[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 31, Number 43 (Monday, October 30, 1995)]
[Pages 1928-1930]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Letter to Congressional Leaders on Iraq

October 23, 1995

Dear Mr. Speaker:  (Dear Mr. President:)

    Consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against 
Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1), and as part of my effort to keep the 
Congress fully informed, I am reporting on the status of efforts to 
obtain Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the U.N. 
Security Council.
    Events in Iraq unfolded dramatically in the weeks following my 
August 3, 1995, letter to you on Iraq in a way that makes absolutely 
clear our firm policy has been the correct one. In the first half of 
August, Iraqi leaders, in both public statements and private remarks to 
U.N. officials, threatened retaliation if the Security Council failed to 
lift sanctions by August 31, 1995. The retaliation was not specified, 
but the Iraqi remarks echoed those made before previous Iraqi acts of 
belligerence. Ambassador Albright and her colleagues from the United 
Kingdom and France called upon the Iraqi U.N. Ambassador, made clear 
that such threats were unacceptable, and urged that Iraq implement all 
relevant Security Council resolutions.

[[Page 1929]]

    On August 9, 1995, two of Saddam Hussein's sons-in-law left Iraq and 
were granted refuge in Amman. One of these men, Hussein Kamil, directed 
Iraq's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs while holding various 
high level government positions during the 1980s and 1990s. Evidently 
fearful of what the defectors might reveal, Saddam Hussein hurriedly 
invited U.N. weapons inspectors to Baghdad to examine previously 
undisclosed information on his weapons programs. Saddam Hussein offered 
the extraordinary explanation that Hussein Kamil had hid all this 
information from inspectors and Saddam Hussein himself.
    While the international community had long understood that Saddam 
Hussein had pursued a vigorous and extensive weapons program, the 
revelations were still staggering. Ambassador Ekeus, head of the U.N. 
Special Commission on Iraq, reported to the Council that, among other 
things, Iraq had placed biological agents such as anthrax and botulin 
into bombs and missiles and deployed these weapons of terror to military 
bases and airfields in December 1990; lied about the extent of its 
biological weapons program as recently as a few months ago; launched a 
crash program after the invasion of Kuwait to produce nuclear weapons 
within a year; and continued its weapons research and procurement 
activities, including work on uranium enrichment, after the Security 
Council cease-fire resolutions, possibly until quite recently.
    The August 1995 revelations virtually erased what little credibility 
Saddam Hussein may have had left. It seems clear that, were it not for 
the defections, Iraq never would have revealed this information. Saddam 
clearly planned to hide this weapons information until he could use it 
to facilitate the reconstitution of his WMD programs. Saddam Hussein's 
intentions are hardly peaceful. There is every reason to believe that 
they are as aggressive and expansionist as they were in 1990. It is more 
important than ever that the Security Council demand Iraqi compliance 
with all relevant Council resolutions prior to any change to the 
sanctions regime.
    The August 1995 WMD program revelations have overshadowed the fact 
that Iraq has done nothing to comply with its other obligations. Iraq 
continues to drag its feet on its obligations to account for hundreds of 
Kuwaitis and third country nationals missing since the invasion. Iraq 
has not returned the millions of dollars worth of Kuwaiti property 
looted during the occupation. The Iraqi Republican Guards still use a 
large quantity of stolen Kuwaiti military equipment. Iraq continues to 
provide safe haven for terrorist groups. Given this Iraqi track record 
of disrespect for its international obligations, the Security Council 
maintained the sanctions regime without change at the September 8, 1995, 
review.
    Saddam Hussein's unwillingness to comply with the norms of 
international behavior extends to his regime's continuing threat to 
Iraqi citizens throughout the country. We and our allies continue to 
enforce the no-fly zones over northern and southern Iraq as part of our 
efforts to deter Iraq's use of aircraft against its population. As 
reported by Max van der Stoel, the Special Rapporteur of the U.N. 
Commission on Human Rights, Iraq's repression of its southern Shi'a 
population continues, with policies aimed at destroying the Marsh Arabs' 
way of life and important environmental resources. Along with 
international and local relief organizations, we continue to provide 
humanitarian assistance to the people of northern Iraq. We have 
facilitated talks between the two major Kurdish groups in an effort to 
help them resolve their differences and increase stability in northern 
Iraq.
    The human rights situation throughout Iraq remains unchanged. Saddam 
Hussein shows no signs of complying with U.N. Security Council 
Resolution 688, which demands that Iraq cease the repression of its own 
people. Iraq announced an ``amnesty'' in July for all opponents of the 
regime, but the announcement was seen by most Iraqis and by 
international human rights observers as an ill-conceived ploy. The 
regime's recently announced plans to amend the Iraqi constitution are 
viewed by Iraqi exiles as a transparent effort to bless an extension of 
Saddam Hussein's presidency.
    Last October, the U.N. Security Council adopted Resolution 949, 
which demanded that Iraq not utilize its forces to threaten its 
neighbors or U.N. operations, and that it not

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redeploy or enhance its military capacity in southern Iraq. However, 
Saddam Hussein has continued to conduct military activities that we 
believe are intended to threaten Kuwait. The defections of Saddam 
Hussein's family members, coupled with indications of heightened Iraqi 
military readiness, increased our concerns that Iraqi leadership might 
lash out as it did last October when we responded during Operation 
Vigilant Warrior. In this time of uncertainty, we felt it prudent to 
improve the deterrence and warfighting capability of U.S. forces within 
the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility. Accordingly, the 
deployment of a mechanized task force was accelerated to participate in 
a scheduled exercise in Kuwait and a ground theater air control system 
was deployed to improve our command and control capability within the 
region. Additionally, 13 prepositioning ships were moved into the Gulf 
to increase our deterrence posture.
    We continue to receive good support from the Gulf States in our 
sanctions enforcement efforts. The Multinational Interception Force 
(MIF) conducting the maritime enforcement of U.N. economic sanctions 
against Iraq continues to serve magnificently. Since October 1994, the 
MIF has diverted to various Gulf ports 14 sanctions-violating vessels, 
which were carrying cargoes of oil or dates having an estimated 
cumulative value of over $10 million. The multinational composition of 
the MIF has been significantly strengthened. Ships from Belgium, New 
Zealand, Italy, Canada, and the United Kingdom have been committed to 
participate in MIF operations for the remainder of 1995.
    The expeditious acceptance of two recently diverted sanctions-
violating vessels by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait has greatly contributed to 
the deterrent effect of MIF sanctions enforcement operations and has 
also freed enforcement vessels escorting the diverted vessels to return 
to patrol operations. Panama and St. Vincent and the Grenadines have 
deflagged three sanctions-violating vessels while Honduras has enacted 
stricter sanctions enforcement measures and has continued deflagging 
proceedings against vessels involved in violating Iraqi sanctions.
    Security Council Resolution 687 affirmed that Iraq is liable under 
international law for compensating the victims of its unlawful invasion 
and occupation of Kuwait. Although the U.N. Compensation Commission 
(UNCC) has approved some 355,000 individual awards against Iraq worth 
about $1.39 billion, it has been able to pay only the first small awards 
for serious personal injury or death (aggregating $2.7 million). The 
remainder of the awards cannot be paid because the U.N. Compensation 
Fund lacks sufficient funding. The awards are supposed to be financed by 
a deduction from the proceeds of future Iraqi oil sales, once such sales 
are permitted to resume. However, Iraq's refusal to meet the Security 
Council's terms for a resumption of oil sales has left the UNCC without 
adequate financial resources to pay the awards. Iraq's intransigence 
means that the victims of its aggression remain uncompensated for their 
losses 4 years after the end of the Gulf War.
    To conclude, Iraq remains a serious threat to regional peace and 
stability. I remain determined that Iraq comply fully with all its 
obligations under the U.N. Security Council Resolutions. My 
Administration will continue to oppose any relaxation of sanctions until 
Iraq demonstrates peaceful intentions through its overall compliance 
with the relevant resolutions.
    I appreciate the support of the Congress for our efforts, and shall 
continue to keep the Congress informed about this important issue.
    Sincerely,
                                            William J. Clinton

Note: Identical letters were sent to Newt Gingrich, Speaker of the House 
of Representatives, and Strom Thurmond, President pro tempore of the 
Senate.