[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 32, Number 10 (Monday, March 11, 1996)]
[Pages 410-415]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at a Democratic Luncheon in Detroit, Michigan

March 4, 1996

    Thank you very much. Thank you so much. Thank you, Senator Levin, 
for that kind introduction and for your service in the Senate. I'm 
depending on all of you to make sure he continues that service in the 
Senate. We need him.
    When you remember in 1996 what the other party attempted to do in 
1995 to our budget and to our country, remember that the President alone 
could not stop it. If we had not had a veto-proof Senate and House, it 
would not have been possible to stop. So I ask you to reelect Carl Levin 
and John Dingell and David Bonior, and all the other members of the 
Democratic caucus of Michigan who are here. I see Sandy Levin and I 
think John Conyers is here. I see Bart Stupak out there, and I'm sure 
Lynn Rivers is here. And we need more people. So I want you to work hard 
in these races because they matter. They matter to you. They matter to 
our country.
    It was a pretty long, lonely, cold fight for the last year, until 
the American people began to be heard loud and clear to make it possible 
for us to do some positive things which I hope will come forward in 
1996. But I'm telling you it really matters not only to Michigan but to 
the entire United States for these people to be reelected and for you to 
send others of good will to join them.
    So I thank you, Senator. And I thank you, David, for your 
leadership. And I want to say a special word of thanks to John Dingell. 
When Democrats lost the House for the first time in a long time, a lot 
of Members announced their retirement. And it wasn't so much fun anymore 
if you were a committee chairman or you had a nice subcommittee. And one 
day Hillary and I were sitting alone in the White House talking--this is 
a true story--we were talking, and some senior Member of the House had 
announced his retirement. And I looked at her and I said, ``You know 
what, I'll bet you a hundred dollars John Dingell won't quit. He doesn't 
think you should quit when you're down, you ought to keep fighting until 
you get up again. Then you can quit.'' And I thank you for that.
    Thank you, Ed McNamara, for that subtle reference to the airport and 
the funds you want. [Laughter] We were sitting there, and Ed in his nice 
Irish charm said, ``You remember when you started running for President 
and nobody knew who you were, but I was there for you?'' [Laughter] I 
said, ``Yeah.'' He said, ``Didn't you remember when everybody said you 
were just dead as a doornail and you were dropping like a rock and I 
didn't quit you?'' [Laughter] I said, ``Yeah.'' He said, ``I've always 
been there, haven't I? Well,'' he said, ``the bill's come due. 
[Laughter] I don't want anything for myself, but my airport needs $15 
million a year for the next 10 years.''
    If every public official asked for the bill to come due only for the 
public interest, this country would be a better place. Thank you, Mr. 
McNamara. Thank you.
    I want to say it's nice to see Ambassador Blanchard here. I had 
occasion last week to talk to the Prime Minister of Canada, who is a 
remarkable man. And he was helping us to maintain our mission of peace 
and freedom and democracy in Haiti. And just in passing he said, ``You 
know, you need to know that Jim Blanchard is the best Ambassador to 
Canada in my lifetime.'' He has done a remarkable job. Thank you.
    I want to thank all the former Members of Congress who are here, the 
leaders of labor, the leaders of the teachers organizations, the 
business leaders, and all others who have come here for the Democratic 
Party today. And I want to thank all these folks here at our table who 
helped to sponsor this event for the work that they did. And I want to 
say a special word of thanks to Mayor Archer for proving that the 
empowerment zone could work, because Detroit has set the standard for 
the rest of the country.
    The other day we had a meeting in Washington of all the communities 
who had participated in our empowerment zone enterprise community 
initiative. And for a modest investment of cash and a modest cluster of 
tax incentives, it is remarkable what is going on. But in no community 
in America can it be said that Detroit has been matched by taking this 
roughly $100 million in cash, and about that much, perhaps a little 
more, in tax incentives and turning it into a $2 billion

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private commitment. I thank all the business community who participated 
in that and the fact that everybody is working together here. But, 
Mayor, more than anything else, it's a tribute to your leadership, and I 
thank you for what you have done.
    I also want to thank the mayor for introducing everybody. He did a 
good job of introducing everybody. It reminded me of--he kept on 
introducing people, you know; it reminded me of the very first speech I 
ever gave as an elected official--was when I became attorney general of 
my State almost 20 years ago. And I was very nervous, and there were 500 
people at a Rotary Club installation banquet in Pine Bluff, Arkansas--I 
never will forget this--January 1977. The banquet started at 6:30 p.m. I 
got up at a quarter to 10 p.m. to talk. [Laughter]
    There were 500 people there and everybody had been introduced in the 
entire audience, except three people, and they went home mad. [Laughter] 
And the guy that got up to introduce me looked out at the crowd and said 
``You know, we could have stopped here and had a real nice evening.'' 
[Laughter] And I thought, now, that's not what he meant, but that's what 
he said. [Laughter] Ever since then I've been more careful about what I 
said.
    I also want to thank David Bonior for telling that joke. I used to 
tell jokes, but they told me it wasn't Presidential, so I had to quit. 
[Laughter] So now I just have to laugh at other people, and I'm always 
grateful when I get one.
    Let me say a special word of thanks to the DNC Chairman, Don Fowler, 
who is here with us, and to Terry McAuliffe and Laura Hartigan for the 
work they've done. I'm very grateful to them. And let me say to all of 
you, again, I don't want to give a long talk today, but I want you to 
understand exactly what is at stake.
    In 1992 when I ran for President and the people of Michigan were 
good enough to vote for me, the real issue was whether we had to have a 
change or stay with the status quo; whether we would adopt an aggressive 
approach to the challenges facing America, the economic challenges and 
the social challenges, or whether we would basically say that the 
Government could kind of stand pat and wait for things to get better. 
And so the American people, both those who voted for my candidacy and 
those who supported Mr. Perot, voted for change.
    In 1996 there is a different issue. It may be papered over from time 
to time, and people may claim they're more moderate or whatever you will 
hear. But the truth is that the choice will be between two very 
different changes, two very different approaches to the future. And you 
will have to decide, along with all our fellow Americans, which approach 
you favor. At least now, as I think the mayor said or the Senator said--
somebody said--you have some basis for comparison that goes beyond 
rhetoric.
    When I became President I was basically driven into the race by the 
conviction that this country could not sit by and permit the American 
dream to be squandered for a generation of Americans, permit the 
leadership of 50 years to be squandered for the future of America, and 
permit this country to be divided and to come apart when we ought to be 
coming together. I had a very simple, straightforward vision for the 
country that I still think about every single day. I believe we have to 
go into the next century with the American dream alive and well for 
every person who is willing to work for it; with America the world's 
leading force for peace and freedom and prosperity and security; and 
with America coming together around our basic values of work and faith 
and family, of responsibility along with opportunity, and more important 
than anything else, of a sense of community--that we are going forward 
together if we are going forward at all--and that we don't need to 
become a place and not a country. We don't need to become a swarm of 
isolated individuals. We don't need to become a group of people who 
think that we can only advance if our neighbors fall back, who think 
that we can only be important if we can somehow diminish the 
significance of others who share this land with us.
    The ultimate, terrible, extreme tragedy of that point of view we saw 
once again in the Middle East today where a fanatic blew himself to 
smithereens for the pleasure of killing innocent children. Why? Because 
if you believe those who are different from you are the embodiment of 
the devil, then they de- 

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serve whatever they get. And then life's animating purpose is continuing 
the division, turning up the heat until it becomes hatred, and making 
sure that nothing good or positive ever happens. And in a fundamental 
way, when you go through a period of change, like we are--thank God we 
don't face that in that dimension--but when you go through a period of 
change like we are, when it can be very disorienting, you have to 
decide, am I going to define myself in terms of who I am or who I'm not; 
in terms of what I'm for or what I am against; in terms of what I intend 
to do or in terms of what I want someone to do for me. These are great 
and fundamental questions.
    Now, there has always been a healthy political debate in this 
country, and there always will be, and well there should be. No one has 
a corner on the truth. No one has a market for the future. I understand 
that. But when we decide what kind of change we want, it depends 
fundamentally, more importantly than anything else, on whether we 
believe we have to go forward together or whether we think we ought to 
be left to fend for ourselves, because all of us in this room are more 
successful than most and we'll do just fine. That is the fundamental 
change question the American people confront today.
    If you look at this period through which we are going, it explains 
much of the ambivalence, sometimes the outright confusion people have 
about the present moment. How could we have almost 8 million new jobs 
after 4 years of having virtually no new jobs, how could we have a 
growth in manufacturing jobs after 4 years of losing manufacturing jobs, 
how could we regain the lead in automobile production for the first time 
in a decade and a half, how could we be voted the world's most 
productive economy 2 years in a row after having been ranked fifth or 
sixth or something when I took office? How could all this happen and 
still half or more of the American people are working harder for the 
same or lower pay in terms of purchasing power? How could that happen?
    How could it be that we created this many jobs, but there would 
still be isolated pockets where no new opportunities were coming and 
children were on the street raising themselves and, therefore, the crime 
rate would be going down nationwide, but it would still be going up 
among juveniles in certain areas? How could this happen?
    How can it be if the stock market is at 5,700, big companies are 
laying people off and downsizing them and people my age, 50-year-old 
men, are being told that they're not important anymore; thank you very 
much for the last 25 years; you figure out how to send your kids to 
college? How do all these things happen at once?
    How could we have 3 years in a row where we have more new businesses 
started than ever before, and 3 years in a row where we have more new 
self-made millionaires--a great thing; not somebody being given an 
inheritance, making a million dollars in work for themselves in this 
system--how could that happen at the same time these other things are 
happening? How could all the news be overall so good, and then there be 
these specific stories of people riddled with anxiety?
    The answer is, it always happens when you totally change the rules 
in a society, and when a period of profound change comes along. And the 
reason a lot of us cannot understand it is there's nobody here old 
enough to remember the last time it happened because the last time it 
happened was 100 years ago.
    But you think about what built Michigan. One hundred years ago 
people started moving from the rural areas to cities and towns. A 
hundred years ago people stopped having most of their work being on the 
farm to most of their work being in the factory, or in shops serving the 
factory, or serving people who made their living in a factory. And it 
changed everything. And then after the Depression, there was this great 
explosion of people out of places where they made their living on the 
farm, running to places like Detroit and Flint and the suburbs to make a 
living in the factory. I mean, I'm convinced that one of the reasons I 
won the Michigan Democratic primary is that every third voter had a 
grandmother from Arkansas. [Laughter]
    I mean, why? Because this great exodus that started 100 years ago 
continued right through until after the Great Depression, the end of 
World War II, and after World War

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II. This sea change--from farm to factory; country to city and town. 
What is the comparable change today? From industry to information and 
technology. From an American market to a global market for goods, for 
services, and for money. Changing the nature of work; there's more mind 
and less muscle, even in the factory.
    It's amazing how many factories you go into today and watch either 
work being done by robots or workers working on computers calculating 
what the machine should do with ever greater precision. And the change 
in the workplace--we all know about all these people being downsized, 
but what we never hear because it's happening in the little places is--
in a thousand little places--is that in the last 3 years there were more 
new jobs created by businesses owned by women alone than were laid off 
by the Fortune 500. So there's a change in the workplace. The workplace 
is becoming more numerous and smaller, by and large.
    And when all that happens, you have all these new possibilities 
created. But when you disrupt the established order of things, a lot of 
people who have worked hard, done everything they should do all their 
lives, find themselves on the short end of the stick. So the challenge 
for us today and the challenge America faces is how do we keep the 
dynamism going? You know, we've actually gotten a modest increase in 
wages in the last 3 years for the first time in a decade. How do we keep 
the jobs coming? How do we keep the new businesses being formed? How do 
we keep the kind of empowerment efforts we see in Detroit going? How do 
we keep the good things about the economy and still give more and more 
people their shot at the American dream so that we can say, if you work 
hard, if you play by the rules, you've got a chance to live up to your 
God-given potential? That is the challenge.
    And I argue to you that the way we do it is not by turning around 
and going back, because that's denial and we can't get there. As all the 
kids in my daughter's class say, denial is not just a river in Egypt. 
[Laughter] That is not an option. We have to work all the way through 
this. But if we're going to do it, we have to do it together. We cannot 
proceed in a country where people believe they're not going to be 
treated fairly, that no matter how hard they work they'll never get 
ahead, that no matter what they do they'll never have their shot at the 
American dream.
    Now, that's the point I was trying to make in the State of the Union 
when I said--and I believe--that we have to have a program to meet the 
challenges of the future that focus on what we can do together to make 
our families stronger, to make our streets safer, to make our 
environment cleaner, to continue our leadership for peace and freedom 
and prosperity; what we can do together to have a Government that is 
smaller and costs less, but does more; not a weak Government, but one 
that's effective at being a partner with the American people; and in 
terms of reviving the hopes of all Americans, what we can do together to 
guarantee a world-class educational opportunity to every single 
American, starting with our children in Head Start and going through 
every single adult worker for a lifetime; and what we can do together to 
create an environment in which people can find a measure of economic 
security for home and family while we keep the dynamic economy going.
    Those are the challenges. And I believe we have to do it together. I 
believe this idea that we can go back to the era when everybody was left 
to fend for themselves; that we can say the Government is intrinsically 
evil and everything it does is wrong, and they mess up a one-car parade, 
is foolish at best.
    Let me tell you something. My friend, James Carville, has just 
written a book, which I commend to all of you--it's a little paperback 
book--but in it he points out that in the last 30 years we have spent 
one-half of your tax money on three things: defense, Social Security, 
and Medicare. Now, did you get your money's worth? We won the cold war. 
We cut the rate of poverty among elderly Americans in half. And with 
Medicare, if you live to be 65, you are in the group of seniors with the 
highest life expectancy in any country in the entire world. I think we 
got our money's worth by working together, and we will in the future, as 
well.
    So as we go back to Washington today I want to challenge the 
Congress to continue to work to keep the dynamism of the economy going, 
but give people a greater sense

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of security and a greater sense of opportunity. And there are lots of 
things that we can do. We ought to pass a balanced budget plan 
consistent with the values we've been fighting for for the last 15 
months. We can get lower interest rates, which means lower rates to 
borrow money for businesses to put people to work. It means lower home 
mortgage rates, lower car payment rates, lower credit card rates. But we 
ought to do it without undermining our commitments through Medicare, 
through Medicaid, through education, through environmental protection. 
We do not need to do what some of the extremists urged us to do last 
year, which is to make money by raising taxes on the hardest pressed 
working families and giving people the right to raid their employee's 
pension funds. We do not have to do that to balance the budget. We ought 
to do it in the right way.
    If we have a tax cut it ought to be targeted to families raising 
children, to give them a chance to participate in the American dream. 
And the most important tax cut we could give is a tax deduction for the 
cost of college education. That is the most important thing we could do. 
We ought to pass welfare reform that is very tough in terms of requiring 
people to move to work, but understands that people have to succeed at 
home and at work, so we shouldn't punish innocent children. We should 
lift up children and strengthen families even as we have the right kind 
of welfare reform.
    And I cannot believe that there is even a debate in Washington about 
whether we ought to raise the minimum wage. You know, we're having a 
nice time here today. And I`ve heard every time somebody says we ought 
to raise the minimum wage they say, oh, that's just going to cost a lot 
of jobs. It's interesting that the last time the Congress voted to raise 
the minimum wage most of the people in the other party were for it, 
maybe because they had a President of the other party in the White 
House. But the people out there working on the minimum wage don't much 
care who is in the White House. It's all they can do to keep body and 
soul together and pay the bills. There are millions of people out there 
today working 40 hours a week, raising their kids on $4.25 an hour. Now, 
you want the mayor to go into inner-city Detroit and tell these kids 
they ought to stay off drugs and stay out of gangs and work hard and 
they'll amount to something in life and they can have a good life, and 
oh, by the way, here's $4.25 an hour. Raise three kids on it.
    This is wrong. The minimum wage will be at a 40-year low in terms of 
what it will buy if we don't raise it by the end of the year. We do not 
have to grow the American economy by keeping the minimum wage as low as 
possible. And I have just reviewed the last 15 studies on this, and all 
but two say that there is no significant loss of jobs with a modest 
raise in the minimum wage. Indeed, it may increase jobs because you'll 
have more people wanting to move from welfare to work if you pay them a 
living wage. We ought to raise the minimum wage. We ought to do it this 
year. We ought not to wait until the election.
    We ought to have another round of empowerment zones. There ought to 
be another 100 communities that become empowerment zones or enterprise 
communities that have a chance to do what Detroit did. There are other 
cities in Michigan that need a chance to do this as well.
    We ought to pass the bill that has now been voted out of the 
committee in the Senate unanimously, has 50 Republican and Democratic 
cosponsors nearly--simple little bill--it says you shouldn't lose your 
health insurance when you change jobs or when someone in your family 
gets sick. Surely, if we believe in work and family, we can say that you 
shouldn't lose your health insurance when you change jobs or when 
someone in your family gets sick. We ought to pass that bill right away.
    And finally, let me say, we should pass the education appropriations 
that is now months and months late. We ought to fund the programs for 
high standards in our schools. We ought to fund the programs that will 
help us to bring high technology into our poor schools. We ought to fund 
the programs that will help our schools be safer and more drug-free.
    Let me just give you one example. I was in a school in New Jersey 
about 2 weeks ago, in a neighborhood that is very modest income, where a 
significant percentage of the

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children are first-generation immigrants, where the test scores were so 
low and the performance was so bad that the State was about to go in and 
take over the schools. And Bell Atlantic came in with others in the 
community and put computers in all the classes, made sure they had good 
educational software, and then they put computers in the homes.
    I met a man who came here from El Salvador in 1980 who is now--he 
and his wife e-mail the principal at school to find out whether their 
kid is doing the homework and how they're doing. And let me tell you 
what's happened since they did that in that poor school. And New Jersey, 
I believe, is the second or third richest State in America. That school 
district in that poor neighborhood now has a higher attendance rate, a 
higher graduation rate, and most important, higher test scores than the 
New Jersey State average, because they were given a chance to be a part 
of something good and noble. That's what we ought to do for everybody.
    Now, that's what I stand for. If we had no Government there would be 
a lot of good things happening in America. You can see it is some of 
these countries that we compete with that change governments two or 
three times a year just to kind of stay in practice. [Laughter] And 
their economies continue to grow. But their unemployment rates are 
higher. They suffer terrible inequalities of opportunity.
    You just have to decide. It's your country; it's your future. And 
I'm telling you, if we can get our people that agree with us to break 
through their skepticism and break through their cynicism, and break 
through all the political rhetoric that dominates too many of our 
elections, and show up, stand up, and be counted this year, I know what 
decision America will make. I do not believe the American people want to 
continue to go down a road where we are divided for cheap, short-term 
political purposes at every election. I think the American people 
understand that when we are divided we defeat ourselves, and when we are 
united we never lose.
    So I ask you, in Michigan, where we have to win to move the country 
forward, stand up with us and fight with us, and reelect these Members 
of Congress and elect some more, and help us so that we can make the 
right decision. The issue is no longer change versus status quo. There 
are two dramatically different views of change on the agenda for 
America, and one of them has us going forward together. That's the right 
one. That's the one we need to bring to the American people.
    Thank you, and God bless you all.

Note: The President spoke at 1:22 p.m. in the Cobo Conference and 
Exhibition Center. In his remarks, he referred to Ed McNamara, Wayne 
County executive; James J. Blanchard, Ambassador to Canada; Prime 
Minister Jean Chretien of Canada; Mayor Dennis W. Archer of Detroit; and 
Terry McAuliffe, finance chairman, and Laura Hartigan, finance director, 
Clinton/Gore '96. A portion of these remarks could not be verified 
because the tape was incomplete.