise on the definition of humanitarian aid to Yugoslavia, to
    Serbia proper. The G-8 was unable to reach an agreement on this point,
    but would you consider providing as part of your humanitarian assistance
    to the Serbs, rebuilding their electrical power plants and rebuilding
    their bridges to enable people to go to work as part of humanitarian
    assistance to the Serbs?
        Chancellor Schroeder. Well, I think--I'm not as certain as what
    you're doing with your question--you have to differentiate between
    humanitarian assistance on one hand, side, and reconstruction on the
    other. You cannot let people starve just because they follow the wrong
    President, or they have the wrong President. If they are in need of
    medical assistance to survive, we have to grant this medical assistance
    to them, even if they feel they want to support Mr. Milosevic as their
    President. And that applies for as long as they have him as a President.
    So humanitarian assistance, yes, but making a tangible contribution to
    reconstruction, that can only ever happen with a democratic Yugoslavia.
        That is very much my conviction. And you cannot look at it in
    abstract terms, what is humanitarian, and what is kind of more than
    humanitarian. So we have to know what is

    [[Page 1160]]

    needed here to be able to take a proper decision. That is the line that
    I consider the right one.
        President Clinton. First, I agree with everything he just said. But
    to take your specifics--I saw the interview that President Chirac did
    with you, and what he said about the electrical power I thought was
    pretty good, that it would depend. That is, for me, it is important that
    if the Serbs want to keep Mr. Milosevic and don't want to be part of
    southeastern Europe's future, that at least they not freeze to death
    this winter and that their hospitals not be forced to close. So they
    need some power.
        In terms of rebuilding the bridges so people can go to work, I don't
    buy that. That's part of their economic reconstruction, and I don't
    think we should help--not a bit, not a penny. So that's--but on the
    other hand, I think their hospitals ought to be able to function. I
    think--babies will be born; people will get sick; I think though--that
    people shouldn't be cold in the winter if we can help that. That's
    basically where I draw the line.
        But we will--the reason the G-8--we didn't have a disagreement about
    it. We recognized that--the Chancellor read us through this--we
    recognized that we would have to have people in place in whom we had
    confidence, who could make most of these decisions on a day-to-day
    basis, and if they had a question, they could then kick it back to us.
    But I'll give you--I'm just giving you my kind of feeling about it.
        Lori [Lori Santos, United Press International].

    Reconstruction of the Balkans

        Q. In your discussions over the past few days, did you win specific
    commitments--in your talks over the past few days, did you win specific
    commitments from the European leaders for the billions that you'll need
    for the reconstruction effort? And are you confident that they will
    carry the lion's share, as you said you wanted?
        President Clinton. I think that their commitments and mine are in
    good faith. Let me restate what I said in my opening remarks. There will
    be--let me back up. I expect, in the next several days, all of you will
    hear various things about how much the immediate reconstruction of
    Kosovo will cost, what we're looking at in terms of long-term
    development. Then you'll see both Europeans and Americans say we will or
    won't pay this or that amount of money.
        I think that that--almost all of that is going to be rather
    fruitless in the end. What we have to do is have our people go in there
    and figure out, ballpark, what it's going to cost to get Kosovo up and
    going and whole again. And then we have to convene the leaders' meeting
    as well as have people look at what it would take to have a long-term
    development strategy for southeastern Europe. And obviously, that will
    be greater flexibility there; in other words, the more money you have,
    the more you can do; but there will be some flexibility there. And then
    we will--I will try to allocate our responsibilities.
        But I am absolutely convinced--you heard what President Santer
    said--I think that all of us are committed to doing this. And let me
    just say to the American people and to--who would be listening to this
    and to our friends in Europe, it will probably cost more than most
    people think, but I promise you, it will be a lot cheaper than a
    continuation of war would have been. It will be phenomenally less
    expensive than a land invasion of Kosovo and a protected conflict would
    have been.
        So I want to say what I said again is, the most expensive peaceful
    reconstruction is still cheaper than the cheapest war. This is a
    responsibility we should assume, and it will pay for itself many times
    over in future conflicts avoided, in future trading partners, in future
    cooperation.

    Bombing of Chinese Embassy in Belgrade

        Q. Mr. President, China last week bluntly rejected Under Secretary
    Pickering's explanation of the bombing of its Embassy in Belgrade. What
    is your reaction to that? Does it have any merit, their position, and
    have you given up--do you think you've lost any chance of reaching a WTO
    agreement with China before the end of this year?
        President Clinton. Well, the answer to the second question is, no. I
    have not given up. The answer to the first question is, I think--as they
    have time to review the information we gave them, and reflect on it, I

    [[Page 1161]]

    think they will conclude that it was a truly tragic accident, that a
    series of very bad mistakes were made, and a tragic accident occurred.
        I also, frankly--after Mr. Pickering made his important but
    difficult journey there, I noted that the reports, the contents of the
    report, were highlighted in Chinese news for 2 or 3 days thereafter,
    which I took to be quite a positive sign, actually.
        So this is a difficult, painful period for them and for our
    relationship, but I'm not--I haven't given up on the WTO. I'd still like
    to see it finished this year. And I think we'll work through this.
        Chancellor Schroeder. Last question.

    Congressional Support for Reconstruction Funds

        Q. Mr. President, your ability to keep your commitments on the aid
    to the region is dependent upon a Congress that has been very reluctant
    to come up with money. Do you anticipate difficulty there? And have you
    done anything to lay the groundwork with the Congress?
        President Clinton. Well, yes and yes. Yes, I anticipate some
    difficulty; and yes, I've worked hard to lay the groundwork.
        We have had lots of meetings on Kosovo, as you know, larger meetings
    with Congress. I have said all along that I thought that we had to
    participate in the long-term reconstruction, that I thought that we--
    just as in the peacekeeping--we can have a marginally more modest role
    in peacekeeping and reconstruction because we had a relatively larger
    role during the air campaign and paid a lot of the cost of that.
        But we have--the Congress did give us funds, for example, in this
    supplemental, to help to pay for the relocation of the Kosovars' home
    and the attendant costs related to that. So I think that if we can make
    the case, that they will be willing to support it. And it's part of our
    responsibility.
        You know, I just want to urge you to give us some time to come up
    with a plan for the short run, and then let the leaders in the region
    come up with a long-term plan and let us all sort of join together.
        I think that our Congress and our taxpayers will be like most
    people--they want to know what is the big picture; what is the long-term
    objective here; how does it relate to the interests of ordinary families
    in Germany and the United States, throughout Europe? And I think these
    are questions we'll be able to answer, and I think we'll get the support
    we need.
        Do you want to take a European journalist question? Equal time here.
    [Laughter] You guys owe me one. [Laughter]

    President's Visit to Slovenia

        Q. Mr. President, you are going now to Slovenia. What's the purpose
    for the visit, and also the message of your visit in Slovenia?
        President Clinton. Well, first of all, I'm going to Slovenia to
    highlight our partnership, our shared values, and our shared future. But
    I want the American people and the rest of the world to see a successful
    country in southeastern Europe that has done a good job of promoting
    democracy, of advancing prosperity, of working for integration in the
    region and with the rest of Europe.
        They represent what I believe a whole region can become. So the
    Slovenians have been, in my view, very good citizens and good partners
    with all of us, and I have to highlight that. But I also want the trip
    to spark the imagination of others, both within the Balkans and beyond
    it, about the kind of future, the kind of societies we can build in all
    those countries if we work at it.
        Thank you.
        Q.  Mr. President, take one more? Mr. President?
        Chancellor Schroeder. One question for a European journalist.
    [Laughter]

    Administration of Kosovo/Duration of U.S. Troop Involvement

        Q. Thank you very much, Mr. Chancellor. Thank you, Mr. Chancellor.
        Kosovo obviously now urgently needs an administration. How quickly
    do you think that can be facilitated via the OSCE or the European Union,
    and can the U.S. Americans contribute to that?
        And now, one thing regarding President Clinton--6,000 soldiers on
    the ground; how long are they going to stay there for? How long will you
    want them to stay there? How

    [[Page 1162]]

    long will your Congress, which has actually taken a bit of a negative
    attitude, be able to maintain that period?
        Chancellor Schroeder. Well, the question as to who's going to chair
    the civilian administration is a decision that lies in the field of the
    United Nations Secretary-
    General, and I think it would not be appropriate to give him advice from
    here. But he knows that we need a highly qualified person who links two
    things: firstly, the kind of political degree of skill and sensitivity
    and, on the other hand, experience with administration, somebody who--I
    think in economic terms, as well. All of those I think are the job
    profile descriptions. And I think the Secretary-
    General will very, very speedily pick and choose that kind of person who
    will then dominate the reorganization in the civilian sense.
        President Clinton. One is, I agree entirely with what Chancellor
    Schroeder said about the person the United Nations should pick. I called
    the Secretary-General, and I said that I had no particular candidate and
    I did not care from what country the candidate came; that the most
    important thing was that we get someone who can do the job--someone with
    high energy, with organizing skills, with vision, with the ability to
    communicate.
        It's a fascinating job; I'd give anything if I could do it. It's a
    wonderful job if you think about it. It's a very interesting job. But
    it's very important that we pick the right person. There will be no
    politics in this, nothing. So I made it clear: I don't care where the
    person is from; I just want the right person picked.
        The second question you asked me is, how long could we stay? I hope
    we will stay until the objectives of the mission are completed. And I
    went out of my way, since I thought, and our military thought, in Bosnia
    we knew how long it would take, and we were wrong. I went out of my way
    not to make the same mistake twice and not to put a timetable on our
    involvement, but to say here are our objectives; when we've achieved our
    objectives, we'll get out.
        Now, in Bosnia, we've gone way down, all of us have. You know, the
    military force in Bosnia is only about, I think, 30 percent, maybe 25
    percent of what it was when we first went in. But we are still there.
    And I personally believe, again, having a modest force there, if it
    avoids war, promotes peace and prosperity, it is much, much less
    expensive than letting these conflicts occur. So I hope we will stay
    until our mission is complete.
        Thank you.
        Q. This is my last shot. Are you going to take----
        President Clinton. Your last shot?
        Q. My last shot.
        President Clinton Why? You're not leaving us, are you? Where are you
    going?
        Q. I'm going to ``60 Minutes.''
        President Clinton. All right, you guilt me into doing it. If you ask
    me a lousy question, I'll never speak to you again. [Laughter] Go
    ahead--[laughter]--which would make you happy----
        Q. Thank you, Mr. President.
        President Clinton. Anything for the farewell.

    Slobodan Milosevic

        Q. That's right. Sir, the last administration left you Saddam
    Hussein, and you have spent billions of dollars trying to keep Saddam
    Hussein contained. I understand that there are many covert things that
    you can't discuss, but can you assure the American people that you did
    not send their sons and daughters into harm's way just to leave
    Milosevic in power?
        President Clinton. Well, first of all, I can ensure the American
    people that we sent our soldiers, our airmen, into harm's way to get the
    Kosovars home, to get the Serbs out of Kosovo, and to have--the Serbian
    forces, not the people, the Serbian forces out--and to have an
    international peacekeeping force. That's what I defined as our
    objectives, and we achieved them. And I thought they were worthy.
        Now, I have, furthermore, said that I would be adamantly opposed to
    any reconstruction aid going to Serbia as long as Mr. Milosevic is in
    power. He has now been indicted by the International War Crimes
    Tribunal, and every day we see fresh evidence of mass killing and
    oppression taken under his guidance and with his orders. So, I think
    that is clear. And I can assure the American

    [[Page 1163]]

    people that I'm not going to change my position on that.
        But you know, if we never did anything in the world until we could
    get everything done we wanted, we often would not do anything at all.
    What we have done here is to reverse genocide and ethnic cleansing, and
    it is very important. Would it also be good if we could have a new
    leader in Serbia? Of course it would. But the main beneficiaries would
    be the Serbian people.
        And our ability to build the kind of future in southeastern Europe
    we want would be enhanced if we had new leadership and full
    participation in Serbia, but we can do an awful lot of good whatever
    happens there.
        Let's don't mix apples and oranges, Mr. Pelley [Scott Pelley, CBS
    News]. I told the American people what the objectives are. We've
    achieved those objectives. Now we just have to win the peace. But would
    it be a good thing if Serbia had a democratic leader who didn't do
    things like what we've seen in Bosnia and in Kosovo? Of course it would.
    And I can't wait for the day when that happens.
        Thank you.

    Note: The President spoke at approximately 11:55 a.m. on the lawn at
    Palais Schaumburg. The President met with Chancellor Gerhard
    Schroeder of Germany in his capacity as President of the European
    Council and President Jacques Santer of the European Commission. In his
    remarks, he referred to Hashim Thaci, leader, Kosovo Liberation Army
    (KLA); President Jacques Chirac of France; European Trade Commissioner
    Sir Leon Brittan, vice president, European Commission; U.N. Secretary-
    General Kofi Annan; and President Slobodan Milosevic of the Federal
    Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro). The President also
    referred to OECD, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
    Development. Chancellor Schroeder spoke in German, and his remarks were
    translated by an interpreter.