[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 33, Number 49 (Monday, December 8, 1997)]
[Pages 1932-1937]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]
<R04>
Letter to Congressional Leaders Reporting on Iraq
November 26, 1997
Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
Consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against
Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1) and as part of my effort to keep the
Congress fully informed, I am reporting on the status of efforts to
obtain Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the United
Nations Security Council (UNSC). This report covers the period from
September 23 to the present.
Since my last report, the Government of Iraq attempted to defy the
international community by unilaterally imposing unacceptable conditions
on the operations of the U.N. Special Commission (UNSCOM). On October
29, the Iraqi government announced its intention to expel all U.S.
personnel working in Iraq for UNSCOM. Iraq's aim appears to have been to
establish an environment under which it could restore its capacity to
develop weapons of mass destruction without restriction. For 3 weeks,
the Government of Iraq refused to allow American UNSCOM personnel to
enter the country or to participate in site inspections, expelled UNSCOM
personnel who are U.S. citizens, threatened the safety of the U.S. Air
Force U-2 aircraft that flies missions for UNSCOM, tampered with UNSCOM
monitoring equipment, removed UNSCOM cameras, moved and concealed
significant pieces of dual-use equipment, and imposed additional
unacceptable conditions on continued operations of UNSCOM. Two
confrontational actions were undertaken in an atmosphere of strident,
threatening Iraqi rhetoric, the dispersal of Iraqi armed forces as if in
preparation for a military conflict, and the placement of innocent
civilian ``human shields'' at military sites and at many of Saddam
Hussein's palaces in violation of international norms of conduct.
On November 20, having obtained no agreement from the U.N. or the
United States to alter UNSCOM or the sanctions regime--indeed, having
obtained none of its stated objectives--the Iraqi government announced
that it would allow UNSCOM inspectors who are U.S. citizens to return to
their duties. This encouraging development, however, will be ultimately
tested by Saddam Hussein's actions, not his words. It remains to be seen
whether the Government of Iraq will now live up to its obligations under
all applicable UNSC resolutions, including its commitment to allow
UNSCOM to perform its work unhindered.
As expressed unanimously by the five permanent members (P-5) of the
Security Council meeting in Geneva November 20, the will of the entire
international community is for the unconditional decision of Iraq to
allow the return of UNSCOM inspectors to Iraq in their previous
composition. I must note that the United States was not briefed on, did
not endorse, and is not bound by anything other than the terms of the P-
5 statement. Neither the United States nor the U.N. are bound by any
bilateral agreement between Russia and Iraq. We will carefully monitor
events and will continue to be prepared for any contingency. Iraq's
challenge was issued, in part, in response to U.N. Security Council
Resolution (UNSCR) 1134, of October 23, in which the Security Council
condemned Iraq's flagrant violations of relevant Security Council
resolutions and expressed its firm intention to impose travel
restrictions on the Iraqi leadership if the long-standing pattern of
obstruction and harassment of UNSCOM personnel continued. In the debate
of UNSCR 1134, not one nation on the Security Council questioned the
need to continue sanctions. The only serious debate was over when and
how to impose additional sanctions. UNSCR 1134 was based on the UNSCOM
and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) 6-month reports to the
UNSC that indicated that the Government of Iraq has not provided the
``substantial compliance'' called for in UNSCR 1115 of June 21, 1997--
especially
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regarding immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access to facilities
for inspection and to officials for interviews.
On November 12 the resolve of the international community was
further demonstrated when the Security Council voted unanimously to
adopt UNSCR 1137--the first new sanctions against Iraq since the Gulf
War--condemning Iraq's continued violations of its obligations and
imposing restrictions on the travel of all Iraqi officials and armed
forces members responsible for or participating in noncompliance. The
UNSC in a Presidential Statement condemned Iraq again upon the actual
expulsion of the American UNSCOM personnel. The UNSC's solidarity was
reflected as well in the UNSCOM Executive Chairman's and IAEA Director's
decisions that all UNSCOM and IAEA personnel should depart Iraq rather
than accede to the Iraqi demand that no American participate in
inspection activities.
As a demonstration of our firm resolve to support the U.N., I
directed the deployment of the USS GEORGE WASHINGTON, escort ships, and
additional combat aircraft to the region. In this regard we take note of
and welcome House Resolution 322 expressing the sense of the House that
the United States should act to resolve the crisis in a manner that
assures full Iraqi compliance with UNSC resolutions regarding the
destruction of Iraq's capability to produce and deliver weapons of mass
destruction. While the addition of these forces gives us a wide range of
military options, should they be necessary, we remain firmly committed
to finding a diplomatic solution.
The ongoing crisis is only one chapter in the long history of
efforts by the Iraqi regime to flout its obligations under UNSC
resolutions. Iraq has persistently failed to disclose fully its programs
for weapons of mass destruction. It admits to moving significant pieces
of dual-use equipment subject to monitoring. Without full disclosure,
UNSCOM and the IAEA cannot effectively conduct the ongoing monitoring
and verification mandated by UNSCR's 687, 707, 715, and other relevant
resolutions.
Iraqi biological and chemical weapons are currently the most
troubling issues for UNSCOM. This is due to the innate dual-use nature
of the technology--how easily it can be hidden within civilian
industries such as, for biological agents--the pharmaceutical industry,
and for chemical agents--the pesticide industry. In both cases, Iraq
continues to prevent full and immediate access to sites suspected of
chemical or biological warfare activities. Until 2 months ago, for
example, major aspects of Iraq's pernicious ``VX'' program (a powerful
nerve agent) were unknown to UNSCOM due to Iraqi concealment. UNSCOM is
still unable to verify that all of Iraq's SCUD missile warheads filled
with biological agents--anthrax and botulinum toxin--have been
destroyed. When UNSCOM says it is making ``significant progress'' in
these areas, it is referring to UNSCOM's progress in ferreting out Iraqi
deception, not Iraqi progress in cooperating with UNSCOM.
The Iraqi regime contends that UNSCOM and the IAEA should ``close
the books'' on nuclear and missile inspections. But there are still many
uncertainties and questions that need to be resolved. Among the many
problems, Iraq has:
<bullet> failed to answer critical questions on nuclear weapons
design and fabrication, procurement, and centrifuge
enrichment;
<bullet> failed to detail how far the theoretical and practical
aspects of its clandestine nuclear efforts progressed;
<bullet> failed to explain in full the interaction between its
nuclear warhead and missile design programs;
<bullet> failed to provide a written description of its post-war
nuclear weapons procurement program;
<bullet> failed to account for major engine components, special
warheads, missing propellants, and guidance instruments that
could be used to assemble fully operational missiles; and
<bullet> failed to discuss--on the direct orders of Tariq Aziz--its
actions to retain missile launchers.
In accordance with relevant UNSCR's, UNSCOM must continue to
investigate the Iraqi nuclear and missile programs until it can verify
with absolute certainty that all the equipment has been destroyed and
that all
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the capabilities have been eliminated. Otherwise, Iraq will be able to
strike at any city in the Middle East, delivering devastating
biological, chemical, and even nuclear weapons.
UNSCOM's work must include vigorous efforts to unveil Iraq's
``Concealment Mechanism.'' Led by elements of its special security
services, Iraq has for over 6-years engaged in a massive and elaborate
campaign to keep UNSCOM inspectors from finding proscribed equipment,
documents, and possibly weapons themselves. Over the years, inspection
teams have been prevented from doing their jobs and held--often at
gunpoint--outside suspect facilities, providing enough time for evidence
to be hidden or destroyed. To rout out Iraq's remaining weapons of mass
destruction, UNSCOM must be granted full access to all sites, without
exception.
The Iraqi regime contends that it has been forced to defy the
international community in this manner out of concern for the well-being
of the Iraqi people, claiming that malnutrition and inadequate medical
care are the direct result of internationally imposed sanctions. To the
contrary, the deep concern of the United States and the international
community about the condition of the Iraqi people is evident in the fact
that the international sanctions against Iraq have been carefully
structured to help ensure that ordinary Iraqis need not suffer. Since
their inception, the sanctions against Iraq have had exceptions for the
importation into Iraq of foods and medicines. In August 1991, when Iraq
claimed that it was unable to pay for its food needs, the Security
Council adopted UNSCR 706 (and later 712), authorizing Iraq to sell
limited amounts of petroleum on the international market, with the
proceeds to be used to purchase humanitarian supplies, and to fund vital
U.N. activities regarding Iraq. The Government of Iraq, however ignored
the needs of its own people, by refusing to accept UNSCR's 706 and 712.
In April 1995 the Security Council proposed a new oil-for-food offer
to Iraq in UNSCR 986, sponsored by the United States and others. UNSCR
986 authorized the sale of up to $1 billion of oil every 90 days for
Iraq to purchase food, medicines, and other ``humanitarian items'' for
its people. The Government of Iraq delayed implementation of UNSCR 986
for a year and a half, until December 1996.
Since December 1996, the Iraqi regime has continued to obstruct the
relief plan. It has reduced the food ration for each person, even as
more food was flowing into the country. In fact, there are credible
reports that as food imports under UNSCR 986 increased, the regime
reduced its regular food purchases, potentially freeing up money for
other purposes. There are also reports that Iraq may have stockpiled
food in warehouses for use by the military and regime supporters--even
though the Iraqi people need the food now. Under UNSCR 1111--the 6-month
renewal of UNSCR 986 passed in June 1997--the regime delayed oil sales
for 2 months, even while it claimed its people were starving. In
Baghdad, the regime staged threatening demonstrations against U.N.
relief offices. Under both UNSCR's 986 and 1111, the U.N. Sanctions
Committee has had to carefully consider each and every import contract
because of the possibility that Iraq may slip orders for dual-use items
that can be employed to make weapons into long lists of humanitarian
goods.
Since 1990--even at the height of the Gulf War--the consistent
position of the United States has been that this dispute is with Iraq's
regime, not with its people. We have always been open to suggestions on
how UNSCR's 986 and 1111 can be improved or expanded to better serve the
needs of the people. The confrontational tactics of the Iraqi government
have not altered this position.
Sanctions against Iraq were imposed as the result of Iraq's invasion
of Kuwait. It has been necessary to sustain them because of Iraq's
failure to comply with relevant UNSC resolutions, including those to
ensure that Saddam Hussein is not allowed to resume the unrestricted
development and production of weapons of mass destruction. Prior to the
Gulf War, Saddam had already used chemical weapons on the Iraqi people
and on Iranian troops, and he threatened to use them on coalition forces
and innocent civilians in Saudi Arabia and Israel during the Gulf War.
By restricting the amount of oil he can sell to a level that provides
for the needs of the Iraqi people but does not allow
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him to pursue other, nonhumanitarian objectives, international sanctions
make it virtually impossible for Saddam to gear up his weapons programs
to full strength.
Saddam could end the suffering of his people tomorrow if he would
cease his obstruction of the oil-for-food program and allow it to be
implemented properly. He could end sanctions entirely if he would
demonstrate peaceful intentions by complying fully with relevant UNSC
resolutions. The United States has supported and will continue to
support the sanctions against the Iraqi regime until such time as
compliance is achieved.
Saddam Hussein remains a threat to his people, to the region, and to
the world, and the United States remains determined to contain the
threat posed by his regime. The United States looks forward to the day
when Iraq rejoins the family of nations as a responsible and law-abiding
member but until then, containment must continue.
Regarding military operations, the United States and its coalition
partners continue to enforce the no-fly zones over Iraq under Operation
Northern Watch and Operation Southern Watch. We have detected myriad
intentional Iraqi violations of both no-fly zones. While these incidents
(Iraqi violations of the no-fly zones) started several hours after an
Iranian air raid on terrorist bases inside Iraq, it was clear that
Iraq's purpose was to try and test the coalition to see how far it could
go in violating the ban on flights in these regions. A maximum effort by
Operation Southern Watch forces complemented by early arrival in theater
of the USS NIMITZ battle group, dramatically reduced violations in the
southern no-fly zone. An increase in the number of support aircraft
participating in Northern Watch allowed increased operating capacity
that in turn significantly reduced the number of violations in the
north. We have repeatedly made clear to the Government of Iraq and to
all other relevant parties that the United States and its partners will
continue to enforce both no-fly zones, and that we reserve the right to
respond appropriately and decisively to any Iraqi provocations.
United States force levels include land- and carrier-based aircraft,
surface warships, a Marine amphibious task force, a Patriot missile
battalion, a mechanized battalion task force, and a mix of special
operations forces deployed in support of USCINCCENT operations. To
enhance force protection throughout the region, additional military
security personnel have been deployed for continuous rotation.
USCINCCENT continues to monitor closely the security situation in the
region to ensure adequate force protection is provided for all deployed
forces.
United Nations Security Council Resolution 9491 adopted in October
1994, demands that Iraq not use its military or any other forces to
threaten its neighbors or U.N. operations in Iraq and that it not
redeploy troops or enhance its military capacity in southern Iraq. In
view of Saddam's accumulating record of unreliability, it is prudent to
retain a significant U.S. force presence in the region in order to deter
Iraq and maintain the capability to respond rapidly to possible Iraqi
aggression or threats against its neighbors.
Implementation of UNSCR 1051 continues. It provides for a mechanism
to monitor Iraq's efforts to reacquire proscribed weapons capabilities
by requiring Iraq to notify a joint unit of UNSCOM and the IAEA in
advance of any imports of dual-use items. Similarly, U.N. members must
provide timely notification of exports to Iraq of dual-use items.
The human rights situation throughout Iraq remains unchanged. Iraq's
repression of its Shi'a population continues, with policies that are
destroying the Marsh Arabs' way of life in southern Iraq and the ecology
of the southern marshes. The United Nations, in its most recent reports
in implementation of Resolution 986, recognized that the Government of
Iraq continues forcibly to deport Iraqi citizens from Kirkuk and other
areas of northern Iraq still under the Iraqi government's control. Iraq
continues to stall and obfuscate rather than work in good faith toward
accounting for the hundreds of Kuwaitis and third-country nationals who
disappeared at the hands of Iraqi authorities during the occupation of
Kuwait. The Government of Iraq shows no signs of complying with UNSC
Resolution 688, which demands that Iraq cease the repression of its own
people. The U.N. Human Rights Commission's special
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rapporteur on Iraq reported to the General Assembly of his particular
concern that extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions and the
practice of torture continue to occur in Iraq.
The INDICT campaign continues to gain momentum. Led by various
independent Iraqi opposition groups and nongovernmental organizations,
this effort seeks to document crimes against humanity and other
violations of international humanitarian law committed by the Iraqi
regime. We applaud the tenacity of the Iraqi opposition in the face of
one of the most repressive regimes in history. We also take note of and
welcome H.Con.Res. 137 of November 12, expressing the sense of the House
of Representatives concerning the need for an international criminal
tribunal to try members of the Iraqi regime for war crimes and crimes
against humanity.
Regarding northern Iraq, our efforts to help resolve the differences
between Massoud Barzani, leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP)
and Jalal Talabani, leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)
have not yet yielded the type of permanent, stable settlement that the
people of northern Iraq deserve. The Peace Monitoring Force--sponsored
by the United States, Great Britain, and Turkey under the Ankara Process
and comprising Iraqi Turkomans and Assyrians--was forced to withdraw
from the agreed cease-fire line between the two groups, when PUK forces,
joined by the terrorist Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) launched a wide-
scale attack on the KDP on October 13. The KDP, supported by airstrikes
and ground elements of the Turkish army, launched a counterattack on
November 8. We have helped to arrange a number of temporary cease-fires
and to restore humanitarian services in the course of this fighting, but
the underlying causes for conflict remain. We will continue our efforts
to reach a permanent settlement through mediation in order to minimize
opportunities for Baghdad and/or Tehran to insert themselves into the
conflict and threaten Iraqi citizens in this region.
The Multinational Interception Force (MIF) continues its important
mission in the Arabian Gulf. The U.S. Navy provides the bulk of the
forces involved in the maritime sanctions enforcement authorized under
Resolution 665, although we receive much-needed help from a number of
close allies, including during the past year: Belgium, Canada, The
Netherlands, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom.
Illegal smuggling of Iraqi gasoil from the Shatt Al Arab waterway in
violation of Resolution 661 has doubled since May of this year--reaching
an estimated 180,000 metric tons per month--and continues to increase.
The smugglers use the territorial waters of Iran with the complicity of
the Iranian government that profits from charging protection fees for
these vessels to avoid interception by the MIF in international waters.
Cash raised from these illegal operations is used to purchase contraband
goods that are then smuggled back into Iraq by the same route. We
continue to brief the U.N. Sanctions Committee regarding these
operations and have pressed the Committee to compel Iran to give a full
accounting of its involvement. We have also worked closely with our MIF
partners and Gulf Cooperation Council states to take measures to curb
sanctions-breaking operations.
The United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC), established
pursuant to UNSCR 687 and 692, continues to resolve claims against Iraq
arising from Iraq's unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The UNCC
has issued almost 1.3 million awards worth approximately $6 billion.
Thirty percent of the proceeds from the oil sales permitted by UNSCR's
986 and 1111 have been allocated to the Compensation Fund to pay awards
and to finance operations of the UNCC, and these proceeds will continue
to be allocated to the Fund under UNSCR 1111. To the extent that money
is available in the Compensation Fund, initial payments to each claimant
are authorized for awards in the order in which the UNCC has approved
them, in installments of $2,500. To date, 455 U.S. claimants have
received an initial installment payment, and payment is in process for
an additional 487 U.S. claimants.
Iraq remains a serious threat to international peace and security. I
remain determined to see Iraq comply fully with all of its obligations
under U.N. Security Council
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resolutions. My Administration will continue to sustain and strengthen
sanctions until Iraq demonstrates its peaceful intentions through such
compliance.
I appreciate the support of the Congress for our efforts and shall
continue to keep the Congress informed about this important issue.
Sincerely,
William J. Clinton
Note: Identical letters were sent to Newt Gingrich, Speaker of the House
of Representatives, and Strom Thurmond, President pro tempore of the
Senate. This letter was released by the Office of the Press Secretary on
December 1.