[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 33, Number 37 (Monday, September 15, 1997)]
[Pages 1296-1304]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at American University

September 9, 1997

    Thank you very much. First, thank all of you for that wonderful 
welcome. I told President Ladner that after you gave me such a buoyant 
welcome, I really didn't want to speak. I thought I should quit while I 
was ahead. [Laughter]
    I appreciate the president's welcome and his profound words. I thank 
Neal Sharma for his introduction and for his leadership here among the 
students. To Chairman Jacobs and Professor Mintz, Secretary and Mrs. 
Dalton, City Councilman Thomas; to all the trustees and alumni and 
faculty and staff and students who are here, and the friends of American 
University who are here.

[[Page 1297]]

    There are many people in our administration who graduated from AU or 
who otherwise have affiliation with it, including your former president, 
Joe Duffey. And one of the most important is here with me today, former 
professor Judy Winston, who is the Executive Director of my race 
initiative, about which I want to talk a little. But I'd like for Judy 
to stand, wherever she is. She's here somewhere. Thank you, Judy. There 
she is.
    At the start of a new school year, this is a time when students are 
going back to work, and when those of us here in Washington are going 
back to work after the August recess of Congress. It is a time of 
genuine hope and earned optimism for America, and I can hear it in your 
spirited voices here today. I think it's a good time for me to talk to 
you and to our country about what we have to do in the remaining months 
of this year to make the most of this moment in preparing our country 
for the 21st century.
    It is now, hard for me to believe, almost 6 years since I first 
announced my candidacy for President. Then, in late 1991, America seemed 
to be moving toward the new century with uncertain steps. Dramatic 
changes in the way we live and work and relate to each other and the 
rest of the world threatened the values by which we live our lives. We 
were in danger of becoming a more divided nation at the very moment when 
we needed to be moving forward resolutely together.
    On the day I declared my candidacy, I said that our mission as a 
people must be to keep the American dream alive for all who would work 
for it; to keep America the world's strongest force for peace and 
freedom and prosperity; and to bring our own people together across all 
the lines that divide us into one America. America's oldest and most 
enduring values--opportunity for all, responsibility from all, a 
community of all--these things had to remain strong and vibrant in a new 
and different time, which required a new course of action.
    Our Nation has remained young and strong now for over 220 years by 
always meeting new challenges in ways that renew our oldest values. That 
is the wellspring of our greatness. Our Nation was not founded on 
religion or race or geography but on a set of incandescent ideals, which 
have been reiterated and reaffirmed and reembraced at every critical 
moment in our history: Lincoln at Gettysburg; the Progressives forging a 
new freedom for an industrial age; Franklin Roosevelt rescuing America 
from the abyss in the name of our oldest ideals; Dr. King challenging 
America to live out the true meaning of our creed. At every single 
moment of challenge and change, we Americans have found a way to keep 
these old ideals, not musty words scratched on parchment but instead 
living guideposts for a new era.
    For 4\1/2\ years now, Americans have worked to make this a time of 
change for our generation. We set a bold new economic course, reducing 
the deficit by over 80 percent even before the recent balanced budget 
agreement, expanding exports through over 200 trade agreements, and 
investing in our people and their future. We set about establishing 
America's credibility in the post-cold-war world, forging new alliances 
and standing up for our values from Bosnia to Haiti. And we addressed a 
generation's accumulation of profound social problems, bringing work and 
responsibility and community action to bear on the challenges of crime 
and welfare and poverty. And we began to build a new Government, not 
intent on doing everything but not content to do nothing; instead, a 
progressive Government committed to giving people the tools they need to 
make the most of their own lives.
    Today we see the results: Unemployment remains below 5 percent; 
nearly 13 million new jobs since 1993; inflation remaining low and 
stable; investment growth and consumer confidence at their highest 
levels in a generation; after decades when they remained flat, finally, 
family incomes beginning to rise again; violent crime has dropped 
dramatically for years now; we have seen the largest drop in welfare 
rolls in history; and many of our poorest urban and rural communities 
are in a springtime of renewal.
    In late July, America reached a new milestone when I signed into law 
the first balanced budget in a generation. This was about more than 
numbers on a ledger. It embodies the single largest increase in aid to 
education since 1965. It includes the biggest increase in aid to help 
people go on to college and to community colleges and to graduate

[[Page 1298]]

schools. The biggest increase since the GI bill was passed 50 years ago, 
and it will literally open the doors to college education to every 
person who is willing to work for it. It includes the largest single 
investment in health care since the passage of Medicaid in 1965, largely 
designed to insure up to 5 million children who don't have health 
insurance today. It restores just benefits for legal immigrants, and 
billions of dollars are provided to help move people even more from 
welfare to work.
    Now, after years in which the deficit dominated our politics and 
dampened our economy, America finally has lifted that burden from the 
next generation. After years in which the two parties seemed often as 
tired and trapped as punchdrunk fighters in a ring getting smaller and 
smaller, finally we found a way for Democrats and Republicans to work 
together for the national interest. And in so doing, we've proved to 
ourselves that America can still work.
    We are steering the vast changes underway today in technology, 
trade, and our social makeup--the very changes that once produced so 
much doubt and unease--in ways that will ensure that they will become 
powerful forces for good. In all this I want to emphasize that we are 
not merely riding the crest of the latest rise in the economic cycle. 
Our economic plan with the balanced budget at its center is the platform 
on which we are building America's future. Americans of this generation 
are forging and leading an entirely new economy. A larger proportion of 
Americans work in a computer industry today than worked in the auto 
industry at the height of the 1950's. And in the cutting edge industries 
of the future--computers, biotech, aerospace--America leads the world. 
But America also leads the world again, for the first time since the 
1970's, in automobile production and sales.
    In this new economy there still will be ups and downs. There will be 
recessions and crises. They'll demand action. But the economy has 
fundamentally changed. Once, the wealth of people came mainly from the 
gold in the ground or the abundance of our farmland or the power of our 
factories. Now, you know as well as anyone it will come from the skills 
of our people and the power of our imagination.
    The news is good today. And in the face of good news, the easiest 
thing to do is to rest, to take a vacation, to believe our work is done, 
and to be satisfied that our challenges are met. But complacency is not 
an option and vacations have to remain short in a time still full of 
challenge and change. There is, in fact, a lot more to do to renew our 
values, to strengthen our Nation, to deal with problems still 
unresolved, if we are really going to give you the 21st century you 
deserve. Now we have to take the steps that are clearly before us. And 
the time to start is now, this fall, with a series of concrete actions 
we can take to cap a year of real progress for America.
    First and foremost, we must press on to make opportunity available 
for all of our people. Equal opportunity is our central value, but the 
very meaning of that has fundamentally changed. For example, in the 19th 
century, opportunity meant access to a land grant. In the 21st century, 
it will mean access to a Pell grant, to a community college, to a trade 
school, to a university. And more education is important. We have made 
enormous progress. As I said, this budget contains the biggest increase 
in funds to help give people access to higher education in 50 years, not 
only the largest Pell grant in our history but in the last two budgets, 
300,000 more work-study positions, new opportunities for savings in 
IRA's for college education, and tax credits which will literally make 
it possible for everybody in the country who doesn't have any access to 
college to get 2 years of college, and will help people to pay for 4 
years and for graduate school. Nothing like this has ever been done 
before, and it will revolutionize opportunity when it comes to getting a 
college education.
    But I want to explain something that's very important about why 
we're focusing on the next 3 months. The balanced budget agreement 
contains a 5-year plan for balancing the budget and contains the tax 
cuts. It has a spending plan in it. But the spending plan still has to 
be implemented every single year. And that is what Congress will do in 
the next 3 months in passing appropriations. So they have to authorize 
the money for the Pell

[[Page 1299]]

grants. They must authorize the money for the work-study slots. They 
must authorize a doubling of funds for computers in every classroom so 
that we can meet our goal of hooking every classroom and library up to 
the Internet by the year 2000. It must authorize the America Reads 
initiative, which will help us to mobilize some of those community 
service folks you were talking about, work-study students all across the 
country, thousands of AmeriCorps students going into our schools, 
working with teachers and parents to make sure every single third grader 
in this country can read independently. We have to do that.
    We also must get through the appropriations process with our 
commitment to national education standards intact. We know, for example, 
that America has the finest system of higher education in the world, and 
people come from all over the world to be a part of it. And I'm very 
proud of that. We also know, however, that we do not do as well as we 
should in our K through 12 education for all of our children. Of course, 
it's harder in America than a lot of other places; we have more 
diversity. We have more racial diversity; we have more linguistic 
diversity; we have more cultural diversity; we have more income 
diversity than we would like. The other diversity is all to the good, I 
think.
    But we are making progress. For the first time this year on the 
international math and science scores, our Nation ranked well above the 
national average in math and science scores--well above the world 
average in math and science scores--for fourth graders. But we still 
ranked below the world average in scores for eighth graders, as our 
children meet adolescence and all the difficulties that many of them 
face come to bear. We have to do better.
    We are the only major nation in the world that does not have high, 
clear, uniform academic standards of excellence in basic courses in 
public education. We don't have them. It is a legacy of our State 
constitutional responsibility for education, K through 12, and local 
control of the schools. But uniform standards--mathematics are the same 
in Maine and Montana, and children have to learn to read whether they 
live in Washington or the southern tip of Florida.
    We are now on the brink of being able to have a nonpartisan board 
set up by Congress for this purpose, to approve the development of 
examinations of fourth graders in reading and eighth graders in math. 
There are some who don't think we should do it. They say it's a Federal 
power grab. It isn't. The tests are voluntary. No State, no school 
district has to participate. The Government is not developing the tests. 
We're simply paying for it.
    But I hope that all of you who got here to this university will look 
at all--there are 52.2 million children enrolled in kindergarten through 
12th grade in America now, the biggest number of children ever, from the 
most diverse backgrounds ever. We are robbing them of the future you are 
here to claim if we let them get out of school without the basic skills 
they need to succeed in the university. And I hope you will support our 
efforts at national standards.
    Now, your student body president made a wry remark about Social 
Security--[laughter]--and I know a lot of you don't think it's going to 
be there, but it is. It is going to be there. Clearly, one of our most 
serious responsibilities is to make sure that Social Security and 
Medicare are there for the next generation of Americans. It is wrong to 
let people pay into the fund for a benefit they will never receive. That 
is wrong.
    We will begin in the next 3 months to build on this budget agreement 
in dealing with Medicare. This budget agreement extends the life of the 
Medicare Trust Fund by a decade. In fact, the structural changes that we 
have built in may even save enough money to carry it far beyond that. 
But we will also appoint, the leaders of Congress and I, members of a 
bipartisan commission to study Medicare and make recommendations for how 
it can be preserved for the next generation of Americans well into the 
21st century.
    We have shown that we can put our fiscal house in order while 
improving services for our elderly. Now we have to secure the future of 
this program. And then, we'll be beyond that to deal with Social 
Security as well. We can do this. If we can balance the budget, we can 
plainly do this. These are problems that revolve around demographic 
changes in our society, and we owe it to you not to have

[[Page 1300]]

to face this burden. I am confident that we will fulfill our 
responsibilities.
    The next thing we have to do is to continue our efforts to expand 
trade to the rest of the world. The United States is now the world's 
number one exporter again. But we must continue to do this. We must 
continue to do it not only because it is right for us, because it is 
right for the world. Let me just give you a couple of interesting 
statistics. We have less than 5 percent of the world's people in this 
country; we have about 20 percent of the world's wealth. We cannot 
maintain our wealth unless we sell what we have to the other 95 percent 
of the people in the rest of the world.
    Second, the growing economies of the emerging countries, principally 
in Asia and Latin America but also increasingly in Africa, are going to 
grow much more rapidly in the next 10 years than the advanced economies 
of America, Canada, and Europe. If we participate in that growth, we can 
move huge numbers of countries now classified as poor nations into the 
ranks of middle-income nations, where millions of children will have a 
more decent, more humane, more supportable future, where democracy will 
thrive, where we will have good partners not only in economic 
relationships but also in solving the other problems of the world when 
you have to take responsibility for them.
    The United States has a clear, clear obligation to continue to 
expand the frontiers of trade. And tomorrow in the East Room at the 
White House, I will launch a campaign to persuade the Congress to renew 
the traditional authority Presidents have had for over 20 years now to 
break down foreign barriers to America's goods and services. This is 
very important to you and your future.
    We do not need to be afraid to trade with the rest of the world. We 
are the most productive economy in the world. There will always be 
changes in this economy. There will always be new jobs being created and 
some going away. But on balance, we have benefited for 60 years by 
leading the way to integrate the world's economies. And that will 
promote peace. It will promote freedom. It will promote stability. It 
will raise the level of living standards in other parts of the world 
even as it maintains America as the world's most prosperous nation. And 
I hope you will support that as well.
    As we expand opportunity, we must also continue to demand 
responsibility from our citizens. Among other things, we have a common 
responsibility to do all we can to strengthen our families for the 21st 
century. This new economy puts extraordinary pressures on parents, 
demanding more time away from their children, imposing new demands for 
affordable child care, bombarding children themselves with commercial 
images that make it harder than ever for them to be raised according to 
our most basic values.
    We are working to pass a juvenile justice bill to help keep our 
children out of gangs, off of drugs, and away from guns. We will host 
the first ever White House Conference on Child Care, to explore ways all 
sections of society, including our Government, can better address 
perhaps the greatest problem facing working parents today. And we must 
make this historic opportunity real in our efforts to protect our 
children from the dangers of tobacco by passing sweeping legislation 
that focuses first and foremost on reducing smoking among young people. 
More people die from that than any other problem in our society today.
    Next, we must meet a very large environmental challenge in the next 
3 months. We will work toward a worldwide climate change treaty this 
December in Kyoto that protects the environment even as it promotes 
global growth by committing the nations that sign on to it to specific, 
clear guidelines in the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions into the 
atmosphere. We know--[applause]--you can clap for that--that's all 
right.
    Now, there are students here from all over the world, students from 
all over the country. Many of you have witnessed--and your families have 
witnessed--in your own homes, significant changes in climatic patterns 
in the last decade, and more extreme climatic developments. It is 
becoming a part of the common parlance of America, all over the country, 
to talk about the 500-year flood we had along the Mississippi River. One 
Member of Congress, who happened to be a member of the other party, said 
to me the other day--he said, ``Mr. President, we've had three 100-year 
floods in the last 5 years in my home

[[Page 1301]]

State.'' He said, ``Does that mean I get to wait 500 years before we 
have another bad flood?''
    Many of you who are studying this issue know that a panel of over 
2,500 scientists has concluded that the climate of the Earth is 
significantly warming in ways that will have not entirely predictable 
but almost certainly destructive consequences unless we do something 
about it.
    This is something that will affect people of all incomes, of all 
backgrounds, from all parts of our country, and indeed, the whole world. 
We need the young people of America, particularly the university 
students who are in a position to study this issue, to make this a 
gripping national issue. And we also need people who have the confidence 
in our ability to break new technological and scientific barriers to 
stand up and say, ``You cannot make me believe that we can't reduce 
greenhouse gas emissions substantially and still grow the American 
economy.'' We could reduce them 20 percent tomorrow with technology that 
is already available at no cost if we just change the way we do things.
    Now, this will be a very controversial debate. And there will be 
people who say, ``President Clinton has spent 5 years killing himself to 
revitalize the American economy, and now he's going to take it down 
overnight by committing to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in America.'' 
That is not true. But if you let the sea level rise and we flood the 
southern coast of Florida and we flood the southern coast of Louisiana 
and we otherwise disrupt what life in the United States is like over the 
next 50 years, then your children will pay the price for our neglect. We 
can grow this economy and do right by the environment. I think you 
believe that, and I need you to help me convince the American people 
that it can be done.
    Finally, let me say we have a responsibility to improve the way our 
political system works. The amount of money raised by both parties is 
more than doubling now every 4 years. The primary driving thing is the 
cost of access to you, the voters. That is what is driving this, the 
cost of access through television time, through radio time, through 
mail, through printed materials. One of the things we have to do is to 
guarantee free or reduced air time for candidates for offices so that 
they won't need so much more money. And we are seeking that now.
    But there is also a very important piece of legislation sponsored by 
Republican Senator John McCain and Democratic Senator Russ Feingold 
which will come to the floor of the Senate later this month. Every year 
I have been President I have supported a good campaign finance reform 
bill. And every year I have seen the bills blocked by a filibuster in 
the United States Senate--every single year. Now, the people who don't 
want it this year say they're going to do it all over again. They may do 
it, but if they do it this year, we intend to see that it happens in the 
full glare of public light. I ask for your support for campaign finance 
reform this year.
    The third thing we have to do is to do a lot of work in the next 3 
months to advance our interests and our leadership around the world. We 
live in a world very different from the cold-war world, and we still 
have to do a lot to shape it. We have an opportunity to lock in the 
gains of democracy and stability and free markets and lay the 
foundations for the century in which you will live most of your lives.
    So far this year, we have ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention, 
so our soldiers and citizens will be safer from the threat of poison 
gas. We have worked hard to build an undivided, democratic, and peaceful 
Europe for the first time in history, inviting Poland, Hungary, and the 
Czech Republic to join NATO. I look forward to working with the Senate 
to ratify this historic step next year, and I'm pleased today that a 
group of America's leading citizens endorsed it. We're forging new 
partnerships with Russia, with Ukraine, with Europe's other new 
democracies, working with all of our friends in Europe to give the 
people of Bosnia a chance to share in Europe's democratic future.
    First, we stopped the war and turned killing fields into playing 
fields again and bomb shelters into schools. Now we have to redouble our 
efforts to build a lasting peace. In the months to come, we will 
continue to pursue peace in the Middle East, in Northern Ireland, 
continue to fight rogue states and terrorists, continue to make sure our 
military

[[Page 1302]]

and diplomacy are the strongest in the world. But above all, in the 
remaining months of this year, we are going to reach out to our 
hemisphere and to Asia.
    Over the last decade in the Americas, coups, conflicts, and command 
economies have given way to democracies and free markets. Next month I'm 
going to Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina to work to expand trade, to 
fight drugs, to protect the environment, and to strengthen our 
partnerships. The Americas can become a stronghold for our own peace and 
security.
    By the way, 70 percent of our increased trade in the last year has 
come from the Americas, from our own neighbors in our hemisphere, and we 
should stick with them.
    Because I want this effort to be truly bipartisan, I reached my hand 
across the aisle to choose an Ambassador to one of our most important 
allies and neighbors, Mexico, when I asked the Republican Governor of 
Massachusetts, Bill Weld, if he would serve. I believe, still, that he 
is the best person to be Ambassador to Mexico. And I believe--and I 
would believe this if there were a President of another party with a 
nominee with whom I did not agree--I believe when a President nominates 
someone for a job, that person is entitled to a hearing before the 
Foreign Relations Committee, and I think he ought to get it.
    This fall, the President of China will come to Washington. China is 
home to a quarter of the world's people. In less than two decades, its 
economy may be the largest on Earth. America has a profound interest in 
seeing that China is stable, open, at peace with its neighbors. We want 
it to embrace political pluralism and the international rules of 
civilized conduct. We want a China that works with us to build a secure 
and prosperous future. China will choose its own destiny, but if we 
engage China instead of isolating ourselves from her, we can help to 
influence the path it takes.
    President Jiang's visit is an important opportunity, not so much for 
grand statements and dramatic gestures as for constructive work on 
common challenges like the one we face on the Korean Peninsula, or 
protecting the environment, or stopping the spread of nuclear weapons, 
and for expanding the frontiers of free trade between us. It's also a 
chance for us to address, candidly and face to face, our differences on 
issues like human rights and religious freedom.
    Sitting down together across the table is far more likely to produce 
progress than pointing fingers across the Pacific. So when President 
Jiang comes here, I hope the American people will welcome him and will 
say, ``Yes, we have things that we disagree with you about, but you 
represent a quarter of the world's people, a large measure of the 
world's future, and your people and our people will be better off if we 
find a way to forge that future together.''
    Finally, in the next 3 months, we will be working for new ways to 
preserve perhaps the most fragile value of all, the bonds of community 
that bind us together as Americans. In this century, we have absorbed 
wave after wave of immigrants, drawn here by our abundance and our 
ideals. This century has seen unparalleled racial progress as African-
Americans and other minorities join the American mainstream. Still, the 
very forces of progress that are propelling us forward could also pull 
us apart, threatening to isolate us, each with our own Web page but 
linked by few human bonds of community.
    The age-old dilemma of racial inequality, racial prejudice, or just 
plain old fear and mistrust of people who are different from us is 
compounded by the new task of absorbing new immigrant groups into what 
is already the world's most diverse democracy. Within a decade, our 
largest State, California, will have no majority race. Within just a few 
decades, this entire country will have no majority race. We can study 
the demographic patterns and know what America will look like in the 
21st century, but we have to look inside to imagine what America will be 
like in the 21st century. That answer is up to all of us.
    I have asked the Nation to join me in a great national conversation 
about race, an effort to redress imbalance, to root out hatred and 
prejudice, to deal with real underlying problems that may have nothing 
to do with race but that manifest themselves in racial inequality and 
tensions, and above all, to bring Americans of different backgrounds 
together to face one another honestly across the lines that divide us.

[[Page 1303]]

    Your president noted that you have people from 140 different racial 
and ethnic groups here on this university campus. Good for you. You can 
be America's laboratory. You figure it out and let us know.
    This diversity of ours is a godsend. It is a huge gift in a global 
economy and a global society. If we can find a way not only to respect 
our differences but to actually celebrate them and still say what binds 
us together is even more important, we will have solved the conundrum 
that is paralyzing Bosnia, that is still leading to people blowing 
themselves up to kill innocent children in the Middle East, that has my 
people in Ireland still arguing over what happened 600 years ago, that 
has led to vicious tribal warfare in Africa, leaving hundreds of 
thousands of people hatcheted to death. And yet, look around this room.
    This is a question of imagination, of vision, of heart. And it is 
also very important to be hard-headed about it. Until everybody has 
economic opportunity that is real and educational opportunity that is 
real and streets that are safe, there will be racial disparities in 
America which will manifest themselves in things that look like racial 
discrimination whether they are or not. We have to deal with the 
underlying real causes here as well.
    But don't kid yourself--fear of people who are different is an 
underlying real cause. How did people get to be Serbs or Croats or 
Muslims in Bosnia? How did they belong to the Orthodox Church, the 
Catholic Church, or the Muslim faith in Bosnia? It's an accident of 
history, of geopolitics going back hundreds and hundreds of years. The 
people are biologically indistinguishable. But they were more than happy 
to abandon decades of peace and begin within weeks to murder each other 
with abandon and shoot each other's children not very long ago.
    There is something in us all that in our most defensive periods 
makes us want to find somebody else we can look down on--I mean, no 
matter how bad it is for me, at least I'm not her or him. Isn't there? 
And every one of us at some point in our life has been guilty of that in 
some way or another.
    You come here in this magnificent university environment. You cheer 
with your great enthusiasm and hope for the future. You look at each 
other and you're different, and you like it. That's the way we've got to 
make daily life in America. People have to get up in the morning and 
feel good about this country with all of its diversity, because we have 
to know what's good about the differences between us and celebrate them, 
and we must know, too, what it is that binds us together. What are the 
requirements of membership in the American community? What do you have 
to believe in and be willing to live by and be willing to stand up for 
in order to be an American? That is what we are going to do. We have to 
visualize our future as a truly multiracial, multiethnic, multireligious 
democracy that still runs in a straight line from here all the way back 
to George Washington. I'm convinced we can do it, but I'm convinced that 
all of you have to lead the way.
    Now, let me say that a lot of this work has to be done with 
Congress. And I'm very pleased by the relationship that we had working 
on the balanced budget. I'll work with them to do everything we can to 
implement the budget, to confirm the judges and the others who await 
action. We are in unchartered territory, to some extent, but we know the 
times demand action of us, and I am sure the American people, without 
regard to their party, want us to work together in the public interest.
    For all of you who are students here, consider this: It is now 844 
days to the year 2000, to a new century and a new millennium and a new 
era of human endeavor. Will it bring new progress, new prosperity, and 
new greatness for America? It is basically up to us.
    Thirty-four years ago, here at American University, President 
Kennedy delivered what many people believe was his greatest speech. It 
was an era bristling with superpower tension, but President Kennedy 
looked forward and saw a day when the cold war was a thing of the past. 
Because of decades of work to uphold our values by Americans of both 
parties, we are now living in the world John Kennedy imagined 34 years 
ago at American University.
    So I leave you with this thought: It all depends on your 
imagination. It all depends on your imagination. Think how many 
children's lives we could save in all these trouble spots

[[Page 1304]]

of the world if all the people with power and the people that support 
them just imagined their future in a different way, just took their 
heart and their head together and came up with a different picture than 
the one they see before them every morning when they get up. It is the 
most important force in the world.
    President Kennedy imagined the world we are living in today, 34 
years ago in the speech here at American University. Now it is up to you 
and to me and to our fellow Americans to imagine what the 21st century 
will be, and then to do what is necessary to make that vision a reality 
for all our people. That is what I came here to ask for your help in 
doing--for your help and for that of every other American. You've got a 
lot riding on it, and I'm betting that we're going to get there.
    Thank you, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 12:30 p.m. at Bender Arena. In his remarks, 
he referred to Benjamin Ladner, president, Neal Sharma, student 
confederation president, William Jacobs, board of trustees chairman, 
Mary Mintz, university senate president, American University; Secretary 
of the Navy John H. Dalton and his wife, Margaret; Harry L. Thomas, Sr., 
DC City Council member, Ward 5; and President Jiang Zemin of China. The 
President also referred to the ``Commencement Address at American 
University in Washington. June 10, 1963,'' Public Papers of the 
Presidents: John F. Kennedy, 1963 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing 
Office, 1964), p. 459.