[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 34, Number 13 (Monday, March 30, 1998)]
[Pages 512-519]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
The President's News Conference With President Nelson Mandela of South 
Africa in Cape Town

March 27, 1998

    President Mandela. Thank you, Please sit down.
    President Clinton, a visit by a foreign head of state to a country 
is, broadly speaking, one of the most significant developments in 
entrenched strong political and economic relations between the countries 
concerned. During this last 4 years, we have received a record number of 
heads of states and heads of government. They have come from all 
continents and practically from every country. They have come from the 
industrial nations; they have come from the developing world. Some have 
advanced democratic institutions; in others, such institutions are just 
developing--are only just developing; in others, there are none at all.
    We have received all of them, and we have welcomed those visitors 
because that they have taught us things which we have not known before. 
We have democratic countries, but where poverty of the masses of the 
people is rife. We have had countries where there are no popular 
institutions at all, but they are able to look after their people better 
than the so-called democratic countries.
    I have visited one which is a creditor nation, which has got one of 
the highest standards of living in the world, which is tax-free, which 
has got one of the best schemes of subsidy for housing, for medical 
services, and where education is free and compulsory. And yet, the 
people in that country have no votes; they have no parliament. And yet 
they are looked after better than in so called democratic countries. We 
insist that even in those countries that people must have votes. Even 
though they may enjoy all the things which

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the masses of the people in other countries don't enjoy, democratic 
institutions are still critical.
    So we have received heads of states and heads of government from all 
those countries. But the visit to our country by President Clinton is 
the high watermark. And I hope that the response of our parliamentarians 
yesterday has indicated that very clearly.
    Our people have welcomed President Clinton with open arms. And it is 
correct that that should be so, because President Clinton, as well as 
the First Lady, Hillary, they have the correct instincts on the major 
international questions facing the world today. Whatever mistakes that 
they may have made--and we have made many--but there is one thing that 
you cannot be accused of--of not having the right instincts. And for 
that reason, I hold him, and almost every South African, in high 
respect. The fact that we have high respect for him does not mean that 
we have no differences. But I would like to declare that when we have 
differed on an issue, at the end of that, my respect for him is enhanced 
because I fully accept his integrity and his bona fides, but such 
differences are unavoidable.
    One of the first heads of state I invited to this country was Fidel 
Castro. I have received in this country ex-president Rafsanjani of Iran. 
I have also invited the leader Qadhafi to this country. And I do that 
because our moral authority dictates that we should not abandon those 
who helped us in the darkest hour in the history of this country. Not 
only did they support us in rhetoric, they gave us the resources for us 
to conduct the struggle and the will. And those South Africans who have 
berated me for being loyal to our friends, literally, they can go and 
throw themselves into a pool. [Laughter] I am not going to betray the 
trust of those who helped us.
    The United States is acknowledged far and wide as the world leader, 
and it is correct, that should be so. And we have, today, a leader, as I 
have said, whose instincts are always correct. I would like to draw 
attention to a very important provision in the United Nations Charter, 
that provision which enjoins, which calls upon all member states to try 
and settle their differences by peaceful methods. That is the correct 
position which has influenced our own approach towards problems.
    We had a government which had slaughtered our people, massacred them 
like flies, and we had a black organization which we used for that 
purpose. It was very repugnant to think that we could sit down and talk 
with these people, but we had to subject our blood to our brains and to 
say, without these enemies of ours, we can never bring about a peaceful 
transformation in this country. And that is what we did.
    The reason why the world has opened its arms to South Africans is 
because we're able to sit down with our enemies and to say, ``Let us 
stop slaughtering one another. Let's talk peace.'' We were complying 
with the provisions of the United Nations Charter. And the United States 
as the leader of the world should set an example to all of us to help 
eliminating tensions throughout the world. And one of the best ways of 
doing so is to call upon its enemies to say, ``Let's sit down and talk 
peace.'' I have no doubt that the role of the United States as the world 
leader will be tremendously enhanced.
    I must also point out that we are far advanced in our relations with 
the United States as a result of the efforts of Deputy President Thabo 
Mbeki and Vice President Al Gore. That biennial commission has achieved, 
has had a high rate of performance far beyond our dreams. And today, 
America has become the largest investor in our country. Trade between us 
has increased by 11 percent.
    And we have the president of the ANC, who carefully pushed me out of 
this position--[laughter]--and took it over--the president of the ANC 
and the Deputy President of this country is one of those who, more than 
anybody else in this country, is committed to the improvement of 
relations between South Africa and the United States. I hope that when 
he succeeds in pushing me to step down from the Presidency, that the 
country will put him in that position so that he can be in a position 
further to improve relations between us. And I have no doubt that we 
have no better person than him to complete this job.
    President Clinton, you are welcome. This is one of our proudest 
moments, to be able

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to welcome you. You helped us long before you became President, and you 
have continued with that help now as the President of the greatest 
country in the world. Again, welcome.
    President Clinton. Thank you very much, Mr. President. Thank you and 
all the people of South Africa for the wonderful welcome you have given 
to Hillary and me and to our entire delegation. We have felt very much 
at home here.
    As I have said yesterday in my address to the Parliament, I was very 
honored to be the first American President to visit South Africa on a 
mission to Africa to establish a new partnership between the United 
States and the nations of Africa and to show the people of America the 
new Africa that is emerging, an Africa where the number of democratic 
governments has quadrupled since 1990, where economies are beginning to 
grow, where deep-seated problems, to be sure, continue to exist, but 
where hope for the future is stronger than it has been in a generation.
    It is in our profound interest to support the positive changes in 
Africa's life. Nowhere is this more evident than in the miracle you have 
wrought here in South Africa.
    The partnership between our nations is only 4 years old, but already 
we are laying the foundation for a greater future. And I think everyone 
knows that the most important reason for our success is President 
Mandela.
    His emergence from his many years on Robben Island is one of the 
true heroic stories of the 20th century. And more importantly, he 
emerged not in anger but in hope, passion, determination to put things 
right in a spirit of reconciliation and harmony. Not only here but all 
over the world, people, especially young people, have been moved by the 
power of his example.
    Yesterday, Mr. Mandela said that the only thing that disappointed 
him about our trip was that Hillary and I did not bring our daughter. 
[Laughter] Last night our daughter called us and said the only reason 
she was really sorry not to have made her second trip to Africa was that 
she didn't get to see President Mandela.
    I think that the impact he has had on the children of the world who 
see that fundamental goodness and courage and largeness of spirit can 
prevail over power lust, division, and obsessive smallness in politics, 
is a lesson that everybody can learn every day from. And we thank you, 
Mr. President, for that.
    Today we talked about how the United States and South Africa can 
move into the future together. We have reaffirmed our commitment to 
increasing our mutual trade and investment, to bringing the advantages 
of the global economy to all our people. South Africa is already our 
largest trading partner in Africa, and as the President said, America is 
the largest foreign investor in South Africa. And we want to do more.
    The presence here of our Commerce Secretary and leaders from our 
business community underscores, Mr. President, how important these ties 
are to us and our determination to do better. Our Overseas Private 
Investment Corporation is creating three new investment funds for Africa 
which will total more than three-quarters of a billion dollars. The 
first of these, the Africa Opportunity Fund, is already supporting 
transportation and telecommunications projects here in South Africa. The 
largest of the funds, worth $500 million, will help to build the roads, 
the bridges, the communication networks Africa needs to fulfill its 
economic potential.
    Increasing trade does not mean ending aid. I am proud that we have 
provided almost $1 billion in assistance to South Africa since 1991. I 
am committed to working with Congress to return our aid for all of 
Africa to its historic high levels. We will target our assistance to 
investing in the future of the African people. If people lack the 
fundamentals of a decent life, like education or shelter, they won't be 
able to seize opportunity.
    I announced in Uganda a new $120-million initiative to train 
teachers, increase exchanges, bring technology into classrooms 
throughout Africa. We're also working to help provide better housing for 
those who have never had it. Yesterday Hillary, with me in tow, went 
back a year later to visit the Victoria Mxenge Housing Project in 
Gugiiletu, where women are building their own houses and living in 
decent homes for the first time. I'm proud that through our aid projects 
and our binational commission

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with Mr. Mbeki and Vice President Gore we are providing seed money and 
technical assistance for this effort. And I want to do more of that 
throughout this country and throughout the continent.
    President Mandela was also kind enough to speak with me at some 
length about other nations in Africa and our common goals for Africa in 
the future. We are determined to help countries as they work to 
strengthen their democracies. We agree human rights are the universal 
birthright of all people. I also had a great chance to talk to President 
Mandela about the progress we made at the regional summit in Entebbe. 
And he had read the communique we put out, and I think that we both 
agree it was a remarkable document. And if we can make it real, it will 
change things in a profound way in all the countries that signed off on 
the statement.
    We're also working on security issues, and let me just mention a 
couple. We are committed to preventing the spread of weapons of mass 
destruction, to strengthening the Biological Weapons Convention, because 
we both believe disease must never be used as a weapon of war. We are 
both at the forefront of the effort to eliminate the scourge of 
landmines. And now we are joining together to speed this work.
    As I said yesterday, and I'd like to emphasize again, I am very 
pleased that our Department of Defense has decided to purchase now South 
Africa demining vehicles, called the Chubbies. The vehicles will help us 
to remove mines more quickly, more safely, and more effectively. And I 
might say, that's been a terrible problem the world over. Even in Bosnia 
where there are so many people, we're not taking enough mines out of the 
land every week. And the new South African technology will help us 
immensely.
    Mr. President, for centuries the winds that blow around the Cape of 
Good Hope have been known for strength and danger. Today the winds 
blowing through Cape Town and South Africa, and indeed much of this 
continent, are winds of change and good fortune. I thank you for being 
so much the cause of the good that is occurring not only in your own 
country but throughout this continent.
    I am deeply pleased that we're committed to harnessing the winds of 
change together. And as we meet in your nation, which has seen such 
remarkable hope arise from the ashes of terrible tragedy, let me again 
thank you. And let me ask your indulgence as I close just to make a few 
personal remarks about the terrible tragedy we had in the United States, 
in my home State, where four children and a school teacher were killed 
and many others were wounded in a horrible shooting incident.
    First of all, I have called the Governor, the mayor, and last night 
I had quite a long conversation with the school principal, to tell them 
that the thoughts and prayers of people, not only in our country but 
indeed throughout the world, we're with them. I hope, as I have said 
before, that all of us, including the Federal authorities and the 
members of the press corps, will give the people in Jonesboro the chance 
to grieve and bury those who have died.
    And then after a decent period, after I return home, the Attorney 
General and I and others have got to compare this incident with the 
other two that have occurred in the last few months in America to try to 
determine what they have in common and whether there are other things we 
should do to prevent this kind of thing from happening. There is nothing 
more tragic, for whatever reason, than a child robbed of the opportunity 
to grow up.
    Thank you, and thank you again, Mr. President, for everything.

Nigeria

    Q. Mr. President, you expressed regret the other day that the United 
States supported authoritarian regimes in Africa during the cold war. 
Today, we buy about 50 percent of the oil from Nigeria, propping up a 
regime the United States says is one of the most oppressive in Africa. 
[Inaudible]--what will the United States do----
    President Clinton. Well, first of all, let me restate what I said 
because I think it's worth saying again. I said that I did not believe 
the United States had ever been as good a partner to the African nations 
and the African people as we could have been and that during the cold 
war, when we and the Soviets were worried about the standoff that we had

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between us, we tended to evaluate governments in Africa and to pick and 
chose among them and to give aid to them based far more on how they 
stood in the fight of the cold war than how they stood toward the 
welfare of their people. I stand by that. And I think now we're free to 
take a different course.
    President Mandela and I actually talked at some length about this 
today, and I, frankly, asked for his advice. And Nigeria is the largest 
country in Africa in terms of population. It does have vast oil 
resources. It has a large army. It in capable of making a significant 
contribution to regional security, as we have seen in the last several 
months. My policy is to do all that we can to persuade General Abacha to 
move toward general democracy and respect for human rights, release of 
the political prisoners, the holding of elections. If he stands for 
election, we hope he will stand as a civilian.
    There are many military leaders who have taken over chaotic 
situations in African countries but have moved toward democracy. And 
that can happen in Nigeria; that's, purely and simply, what we want to 
happen. Sooner, rather than later, I hope.

Cuba

    Q. President Clinton, I wonder was the Dow Chemical dispute 
discussed anywhere, and if so, has there been a resolution of the 
problem that affects South Africa in particular?
    President Clinton. We only discussed it very briefly. You know what 
American law is. It was passed by our Congress by almost 90 percent in 
both Houses, after two American planes with American citizens were 
illegally shot down in international waters by the Cuban Air Force, and 
basically says American companies can't do business there.
    We are--the Pope's recent visit to Cuba gave us the hope that we 
might do more to help the welfare of the Cuban people and to promote 
alternative institutions, like the church in Cuba, that would move the 
country toward freedom. And I hope that will happen. But the law is what 
it is.

Slavery

    Q. On regret again, sir, why are you resisting those who are seeking 
a formal apology from the United States for America's own shame of 
slavery?
    President Clinton. Well, let me say, first of all, there are two 
different issues here on the slavery issue. Most of the members of the 
African-American community with whom I talk at home advise me to keep 
our race initiative focused on the future.
    I don't think anybody believes that there is a living American--I 
don't think that anyone believes that any living American today would 
defend, feel proud of, or in any way stand up for the years where we had 
slavery or the awful legacy which it left in its wake. But we have moved 
through now in the last 130, almost 140 years, the 13th, 14th, and 15th 
amendments, a spate of civil rights legislation. We're now focused on 
what still needs to be done, and it's considerable.
    So at home we're looking to the future, to closing the opportunity 
gap, to dealing with the discrimination that still exists, trying to 
lift up those communities that have done better than others, as we 
become not primarily just a divided society between blacks and whites 
but increasingly multiracial, not only with our large Hispanic and 
Native American populations but with people from all over the world.
    Now, in addition to that, what I tried to do the other day in Uganda 
is to recognize that the role of Americans in buying slaves, which were 
taken out of Africa by European slave traders, had a destructive impact 
in Africa, as well as for the people who were enslaved and taken to 
America. And I think that was an appropriate thing to do. I don't think 
anybody would defend what we did in terms of its destructive impact in 
Africa. No American President had ever been here before, had a chance to 
say that. And I think we want more and more African leaders to do what 
President Museveni did the other day when we were in Entebbe, and he 
said, ``I am not one of those leaders that blames everybody else for our 
problem.'' I think we've got--you know, you've got to quit going back to 
the colonial era; we've got to look to the future.
    If you want more African leaders to do that, which I do, then it 
seems to me that we have to come to terms with our past. And stating the 
facts, it seems to me, is helpful.

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 If we're going to be a good partner with people who are taking 
responsibility for their own future, we can't be blind to the truths of 
the past.
    That's what--I think Mr. Mandela has done a remarkable job of 
balancing those two things here in South Africa. That's why I made the 
statement I did in Uganda, and I'm glad I did it.

African Debt Relief

    Q. President Clinton, I wonder whether you could tell us whether 
debt relief for Africa has been a topic in your discussions with 
President Mandela, and whether you will be taking South Africa's views 
on the subject back into the G-7 and into other international arenas to 
argue for such debt relief.
    President Clinton. Well, the answer to that question is, we 
discussed debt relief. I've also discussed debt relief with all the 
other leaders with whom I have met. We have--there is presently a 
proposal, as I think you're aware, that includes not only bilateral debt 
but debt to the international institutions, which would permit African 
countries that are pursuing economic reform to get debt relief to up to 
80 percent of their debt.
    And I think it's a sound proposal in the sense that--if it's 
properly administered by the international authorities--for this reason. 
We supported the idea that people should be eligible for debt relief--
more debt relief--if they were moving toward economic reform but not 
saying that everybody had to reach the same point, because people start 
from--they start from different places, different countries do--
different per capita incomes, different economic systems, different real 
possibilities.
    So I think that the framework is there. Now, what I pledged to do 
after talking to all the people with whom I have met, President Mandela 
and the other leaders that I saw on the way down here, is to take a look 
at how this thing is going to work in fact, and see what I could do to 
make sure that we give as much aid as we possibly can under this 
proposal. But I do think it is legitimate to say, if you want debt 
relief to unleash the economic potential of a country, so you take the 
burden off of it, then when it's all said and done, there has to be--two 
things have to exist: Number one, you've got to have a set of policies 
that will produce better results in the future than you had in the past, 
in any country; and number two, the country has to be able to attract 
investment, both private and public investment, in the future.
    So, for example, if you just had uncritical 100 percent debt relief, 
you wouldn't guarantee that there would be better policies, number one. 
Now, that doesn't apply to South Africa, where you do have a good strong 
economic policy, but generally. Number two, if we did that, other people 
would be reluctant to loan money in the future because they would think 
they would never get any of their money back.
    So I think the trick is to get enough debt relief to countries to 
get the debt burden down so they can grow and they're not just crushed 
and kept from making any progress, but to do it in a way so that the 
debt relief produces longer term prosperity. And that's my goal. And 
yes, we're going to talk about it at the G-8 meeting in Great Britain. 
And I will stay on top of this to make sure that what we're trying to 
get done is actually accomplished. Everybody talked to me about it.

Jonesboro Incident

    Q. Mr. President, during this trip you've spoken out about genocidal 
violence in Africa, but the sort of random killings you referred to in 
the Jonesboro killings has terrified people in the United States with 
alarming frequency. How do you explain that? What can you say now and 
what can you do now as America's leader to root out such violence from 
the culture?
    President Clinton. Well, we worked on it very hard for 5 years, and 
the crime rates gone down for 5 years. The violent crime rate has gone 
down for 5 years quite dramatically in many cities.
    And I saw an analysis, actually, just before I left home, in the 
documents that I read every Sunday--I saw an analysis of the declining 
crime rate which essentially said that, obviously, the improving 
American economy contributed to the crime rate going down because more 
people had jobs, and particularly with regard to property crimes, it was 
more attractive to work than to steal. But the other reason was that 
policing and law enforcement

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and prevention is better now than it was 5 years ago. And crime is a 
problem that many societies, especially many more urbanized societies 
have.
    And all I can tell you is that the violent crime rate is going down 
in our country; it's still way too high. What I'm concerned about in the 
Jonesboro case or in the Paducah case or in the case of Mississippi 
issue is whether we are doing enough to deal with the question of 
violence by juveniles and is there something else we can do to get it 
down even more?
    Ask President Mandela a question. I'm tired. [Laughter]
    President Mandela. No personal questions. [Laughter]

African Trade Legislation

    Q. Not today, Mr. President.
    Mr. President, have you raised with President Clinton the question 
of the United States-Africa growth and opportunity--[inaudible]--and the 
large number of conditionality clauses in that, and pointed out to him 
that this would appear to be in conflict with the United States 
commitment to free trade?
    President Mandela. Well, this matter has been fully discussed 
between President Clinton and our Deputy President, Thabo Mbeki. And I 
fully endorse the point of view that was placed before the President by 
the Deputy President. These matters are the subject of discussions, and 
they are very sensitive matters. And I appreciate the curiosity of the 
media, but it is better sometimes merely to say this is a matter over 
which we have serious reservations, this legislation. To us, it is not 
acceptable. But nevertheless, we accept each other's integrity, and we 
are discussing that matter in that spirit. Yes, we are taking it up.
    President Clinton. If I could just say one thing about it, though. 
If you all actually go read the bill, I think you will find two things. 
First, and the most important thing is, if the bill becomes law, it will 
increase the access of all African nations to the American market, 
without conditionality. The bill opens up more of the American market to 
all African trade. The bill then says, for countries that make greater 
strides toward democracy, human rights, and economic reform, there will 
be greater access still.
    But since we are not imposing new burdens on anybody or picking and 
choosing winners among countries and instead saying, ``Okay, we're going 
to unilaterally make an effort to give more access to all Africa 
countries but will do even better for the countries that are trying 
harder on democracy, human rights, and economic reform,'' it seemed to 
me to strike the right kind of balance.
    I, myself, would not have supported it if it had gone in reverse, if 
it had imposed new burdens on some countries while giving new benefits 
to others.

U.S. Response to Genocide in Africa

    Q. [Inaudible]--genocide in Rwanda, and you said that the United 
States should have acted sooner to stop the killing. Do you think that 
American racism, or what you described as American apathy toward Africa 
played a role in its inaction? How have you grappled personally with 
that experience 2 days ago? And have you considered any specific policy 
changes, given that this isn't the first time in this century America 
has been slow to act, that would compel a faster American response in 
the future, besides early warning systems?
    President Clinton. Let me say, first of all, I do not believe that 
there was any--I don't believe there was any racial element in our slow 
response. I think that--keep in mind, I don't think anybody on the 
outside was prepared for somewhere between 800,000 and a million people 
to die in 90 days. And look how long it took the United States and 
Europe through NATO and then through the U.N. to put together the 
machinery to go in and deal with the Bosnia problem.
    So I would just say to you, I think that--the point I was trying to 
make is I do believe that generally America has been--and the whole 
American policy apparatus has been less responsive and less involved in 
Africa than was warranted. I think that's a general problem.
    But I think in the case of Rwanda, what I believe we have got to do 
is to establish a system, hopefully through the United Nations, which 
gives us an early warning system, that gives us the means to go in and 
try to

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stop these things from happening before they start, and then, if it 
looks like a lot of people are going to die in a hurry, that kicks in 
motion some sort of preventive mechanism before hundreds of thousands of 
people die.
    I mean, if you look at the sheer--the military challenge presented 
by those who were engaging in the genocide, most of it was done with 
very elemental weapons. If there had been some sort of multinational 
response available, some sort of multinational force available, to go in 
pretty quickly, most of those lives probably could have been saved. And 
we're going to have to work this out through the U.N. and then figure 
our how to staff it and how to run and whether it should be permanent or 
something you can call up in a hurry, how such people would be trained, 
what should be done. But my own view is, if we think that that sort of 
thing is going to happen, it would be better if the U.N. has a means to 
deal with it in a hurry. And I would be prepared to support the 
development of such a mechanism.
    Q. That brings up the subject of the African Crisis Response Team, 
who is responsible, and I wondered how your discussions, both of you, 
went on that.
    President Mandela. We had a long program of very important matters 
to discuss, and unfortunately, we did not discuss that one. Our attitude 
toward this question is very clear; we support the initiative very 
fully. All that South Africa is saying is that a force which is intended 
to deal with problems in Africa must not be commanded by somebody 
outside this continent. I certainly would never put my troops under 
somebody who does not belong to Africa. That is the only reservation 
I've had. Otherwise, I fully accept the idea. It's a measure of the 
interest which the United States takes in the problems of Africa, and 
the only difference is this one about the command of that force.

Note: The President's 156th news conference began at 12:08 p.m. in the 
Garden of Tuynhuis. In his remarks, he referred to President Fidel 
Castro of Cuba; Hashemi Rafsanjani, former President of Iran; Col. 
Muammar Qadhafi of Libya; and Gen. Sani Abacha of Nigeria.