[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 35, Number 20 (Monday, May 24, 1999)]
[Pages 901-907]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at a Democratic National Committee Dinner in Portola Valley, 
California

May 14, 1999

    Walter, I'd like to say something that I think a lot of us who've 
known you for many years could have been thinking. We laughed about how 
you've always been for losers and now you've had a few winners. But one 
of the reasons that we love you and admire you is that you stuck by the 
people with whom you agreed, whether they won or lost. A lot of people 
don't do that anymore; we appreciate that.
    Let me say I'm delighted to be here with Governor Davis and with 
Sharon, Attorney General Lockyer, Mayor Brown--he's funny, isn't he? 
[Laughter] I would have come all the way out here tonight just to hear 
Willie do that little schtick he did, you know? [Laughter] When I start 
to get bored with politics and kind of tired I--and you know, it's 12:30 
on my body clock, so I needed a little jolt. [Laughter]
    I want to thank Walter and Martin and Tom, Victoria, all the rest of 
you who put this dinner together tonight. I want to thank our Democratic 
Party officers for coming with me: Joe Andrew, Andy Tobias, and Beth 
Dozoretz.
    You know, today we were in Seattle before we came here. And we had 
all these exciting young people at this fundraiser we did. And a lot of 
them were kind of high-tech folks. And Joe Andrew got up and said, ``In 
2000 we're going to win every election, from President to dogcatcher.'' 
As if that were a great distance. [Laughter] I was sort of hoping we 
would have a wider range than that myself. [Laughter]
    I want to thank Willie Mays for being here again. I want to thank 
Walter--one of the greatest things Walter ever did for me was arrange 
for me to meet Willie Mays. And a lot of you know I am a big sports fan, 
and I collect memorabilia. I've got 100-year-old golf clubs and all 
kinds of things, but the things that I treasure the most are the 
baseballs that Willie has autographed for me and my wife and my 
daughter.
    And I hope he won't be embarrassed by this, but I went to Atlanta 
the other day--oh, a couple months ago--to celebrate the 25th 
anniversary of the night Hank Aaron broke Babe Ruth's record. And Hank 
and Billie are friends of Hillary's and mine, and we like them very 
much. So I went down there, and Hank Aaron had 12 Hall of Fame baseball 
players there--Reggie Jackson and Frank Robinson, just a slew of great 
players.
    And we were sitting there, and I meet all of Hank's family, and his 
in-laws, and all these--there were thousands of people there. And I 
just, sort of off the top of my head, I said, ``Hank, who's the greatest 
baseball player you ever played with?'' He said, ``Oh, that's an easy 
answer; it's not even close: Willie Mays.'' He said, ``Not even close!''
    And I personally would like to thank Willie and his wonderful wife 
for the work they

[[Page 902]]

have done since leaving baseball and for their concern for our children. 
And I'm delighted to see them.
    I just talked to Hillary not long before I came here. She's on an 
airplane coming back--you may have seen on the news today, she was in 
Macedonia visiting the refugees there. And I wanted to mention her, in 
particular, since we're all making jokes at Gray's expense--including 
himself making jokes at his expense. The very first person who ever told 
me he would be elected Governor when he had been written off by all of 
the experts was my wife, who came to California. And she said, ``Man, 
I've been out there and,'' she said, ``I think he's going to win. He 
knows why he wants the job; he's done a good job, and he inspires 
confidence.'' She said, ``He inspires confidence in me, and I believe he 
would inspire confidence in other people.'' And sure enough, you have, 
and we're grateful to you, and we thank you.
    I would also like to thank Laura Tyson, who was the Chairman of my 
Council of Economic Advisers and head of my Economic Council, for being 
here. And she's now an academic, which means that sooner or later, she 
will have to criticize something I'm doing on the economy. [Laughter] So 
I'll give her advance dispensation.
    Ladies and gentlemen, the hour's late and most of you have heard me 
give this speech before. [Laughter] I'll tell you a story, one more 
story. One night in the mid-1980s--I can't remember exactly when it 
was--Tina Turner came to Little Rock, Arkansas, to do a concert. And you 
all remember, you know, she sort of faded from the scene and then she 
made this huge recovery with an album called ``Private Dancer.'' I 
remember because she had a saxophone player in her band who was a weight 
lifter. Remember that guy, the guy with the great big arms? He had arms 
as big as my neck, and he wore chains and stuff--it was a weird deal. 
[Laughter] But the guy could play.
    So she comes to make this concert and she was playing at the 
Arkansas Fairgrounds and, I forget, Hillary had to go some place that 
night. So I had six tickets, and I took all these friends of ours and we 
went. And usually the guy who ran the concert put me sort of 15 rows 
back in the middle so I had a real good seat, but I wasn't conspicuous--
because I was the Governor, after all. But he knew I loved Tina Turner.
    So this night he completely embarrassed me by putting all six of us 
on the front row in the middle. And behind us there was a lady I later 
found out was a hairdresser in a small town about 50 miles away, dressed 
in a tiger outfit--[laughter]--complete with ears and tail and 
everything. It was an interesting night, all right. [Laughter]
    But anyway, here's the point I made about the speech--you all 
laughed when I said you'd all heard the speech. Tina Turner sang all of 
her new songs, and everybody loved them. Then at the end of the concert 
the band started playing the introduction to her first hit, ``Proud 
Mary.'' And as she walked up to the microphone, with all that energy 
packed into her, the crowd just went crazy before she ever said 
anything. So she backed off, and then she walked up again. The crowd 
went crazy again.
    And she looked at the crowd and she said, ``You know, I have been 
singing this song for 25 years, and it gets better every time I do it.'' 
So I thought, that's something I'll try to remember as I rock along 
through life. [Laughter]
    I want to make a case tonight that I hope you can remember. We were 
talking at our table and I was looking at all of you and I remembered 
little conversations we shared when you came by and we took the 
pictures. I always am interested as to what motivates people to get 
involved in politics, to make their contributions, to come to events 
like this.
    And when you go home tonight, I want you to think about why you came 
and what you're going to do tomorrow and in the days ahead. I am 
gratified by what has already been said, what the Governor said, what 
Walter said. I've loved being President. I love working with people like 
Mayor Brown, because we think we're supposed to actually enjoy what 
we're doing. And Gray is actually beginning to enjoy what he's doing. 
[Laughter] I hope it doesn't destroy his whole, sort of, persona, you 
know. [Laughter] But it is a great privilege to be in public service. 
You know, everybody talks about what a great

[[Page 903]]

burden it is. Well, nobody made us do this. It is a great privilege. 
It's an honor.
    And I am so gratified that the economy is in the shape it's in. I 
saw the pain in the faces of the people in California when I was running 
for President in 1992. And I wanted people here to believe that 
California was the cutting edge of tomorrow again. I wanted them to be 
full of optimism and hope, and taking all these initiatives, to meet the 
challenges of our country.
    And I'm grateful for the progress we've made in crime and welfare 
and education and so many other things. I'm glad that 90 percent of our 
kids are immunized against serious childhood diseases for the first time 
ever. I'm glad that we've got 100,000 young people in AmeriCorps. Many 
of them have served in northern California. It took the Peace Corps 20 
years to get 100,000 volunteers. We got that many in the domestic 
national service program in 4\1/2\ years. I'm proud of that. And I'm 
grateful for the chance to serve.
    But I want to make this point: Whatever role I had in this was not 
as important as the fact that in 1992, our party united behind a vision 
and a set of ideas that we have then all worked like crazy for 6 years 
to make real in the life of America.
    And the reason you should be here tonight--because I'm not running 
for anything--the reason you should be here is not because you're glad I 
was President and you feel good about what's happened in California, but 
because you understand that--that there is no indispensable person, but 
there are indispensable ideas and indispensable attitudes.
    I ran for President, and I was happy as a clam at home with Hillary 
and Chelsea and the life we had. But I was very concerned that our 
country had no driving vision of what we were going to be like in the 
21st century and no strategy to get us there. And I didn't like what I 
saw in Washington. Everybody was having the same old political debate 
over and over, sounded like a broken record every day. And if I was 
bored with it, I can only imagine how people who aren't addicted to 
politics, like I am, felt.
    And we tried to change all that. I really do want our children to 
live in a world in the next century where everybody has a chance to live 
out their dreams, where everybody is expected to be a responsible 
citizen, where we join together across all the lines that divide us--
celebrating the differences but appreciating even more our common 
humanity, and where America is trusted enough and strong enough to 
continue to lead the world to greater peace and freedom and prosperity. 
That's what I want. It's pretty simple.
    And I believed in 1992, and I believe more strongly today, that to 
have that kind of world, we had to have a different approach to 
politics. First, we had to believe we could grow the economy and 
preserve the environment at the same time. Second, we had to believe we 
could grow the economy in a way that had more entrepreneurs like you 
have in this part of our world, and at the same time make life better 
for ordinary middle class people and give more poor people a chance to 
work their way into the middle class.
    I believed there was a way you could lower the crime rate not just 
by prosecuting crime but by preventing it. I believed that we ought to 
put more money in education, but we had to raise standards, and I was 
tired of seeing poor people patronized, because I believe all of our 
children can learn. And lots of other things like that.
    I think a lot of times, the debates we have in Washington, they 
don't resonate very well with the real-world experience people have in 
California or Arkansas or anywhere else in the country. And the story of 
this administration has been the story of a relentless effort for over 6 
years now to take these basic ideas and that vision and turn them into 
real, concrete actions and results for the American people.
    Now, we still have a lot to do. I'm doing my best to get the 
Congress to address the challenges of the aging of America, to reform 
Social Security and Medicare and help people with long-term care, and 
help people save for their own retirement. I'm asking the Congress to do 
it in a way that pays down the Government's debt. Did you ever think a 
politician could even talk about that? Because I believe that we can get 
the Government debt down in 15 years to its lowest point

[[Page 904]]

since before World War I; and if we do, interest rates will be lower, 
investment will be higher, there will be more businesses, more jobs and 
higher incomes. And we will be relatively less dependent on the vagaries 
of the world financial markets.
    I believe that we have to do more to help people balance their work 
life and their family life. So when I talk about child care or family 
leave or the Patients' Bill of Rights, what I'm really saying is, most 
parents are working, and I think it's important for people to succeed at 
home and at work because the most important work in America is raising 
good children. And if it doesn't work out, as we often see, there is a 
grievous price to be paid.
    I am concerned in the aftermath of what happened at Littleton, but I 
am also hopeful because we had all these school shootings last year and 
people wanted to do things, and a lot of things were done. But I think 
for the first time, the whole country now believes that what happened 
with those children could happen in any community. And I believe the 
whole country wants to do better and also recognizes that many of our 
children fall victim every year, not in stunning, tragic, big ways but 
in quiet alleys or in drive-by shootings or in other ways where they can 
almost die anonymously. And I want us to have a national campaign to 
make our children's lives less violent.
    And I'd like to close with just a reflection on that and what we're 
doing in Kosovo and point out what I think is--in addition to economic 
opportunity for all and educational opportunity for all and the sense of 
general community--I think the most important thing about the Democratic 
Party on the eve of the 21st century is our vision of what community 
means at home, and our relationship to the rest of the world. And if you 
take these two difficult events and break them down, maybe I can make 
some sense of that.
    What I honestly believe about the Littleton situation--and I've 
spent a lot of time thinking about it. I have been overwhelmingly 
impressed by almost all of the people I've seen from that community 
talking on television and going to the town hall meetings. Some of the 
brave parents, actually already--who lost their children--already able 
to try to make some contribution to a safer future for the rest of us. 
One father who lost his child was with Hillary last week, the day before 
Mother's Day, to be part of this whole antiviolence movement.
    But what I think is that we now understand--I hope we do, as a 
people--that if we're going to make America a safer place for our 
children, we have to stop pointing the fingers at one another and start 
assuming responsibility. We have to--instead of saying, ``I wish someone 
else would do something,'' we have to say, ``Okay, I've shown up for 
duty. What am I supposed to do?''
    Because this is an exceedingly complex thing--Willie and I could 
have an argument. I could take--you know, we have the--is it the 
entertainment culture or is it the gun culture? And he could take one 
side and I could take the other, and then 5 minutes later we could 
switch roles. We all know how to point fingers--we're good at that--and 
shift the blame.
    Let's start with the facts of life today. For whatever reason, there 
are more children in the United States, of all races and in all 
socioeconomic groups, that are at risk of being victims of violence. You 
would all accept that, I presume; that is a fact, for whatever reason. 
And there are also children, therefore, at risk of being victims of 
violence from other young people. Therefore, there are a higher 
percentage of children in the United States than in most other advanced 
countries who are themselves vulnerable to violent conduct.
    Now, if we start with that, and we say, ``Shouldn't we all be doing 
something,'' I think we can move to ``yes'' very quickly. One of the 
things that you see in all these tragic stories, it's heartbreaking, is 
how easy it is for children as they come of age and naturally seek their 
own independence to be strangers in their own homes and not to have 
people in their schools or their communities that are so connected to 
them that they can't drift off into the darkness.
    So the fundamental thing is, we have to still do a better job trying 
to help parents understand what it means for children to move into 
adolescence and to drift away, and to be given both independence and 
still be held accountable and be involved with their parents and their 
lives. And we have to help

[[Page 905]]

the schools do a better job of connecting and telling kids how they can 
find nonviolent ways to deal with their conflicts, and how they can 
count no matter what group they're in and how they can be treated with 
respect no matter what group they're in.
    I don't see how anybody can dispute the fact that it's crazy to have 
a country where, you know, criminals can buy guns at gun shows they 
can't buy at gun stores. I mean, I think that's a pretty hard case to 
defend.
    I think it's a hard case to defend to say we've abolished assault 
weapons--thanks in no small measure, by the way, to a citizen from San 
Francisco named Steve Sposato, who lost his wife in a shooting, a man 
who happened to be a Republican. I met him and his daughter. So we 
abolished assault weapons, but we let people keep bringing in these big 
ammunition clips and selling them legally as long as they were imported, 
as opposed to homegrown. How come these things are in the law? These 
things don't happen by accident, folks. I did the best I could back in 
1994. I pushed that thing as hard as I could push. So now we have a 
sense all over the country we should close the loopholes.
    Florida, not normally known as a raving liberal State, voted 72 
percent in a public referendum to close the gun show loophole, and we're 
having trouble getting it done in Washington. That's not good. It's not 
going to kill the NRA to change its position. The gun manufacturers did, 
and I applaud them. They deserve a lot of credit. There have been--one 
of the most outstanding groups in this whole debate are the gun 
manufacturers, coming and saying, ``Okay, let's clean up this business. 
Let's have responsible, commonsense controls. We want people to be able 
to hunt; we want to support the rights of sportsmen; but we don't need 
that. We need to deal with this.''
    So they have their responsibility. But so, too, does the 
entertainment industry. You can say if you start from their perspective, 
just like you can say if you start from the gun perspective, ``Guns 
don't kill people, people do.'' Right? If you start from the 
entertainment perspective, you can say, ``Well, we show these movies and 
we sell these video games in Europe and you don't have this level of 
violence.'' You can say that--in other words, from anybody else's 
perspective, you can always say this.
    But here is the thing. Start with the kids. We have more kids 
getting hurt and more kids hurting other kids. Start with the facts. And 
we now have over 300 studies that show that the volume of sustained 
exposure to violence through the media--and now increasingly through 
interactive video games--is so great that it desensitizes children 
dramatically to the impact of violence and the real consequences of it, 
and therefore makes the most vulnerable children more likely to go over 
the edge.
    Now, having said that, we have to find some commonsense things we 
can do. For example, you could change the whole advertising strategy of 
a lot of these games and other media outlets and not have a lot of the 
problems you have. But lots of other things can be done. I'm trying to 
make a larger point here. How we respond to this and whether we take on 
something really big and important like this and do what the Mothers and 
Students Against Drunk Driving did to drive down drunk driving; or do 
what the 10,000 business people did to hire 400,000 people off welfare 
so people wouldn't be just thrown in the streets--how we respond to this 
and whether we respond to this as one community coming together instead 
of pointing the finger at each other will define in large measure what 
kind of country we're going to be in the 21st century.
    And the same is true of Kosovo. What in the world have these two 
things got in common? Well, in both cases, there at least is some 
evidence that part of the problem was one group of people looking down 
on another group of people and getting to where they hated them and then 
getting to where they thought it was legitimate to take them out. And if 
you look all over the world today, from the Middle East to the Balkans, 
to Rwanda and Africa, to the still unresolved conflict in Northern 
Ireland, what is at the root of most of the world's problems on the edge 
of the 21st century? Is it that the Kosovar Albanians don't have as good 
computers as the Serbs? Are we fighting over some software secret in 
central Africa? Not on your life. The economics are bringing people 
together. That's

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one of the reasons we're going to get this thing done in Ireland this 
year.
    What is dividing people on the edge of this brave new brilliant 
high-tech interdependent world are the oldest demons of human society: 
our hatred and fear of people who are different from us. First, you're 
scared of them, then you hate them, then you dehumanize them, then it's 
okay to kill them. And isn't it ironic that we're sitting here a stone's 
throw from Silicon Valley, dreaming about the marvels of modern 
technology and at risk of being held hostage to the oldest, most 
primitive human designs?
    So you want to know why we're in Kosovo? Because it's in Europe, 
where we were pulled into two wars in the 20th century, and the cold 
war, and because we had the capacity to stand against that kind of 
ethnic cleansing and slaughter; and because when we couldn't get it done 
for 4 long years in Bosnia, there was a trail of 2\1/2\ million refugees 
and a quarter of a million people dead, and we still had to get in and 
put Humpty Dumpty back together again and tell people they had to stop 
killing each other because of their different religious and ethnic 
background.
    But I'm telling you, there are common threads to what is there--the 
hatred of those boys built up in Littleton, hatred looking up at the 
athletes, hatred in their minds looking down at the minorities. The 
hatred in what happened when that poor man, James Byrd, was murdered in 
Texas and his body was torn apart, hatred in what happened to Matthew 
Shepard in Wyoming. It's all the same thing.
    We're all scared. Not anybody in the world is not scared from time 
to time. How many days do you wake up in a good mood and how many days 
do you wake up in not such a good mood? Every human being has got a 
little scale inside. It's like the scales of justice and hope and fear. 
And some days, the scales are just perfectly in balance, some days 
they're just--you're crazy with hope and some days you're gripped with 
fear.
    And the more fearful you are, the more people who are different from 
you seem to present a threat. And here we are. Look at California. Look 
at San Francisco. Look at Seattle, where I was today. Look at the 
diversity of our population, racial and otherwise--religious, all the 
differences you can imagine--sexual orientation, the whole 9 yards. Look 
at all the differences in our population.
    In our dreams, all people get a chance to become what God meant for 
them to be and we pull together. In other words, we finally got a chance 
to be the country our founders said we ought to be when they knew darn 
well we weren't. I mean, when only white men with property could vote, 
they said all are created equal, and they knew what they were doing. 
These guys were not dummies.
    Every now and then, I go over to the Jefferson Memorial and read 
what Thomas Jefferson said, ``When I think of slavery, I tremble to 
think that God is just.'' He knew exactly what he was doing. They knew 
that this whole struggle would be sort of an endless effort to try to 
make real these ideals. And here we are about to do it. And are we going 
to let the whole thing go haywire because of the most primitive impulses 
in human society, both inside our country and beyond our borders?
    That man that blew up the Federal building in Oklahoma City, he was 
poisoned with hatred and a sort of blind irrational notion that if you 
worked for the Federal Government there was something inherently bad 
about you. And I believe the distinguishing characteristics of our 
country in the 21st century has to be that we constantly, consistently 
reaffirm that for all the differences among us--we don't have to like 
each other, but we have to respect each other. We have to tolerate each 
other, and we have to actively affirm each other's common humanity. And 
if you want all this modern technology to be put at the service of your 
children's dreams instead of terrorists and madmen, then you have got to 
say this is one thing America will stand for, overall, above all, beyond 
everything else.
    And that is what all these incidents have in common. We must not let 
the great promise of the modern world be undermined by the most ancient 
of hatreds. We cannot fundamentally alter human nature, but we can alter 
the rules by which all of us let our nature play out. And we can call 
forth our better selves. That is what we have worked for 6\1/2\ years to 
do. And you know as well as I do, if the economy works better it's 
easier to do.

[[Page 907]]

    But when you go home tonight and you get up tomorrow and somebody 
says, ``Why in the world did you write a check and go to that thing?'' 
Tell them, ``Because I believe in the vision and the ideas that the 
country has followed in the last 6 years. We have a lot more to do, and 
most important of all, I really want America to be a community and a 
model to the world, because I want my children to have a future more 
like my dreams than the worst nightmares we see in the paper.''
    We can do it, but not unless we work at it.
    Thank you, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 9:25 p.m. at a private residence. In his 
remarks, he referred to dinner host Walter Shorenstein; Bill Lockyer, 
State attorney general; Gov. Gray Davis of California and his wife, 
Sharon; Mayor Willie Brown of San Francisco; dinner cochairs Martin 
Maddaloni and Tom and Victoria O'Gara; Joseph J. Andrew, national chair, 
Andy Tobias, treasurer, and Beth Dozoretz, national finance chair, 
Democratic National Committee; baseball legends Willie Mays and Hank 
Aaron and their wives, Mae and Billie, respectively; Tom Mauser, whose 
son, Daniel, was killed in the Columbine High School shooting by gunmen 
Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold; gun control activist Steve Sposato and 
his daughter, Meghan; and Timothy McVeigh, who was convicted of the 
Oklahoma City Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building bombing. This item was 
not received in time for publication in the appropriate issue.