[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 31, Number 43 (Monday, October 30, 1995)]
[Pages 1893-1900]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at the Jefferson-Jackson Day Dinner in Des Moines, Iowa

October 20, 1995

    The President. I like to see a Democratic crowd just a little rowdy. 
I like to see a meeting in Iowa where we don't have to bus people in to 
raise a crowd.
    I want to thank your State chair, Mike Peterson, for inviting me 
here, and give my regards to your attorney general, Tom Miller, to 
Treasurer Mike Fitzgerald, to your Secretary of Agriculture Dale 
Cochran; the Senate President Leonard Boswell, the Majority Leader Wally 
Horn, your House Minority Leader Dave Schraeder. And to all the other 
Iowans who are here. And I want to say a special word of thanks to the 
Iowans who have been a part of our administration: Ruth Harkin, the 
President of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation; Bonnie 
Campbell, who does a wonderful job running our violence against women 
office; Joel Hern at HUD, Rich Running and Dave O'Brien at Labor; John 
Miller at FEMA; all these Iowans are doing a great job to serve the 
United States in the National Government, and I thank them very much.
    You know, 4 years ago I was here in the middle of the beginning of 
the Presidential process. I made a courtesy call because I knew I 
wouldn't do very well in the Iowa caucuses. [Laughter] I hope that it 
works out differently this time. I had the great honor of coming here to 
speak to your legislature, and then to come back to Ames for the rural 
conference. And I was very glad to do that.
    I didn't exactly enjoy it, but I was deeply moved by what I saw when 
I came here during the floods. And I think there is something quite 
remarkable about this State. And you're going to have a very important 
role in the direction of the country for many, many years to come. I 
came here because I wanted to see the Democratic Party alive and well, 
and I wanted to speak to what I believe we have to stand for, clearly, 
unambiguously, and proudly, and how I believe we can reach out to others 
to broaden our ranks and deepen our resolve.
    I think we have to think first and foremost about the young people 
here. I'm glad to see all these students who are here. I just spoke to 
somewhere between 900 and 1,000 of them in the basement. As an old 
musician, let me tell you that even though I wasn't in the room, I very 
much enjoyed the Carroll High School Jazz Band, they did a great job. I 
thank them for that.
    I want to say a special word of thanks and admiration to Senator 
Harkin for his friendship, his leadership, and for what he said tonight. 
What he said was wise and good and true. I want you to keep him in the 
Senate; we need him. We need him. America needs him.
    You know, Tom Harkin was for balancing the budget when the other 
guys were still running up the debt. He was for doing it in a way that 
honors our values and our interests. He worked with me to reduce the 
deficit but to increase our investment in education, in technology, in 
research, especially in medical research. He fought for the proposition 
that we do have certain obligations to one another in this country. 
That's what the Americans with Disabilities Act is really all about, 
bringing out the best in everyone so that we'll all be stronger.
    He has always been a leader in our fight against crime. And the Vice 
President and the Attorney General will be coming into Iowa for a 
violence prevention conference on Monday morning. And I honor him for 
having led the fight to remind us that we not only have to be strong in 
dealing with crime, we have to be aggressive in preventing crime. That's 
one of the many lessons that the majority in Congress seems to have 
forgotten, that Tom Harkin has not.
    The last thing I wanted to say about the other guys in my 
introduction is that I was

[[Page 1894]]

proud to see Senator Harkin invite independents and Republicans to our 
cause. If you think about the sharp differences in values being 
expressed in Washington today, we would be historically accurate to call 
this the Jefferson-Jackson-Abraham Lincoln-Theodore Roosevelt dinner. 
They were all on our side, compared to what is going on today in 
Washington, DC.
    My fellow Americans, I come to you tonight with a simple and 
straightforward message. You know we live in a very great country, on 
the edge of a new era, a new century, a new millennium, a time of great 
change. We are moving from an industrial age into an information and 
technology-driven age where even agriculture and industry will be driven 
by information and technology. We are moving from the cold war to a 
global village where all of us will be more closely in contact, more 
closely bound up. We'll have common possibilities and common 
vulnerabilities as we see every day with terrorism around the world and 
here at home.
    This is a time of enormous potential, and your country is on the 
move. There is no nation in the world remotely as well-positioned to 
enable its people to fulfill their dreams and to lead the world toward 
peace and freedom and prosperity as the United States. But we must be 
true to our values, and we must have a clear vision of that future.
    I ran for President in 1992 for the same reason Tom Harkin did. We 
thought our country was going in the wrong direction, without a clear 
sense of vision. I said that if I were honored by the American people 
with the Presidency, I would try to do the following things: I would try 
to restore the American dream for all our people and make sure we went 
into the next century as the most powerful country in the world, the 
greatest force for peace and freedom and prosperity by having an 
economic policy that produced jobs and growth, that expanded the middle 
class and shrinks the under class; by giving us a modern Government that 
is smaller, less bureaucratic, more entrepreneurial, but can still 
fulfill our fundamental responsibilities to one another; by making sure 
that America was still the leading nation in the world in a positive 
sense; and most important of all, by being true to old-fashioned 
American values in this very new age, of responsibility and opportunity 
for all, of valuing work, yes, but understanding that families count, 
too, and we have to help them to stay strong and be together, and of a 
sense of community which means that we are stronger when we work 
together. We're going forward or backward together, and that means we 
have obligations to one another. It isn't popular in Washington to talk 
about that today, but it is true. We have obligations to our parents 
when they need us and to our poor children when, through no fault of 
their own, they need a hand up in life. We have obligations to those who 
are disabled or who otherwise need a helping hand who are willing to do 
their part. We have obligations to take off our own blinders and the 
chains on our own spirit, which is why I was so proud to see all those 
people in Washington saying in that march, ``I intend to take greater 
responsibility for myself, for my family, and for my community, but I 
want to reach out to you to ask you to work with me to make America a 
better place.''
    And my message to you is very plain and simple: This country is in 
better shape than it was 2\1/2\ years ago because we have worked hard to 
do what we said we would do. We still have real and significant 
challenges that require us to keep going in the right direction, toward 
a better and brighter future. And we're in the midst of a struggle in 
Washington that is not about balancing the budget and is far more 
important than economics, that goes to the very heart of who we are as a 
people, what we believe and what we are willing to stand for, and what 
kind of America we want our children and our grandchildren to live in in 
the 21st century. That is what is going on.
    You know, in 1993, when we passed our economic program, in the most 
intense partisan environment in modern American political history, the 
other side said, ``Oh, the sky will fall.'' There were Chicken Littles 
everywhere. ``The world will come to an end if you pass this program. A 
recession is just around the corner.'' Well, 2\1/2\ years later we have 
7\1/2\ million more jobs, 2\1/2\ million more homeowners, a record 
number of new small businesses, the lowest combined rate of infla- 

[[Page 1895]]

tion and unemployment in 25 years. They were wrong, and we were right.
    Do we have more to do? Of course, we do. In any time of great change 
like this, inequality is a danger because some people aren't very well 
suited to the world toward which we're leaving--toward which we're 
moving. And we've got to do more in the area of education and training. 
We've got to do more for rural areas and urban areas that have been left 
behind. We have got to do more to spread opportunity. But the answer is 
to build on the successes of the last 2\1/2\ years, not to turn around 
and do the wrong thing.
    In the area of Government, I heard the other side complain about 
Government year-in and year-out and how terrible it was. Well, we didn't 
do that. We did something about it. I put the Vice President in charge 
of a reinventing Government task force. Two and a half years later--we 
didn't just rail against the Federal Government--2\1/2\ years later 
there are 163,000 fewer people working for the National Government. Next 
year it will be the smallest Federal Government since President Kennedy 
was President. And as a percentage of the Federal work force, we'll be 
the smallest Federal Government since 1933. The big Government myth is 
just that; it's a myth. And we brought it down, the Democrats brought it 
down. We did it.
    There are 16,000 fewer pages of Federal regulations, hundreds of 
programs have been eliminated. But the most important thing is 
performance has been increased. Take the Small Business Administration: 
a 40-percent cut in the budget, but they doubled the loan volume; more 
loans to women, more loans to minorities, no reduction in loans to men 
and, most important, no watering down of the standards for eligibility, 
just a commitment to old-fashioned American entrepreneurialism. That's 
the kind of Government we're trying to give you.
    For the first time, we realized if we're in a global economy 
fighting for opportunities, we need to give small businesses a chance to 
sell their products and services around the world. We need to get 
everybody involved in having a chance to create jobs in America by 
relating to the rest of the world. And so, Ruth Harkin and her 
organization and the Export-Import Bank and the Commerce Department and 
the State Department, for the first time ever, are all working together 
to help create jobs. And 2 million--2 million of our 7\1/2\ million new 
jobs came because of the expansion of the ability to sell American 
products overseas in the last 2\1/2\ years. And we should thank those 
people for the work they did on it.
    I am proud of the work the Federal Emergency Management Agency did 
in Iowa and in the other States of the Midwest when they had the 500-
year flood. That used to be the most criticized agency in Government. I 
did a novel thing. I appointed a qualified person to head it, not a 
politician. And people are proud of it, and Iowans remember it.
    And I'll tell you something that will surprise you. Every year, 
Business Week--Business Week magazine, not an arm of our party--
[laughter]--gives awards for outstanding performance in various areas of 
business. One of the awards they give is for the best consumer service 
and customer service over the telephone--Federal Express, L.L. Bean--you 
name it. You know who won this year? The Social Security Administration 
of the United States Government.
    I want you to go out on the street and tell people these things. We 
made big Government a thing of the past. Are there still stupid 
regulations? Of course there are, but at least we have a system for 
trying to do something about it. We are trying to make this Government 
more entrepreneurial. But that's a lot different than turning our backs 
on the American people. We are not about to do that.
    And I know we live in a time when people are more preoccupied with 
their own problems. But we cannot run away from the world, either. And 
America is safer tonight because we didn't give up our leadership, 
because we are in a situation where we're destroying nuclear missiles 
more rapidly. And for the first time since the dawn of the nuclear age, 
there is not a single, solitary nuclear missile pointed at an American 
child tonight, not one--not one--not a single one.
    We got over 170 countries to agree to indefinitely extend their 
commitment not to proliferate nuclear weapons. And next year,

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God willing, we will have a comprehensive test ban on all nuclear 
testing.
    The United States is stronger when these things happen, when we work 
against terrorism, when we work against drug-trafficking, when we help 
to make peace from Northern Ireland to Haiti to Bosnia to the Middle 
East. We are stronger in a more peaceful world where we are living by 
our values and the power of our example.
    But most important of all, this country is coming together around 
its values again. In almost every State, believe it or not, the crime 
rate is down, the murder rate is down, the welfare rolls are down, the 
food stamp rolls are down. The teen pregnancy rate has dropped for 2 
years in a row, and the poverty rate is down. America is coming back 
together and moving forward together. And I believe--I believe the 
commitments that we have had to family-friendly policies, to community-
oriented solutions to our problems have made a difference.
    I think it matters that we passed the Family and Medical Leave Act 
so people don't lose their jobs when their children are sick. I think it 
matters that we're collecting record amounts of child support. I think 
it matters that we gave working families in 1993 a tax cut so that we 
could say, ``If you work 40 hours a week and you have children in your 
house, you should not and you will not be in poverty. We want to reward 
work and parenting.'' I believe that matters. I think it's important.
    And yes, I think it matters that we decided we had to give all of 
our young people a chance to live up to the fullest of their God-given 
abilities, whether it was helping more poor little kids go into a Head 
Start program, or helping States that have difficulties that most Iowa 
school districts don't have, to have smaller classes and computers in 
the classrooms or making sure all the young people in this country could 
go to college by giving them more affordable college loans. It was the 
right thing to do.
    And let me say this: What I have tried to do in this time is to 
always think about how this is going to impact the future, the future of 
these children, the future of these young people up here. You know, 
there are so many controversial decisions a President has to make in a 
time like this. There is no way--I'll bet you I've done four or five 
things that made everybody in this room mad. [Laughter] And I probably--
and I doubtless have made some mistakes. But I do show up every day--
[laughter]--and I do work every day, and I do think about your future 
every day. And that means every day--every day!
    Audience members. Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
    The President. Thank you. I'll just give you some examples. I knew 
that when we passed the Brady bill and the ban on assault weapons that 
the NRA would be able to terrify a lot of good, God-fearing, hard-
working American gun owners into thinking we were trying to take their 
guns away. And I knew it would hurt a lot of people who stood up for 
what was right. And don't kid yourself, it's one of the big reasons the 
Democrats lost the House.
    But you know, last year 40,000 criminals who would have been able to 
get guns didn't because of the Brady bill--40,000. And not a single 
American hunter or sportsman has lost a gun, not a single one. And there 
will not be one. But there are some mean streets and some schools where 
some thug can't show up with an Uzi and gun down a bunch of innocent 
kids. And that's worth a little political heat, I think. It's the right 
thing to do.
    When the Food and Drug Administration came to me and they said, 
``Oh, Mr. President, we have completed our 14-year study of children 
smoking''--14-month study--``and we know, we know, based on the records, 
that the big tobacco companies know this is hazardous to the health of 
young people, that they continue to advertise to young people, that 
3,000 young people a day start smoking, and 1,000 of them will die 
sooner because of it,'' the conventional political advice was, ``For 
goodness sakes, you have made enough people mad, Mr. President, don't 
fool with this because they will take all those good, hard-working, God-
fearing tobacco farmers and convince them that you want to put them in 
the poor house, that you're trying to have the Government take over 
everybody's private decisions, and everybody who's against you on that 
will be against you, and the people that are for you

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will find some other reason to be against you.''
    That was the conventional politics. But folks, 1,000 kids a day 
taking up a habit that will end their lives early. What is that worth? 
That's worth a lot of political heat. Think about 10, 20, 30 years from 
now. I want those kids to be alive in a great America of the 21st 
century, and I think it was the right thing to do.
    When the First Lady went to Beijing to stand up for the rights of 
women and children everywhere--[applause]--thank you--the conventional 
wisdom was, notwithstanding your ovation, that that was a bad idea. 
People said, ``Well now, look, if she goes, just the act of her going 
will legitimize human rights practices we don't agree with.'' People on 
the other side said, ``Oh, oh, if she goes, and says what's true, it 
might offend the Chinese and we'll mess up our trade relations and will 
cost a few jobs.''
    But let me tell you something, folks. We're going to live in a world 
with all of these other countries. In South Asia alone, there are 77 
million more--listen to this--77 million more young boys than young 
girls. Why? These little girls are being killed. They're not valued as 
people. Boys are still thought of as more important economically and 
therefore as human beings than girls. We can't live in a world at peace 
and harmony, consistent with our values, until we live in a world where 
women everywhere, including women here, subject to domestic violence and 
abuse on the street, can live in dignity and freedom and equality. We 
cannot do that.
    And I just want to say one more thing. When I went to the University 
of Texas Monday morning, some people said, ``This is a very dangerous 
thing for you to embrace the people that are showing up in Washington 
and stand up for racial reconciliation. You don't know what's going to 
happen there.'' But I know one thing. I didn't know what was going to 
happen there--I thought I did--I knew that march was about the people 
that were showing up, not about the leaders. I knew it was about what 
was in people's heart on that day, not what some people had said in 
political speeches. I knew that the same thread that's running though 
America that's driving down the teen pregnancy rate and the crime rate 
and all of these other things was running through the spirit of those 
people there. And it seems to me that as President, I have a 
responsibility to speak to that. You look around this room, you've got a 
fair amount of diversity. You look up in that crowd of young people 
you'll see a lot more. Generationally, there will be more and more and 
more.
    In a global village, old-fashioned American values, the power of 
American free enterprise and technology, the power of America's example, 
combined with the fact that we are so diverse across racial and ethnic 
groups, is our meal ticket to the future. It is not only morally the 
right thing to do, it is a gold mine for us if we will turn away from 
those who would divide us. And that is why I said to--that's why I said 
to the American people last week, every American needs to make a 
personal commitment that they're going to establish some sort of a 
personal relationship with someone of a different racial or ethnic 
group. And if you work with a lot of people from different groups, ask 
yourself if you've ever really had an honest conversation, have you ever 
really told anybody what you thought?
    The most stunning thing to most Americans in the aftermath of the 
Simpson trial was all that public research saying that people from 
different races saw the same set of facts in a completely different 
light. But most of us share the same values. That's what the march 
proved. People showed up saying, ``We do have to take more 
responsibility for ourselves, our families, and our communities, and we 
are going to do it, and we want to reach out to you.'' So we have to do 
that. All of you do. We have to set an example. We have to be honest 
with one another. We have to listen to one another. And we have got to 
find a way to come together. Because, I'm telling you, if you solve this 
diversity problem, America, there is no stopping this country in the 
21st century; it is ours to lead and to enjoy and to profit from.
    So that is the background. This country is on a roll. We're moving 
in the right direction. We have problems. We'll always have problems. We 
know what to do. We need to have a good economic policy, a Government 
that works and doesn't get in our way

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too much but protects our fundamental interests. We need to make sure we 
maintain our leadership in the world, and we need to have a set of 
policies as a people consistent with our values.
    Now, that is really what is going on in Washington. That's what 
we're debating up there today. We are not debating the balanced budget. 
That is not the issue. I have presented a balanced budget that Mr. 
Greenspan, who was appointed by my predecessors and is a Republican, and 
many others, and all the market analysts say it is a perfectly credible 
balanced budget. I have given them a balanced budget. This is not about 
balancing the budget. What is at stake here is what kind of people we 
are going to be in the 21st century, what kind of future are we going to 
have. And I just want to ask you a few questions.
    You heard Senator Harkin talk about the Medicare cuts and how they 
want to save money, but they've actually made it harder for us to 
prosecute waste, fraud, and abuse in Medicare. We have set records in 
our administration for collections of waste, fraud, and abuse, and we 
haven't scratched the surface. And now they want to stop us. They don't 
think that's important.
    Well, my idea of the future of America is not a Medicare program 
where it's easier to commit waste, fraud, and abuse, but harder for a 
senior citizen to live from month to month because their Medicare 
premiums have been doubled when they can't afford to pay for it. That's 
not my idea of the future I think we ought to have in America.
    The Medicaid program has not gotten as much coverage, but my idea of 
the future of America is not living in a country where we cut Medicaid 
so much we're closing more rural hospitals, we're closing inner city 
hospitals, we're putting unbearable burdens on our teaching hospitals 
and our children's hospitals, we're making it harder for poor little 
kids to get care.
    And I'll tell you something else that's in this bill. They want to 
take away the money that we presently give under the Medicaid program to 
help the poor elderly pay their copays and their deductibles, people 
living on $300 and $400 a month, so the people under this plan that are 
going to get hit the hardest are not the wealthiest seniors but the 
poorest seniors. And a study has been put out that said as many as 1 
million seniors might drop out of the Medicare system.
    I don't know about you, folks, but I don't want somebody to give me 
a tax cut and put a million old people out of the Medicare system. 
That's not the America that I want to live in. I don't think it is 
right, and I do not support it.
    Let me tell you--I want to reiterate--I do support the goal of 
balancing the budget. I agree with them we have to save the Medicare 
Trust Fund. To do it, we have to slow the rate of growth in medical 
inflation in Medicare and Medicaid. We don't have to take 450 billion 
bucks out of the health care system to do it.
    Do you know what else is in one of those plans? They want to repeal 
the prohibition against spousal impoverishment. Now, that's a Government 
phrase. Let me tell you what that means. That means if a married couple 
are lucky enough to be 78 or 80 years old, they've been together 50 
years, and they've saved their money and been frugal, one of them gets 
real sick and has to go to a nursing home--which is heartbreaking enough 
as it is--they want to go back to the dark, old days when the State can 
tell the spouse that doesn't have to go to the nursing home, ``We'll 
give you help, but only after you sell your car, your house, and clean 
out your bank account. Now, then, we'll take your spouse in the nursing 
home. I don't know what you're going to do. That's not our problem.'' I 
don't know about you, folks, that is not the America that I want to live 
in the 21st century. I don't believe in that. I don't believe in that.
    Look at those young--how many college students do we have up there? 
How many of you get student aid? The only thing that has grown faster 
than the cost of health care in the last 15 years is the cost of higher 
education. And yet we know we need more and more and more young people 
to be able to go to college and be able to finish college.
    I pledged if elected President I would provide a more efficient, 
more cost-effective student loan program that would get the money out 
quicker, that would lower the cost to students, and that would provide 
for easier re- 

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payment terms. I also promised to crack down on people that didn't repay 
their loans. We have cut the loan default rate in half by cracking down. 
But you know what else we've done? We're getting those young people 
their money quicker at lower cost with better repayment terms, so that 
young people who get out of college and don't get jobs making a lot of 
money can pay the loan off as a percentage of their income. And there 
will never, never, never, never be an incentive not to borrow the money 
to go to college because you're afraid you can't pay it back. Now, 
that's what we did. And it's a good, good thing to do.
    Their budget limits or totally destroys, depending on which House 
you look at, this direct loan program. It goes back to the old way where 
we just shove money to the private sector, total Government guarantees, 
no performance standards, no costs--nothing, raises the cost to the 
taxpayers and cuts out good loans to them and, for good measure, 
eliminates somewhere between 150,000 and 380,000 college scholarships, 
depending on whether the Senate or the House version passes.
    I don't know about you, but the 21st century I want to live in does 
not include kicking middle class kids out of college, taking 
scholarships away from poor kids, and doing things that will not help us 
to build the great American dream for all Americans. I don't want that 
kind of 21st century. That is not my idea of how we ought to be living.
    I don't believe we ought to go into the 21st century gutting our 
budgets to protect clean air, clean water, pure food, to preserve our 
natural heritage, and letting the lobbyists for the biggest polluters in 
the country write the clean water laws. That's not my idea of the 21st 
century that I want.
    I don't believe we should walk away from our crime bill, which is 
lowering the crime rate, and stop people from putting these police on 
the street, and stop communities from having prevention programs to give 
our children something to say yes to. I don't believe we should refuse 
to raise the minimum wage. That's their position. Next year it will get 
to a 40-year low in purchasing power if we do that. I don't believe 
that's right, either.
    I don't believe, notwithstanding what one of your Senators believes, 
that we should abolish AmeriCorps. It would be a terrible mistake to get 
rid of the national service program. The national service program 
involves young people and working with other people to solve community 
problems. It has no bureaucracy. It ought to be a Republican's dream. 
But because it involves the National Government bringing people together 
to do something positive and good and decent to move people forward, 
they say, ``no, no, no.''
    That's not my idea of the 21st century. My idea of the 21st century 
has all young people serving their communities, working together, 
building this country from the grassroots up, earning their way to 
college and moving forward.
    There is a provision in this budget that would allow companies who 
have been in deep trouble to withdraw money from their pension funds, 
even if it puts the retirement of their workers in trouble. Now last 
December, I signed a piece of legislation that saved 8\1/2\ million 
Americans' pensions, and stabilized 40 million more Americans' pensions. 
Do you really want me to sign a budget that would permit pension funds 
to be looted and have people's pensions and retirements put at risk?
    Audience members. No-o-o!
    The President. I don't think that's what we ought to be doing in the 
21st century.
    And here's the last thing. This is the last on my Top 10 list. There 
are $148 billion of new taxes, fees, and costs imposed on middle class 
America and poor America in this budget, including a $42 billion tax 
increase on working people with the most modest incomes in our country.
    The Wall Street Journal--again, this is not me, hardly an arm of the 
Democratic Party--The Wall Street Journal yesterday reported--the Wall 
Street Journal reported that if this budget passes with all of its tax 
cuts in it, the group of people making less than $30,000 a year, 51 
percent of the American people, will have greater tax hikes than they 
have tax cuts. Can you believe it? Why? Ronald Reagan said that the 
working family tax credit was the best antipoverty program the country 
had ever devised. All we did was double it so people could say, ``If I 
work 40

[[Page 1900]]

hours a week, and I've got children in my house, I will not be taxed 
into poverty. The tax system will lift me out of poverty. My country 
values my work and values my being a good parent.''
    I do not want to live in a country that throws people out of the 
middle class and puts them back in the under class, and I don't think 
you do, either. I don't think you do, either. I don't think any of you 
want to live in that kind of America.
    So, look--I'm nearly done. You don't even have to sit down. 
[Laughter] I just want you to think about this. This country is on a 
roll. We're coming back. It's in better shape than it was 2\1/2\ years 
ago. The American people deserve the lion's share of the credit. But our 
economic policies and our social policies and our anticrime bill and our 
welfare reform, those things have all played a role. We are moving in 
the right direction.
    And the choice now is whether we're going to be a society in which 
everybody has a chance to win or become a winner-take-all country, a 
society where we're growing the middle class and shrinking the under 
class or one in which we're kicking people out of the middle class and 
swelling the under class, a society in which special interest and short-
term greed override the long-term concern for the welfare of all 
Americans.
    This is a very, very great country. We are a great country. And you 
look at these children tonight. And when you walk out of here, I want 
you to keep their faces in your mind, and I want you to promise yourself 
that you will realize that this could be a Jefferson-Jackson-Abraham 
Lincoln-Theodore Roosevelt dinner. This is about American values, 
American interests, America's future. And I want you to promise yourself 
that when you walk out of this room tonight, for the next year you are 
going to engage your fellow Americans in talking about these fundamental 
values and the fundamental vision we have for our future.
    The 21st century is ours if we will simply be true to our values and 
follow our vision and think about these children and what kind of 
America we want for them.
    Thank you, and God bless you all.

Note: The President spoke at 9:15 p.m. in the Veterans Memorial 
Auditorium. This item was not received in time for publication in the 
appropriate issue.