[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 31, Number 26 (Monday, July 3, 1995)]
[Pages 1150-1157]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at a Democratic National Committee Fundraiser

June 28, 1995

    Thank you very much, Chairman Fowler, for your introduction. Thank 
you, Congressman Clyburn, for being here tonight and for your 
leadership. I thank our friend Truman Arnold for his leadership of our 
finance efforts. I thank particularly Dan Dutko and Peter Knight and all 
others who raised funds for this important evening. This was the most 
successful DNC finance dinner ever, thanks to you. And we thank you for 
that.
    I don't keep up with this too much, you know, because I have to 
spend most of my time being President, but I keep reading these stories 
that those of you who give to our party are threatened with your lives. 
If that's true, we appreciate the risk you took in being here. We'll try 
to make it worth your while for the future. You are living proof that 
there are a lot of Americans who want to do well themselves and to do 
good for themselves and for others, and we appreciate that.
    I want to thank Senator Dodd. If he'd gotten any hotter tonight, 
he'd have set off the fire alarm. [Laughter] I hope America is 
listening.
    I also want to thank you all for the response you gave when the 
mention of our agreement with Japan on autos and auto parts was 
mentioned. I thank you for that. It occurred in typically dramatic 
circumstances, going up to the eleventh hour. Last night I got home and 
sort of semi woke Hillary up about a quarter to 3 in the morn- 

[[Page 1151]]

ing. I flew in from Portland, Oregon, where we had a wonderful economic 
conference yesterday on the five States of the Pacific Rim and their 
future in the 21st century. And I was being kind of kept up with a blow-
by-blow description all the way on the airplane, going all the way on 
the across the country, about how we were doing with the Japanese and 
was it going to come apart or was it going to be put back together. And 
when I got off the plane in what was for us the middle of the night, I 
was told that it appeared that we were going to be able to do this, but 
I would still have to go to sleep, and they would wake me up at some 
point in the future if it all worked out. So this morning they woke me 
up, and I got to make the announcement that the agreement had been 
reached.
    I start with that because I want to make a point. There are some 
people who say that our message is not clear or they don't know the 
difference between Republicans and Democrats. I can tell you one thing--
there are two differences: One is, they may talk better but we do more, 
we do more. The other is, we try to do what we do in a way that benefits 
everybody, not just those who are going to do all right if we don't lift 
a finger anyway. And that makes a big difference.
    This is not class warfare. I am proud of the fact that under our 
administration we've had more new businesses started and more new 
millionaires than at any previous point in American history. We want 
more and more people to do very well. But we want everyone to do well 
because the country is being lifted up, because we're growing the middle 
class, because we're shrinking the underclass. So we do things that are 
sometimes more difficult, because otherwise it won't work out that way.
    And I want to talk to you about that tonight because when you leave 
here, if somebody asks you, what does it mean to be a Democrat in 1995, 
I want you to be able to give an answer. That's really important. It's 
really important. And if you look at this Japanese trade agreement, you 
will see one of the answers.
    Now today, both parties say they're for free trade; but in 2\1/2\ 
years, we have negotiated 80 trade agreements, 15 with Japan. We're 
selling apples and rice and cellular telephones and now automobiles and 
auto parts to Japan. I'm proud of that.
    There is no time in our history when we have had so much expansion 
of trade in such a short time. Why? Because we're living in a global 
economy. We have open markets. If we don't expand trade, we still get 
the downside, those countries that import into our country where their 
people are struggling to lift their own living standards and still 
working for wages our people can't live on. But when we open markets and 
we can sell high-quality, low-cost American products around the world, 
then we create jobs here that pay, on average, 15 percent above average 
wages in America. We give our people a way to promote the ideals of 
freedom and democracy and to do well while doing good.
    But in order to do that, trade has to become increasingly more free 
and increasingly more fair. Therefore, when we negotiated the NAFTA 
agreement, we also wanted a commitment that we would make a long-term 
effort working together with Mexico and with Canada to protect the 
environment and to lift labor standards so that ordinary people in 
Mexico, as well as ordinary people in the United States, would do well 
if we expanded trade. That is the kind of thing that we try to do.
    And we went to the brink with Japan because I know that the United 
States alone in the 21st century cannot lift the global economy. It will 
take a cooperation between the United States and Europe and Japan and 
all of those growing economies. We have to all work together. And I know 
that a trading system in Japan, which has made the nation fabulously 
wealthy but also, today, has brought it to the brink of financial 
trouble because their currency is so overvalued, because no one is 
investing in the country, their interest rates are almost negative now. 
And most important, ordinary people there are paying 40 percent more, 40 
percent more than they ought to be paying, for consumer products. Those 
luxury cars we almost had to put tariffs on, made in Japan, cost 9,000 
bucks more in Japan than in the United States. We cannot continue to 
work toward a global economy unless our great partner in Japan is also 
doing its part. And everything

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I sought to do in opening their markets, I believe with all my heart, is 
not only good for our workers but for theirs.
    But it's harder than just saying you're for free trade. You also 
have to be for fair arrangements that create jobs and grow incomes. 
That's what it means to be a Democrat in 1995. You've got to be for jobs 
and incomes and a fair global system.
    You know, the Secretary of the Treasury and I and the Vice 
President--who is, by the way, in Russia tonight; and he's sorry that he 
and Tipper can't be here with Hillary and me, but he's doing very 
important work--we were in the Treasury Department the other day to 
announce one of our reinventing Government initiatives. And this 
initiative was about how businesses and individuals in 32 States next 
year are going to be able to file their taxes, State and Federal, at the 
same time electronically. And in the course of that, billions of dollars 
will be saved in compliance costs with the tax systems. And eventually, 
of course, we'll get to 50 States. But we're going to 32 next year.
    And to illustrate this, we invited what I would call a real 
American, who happened to be in Washington for the White House Small 
Business Conference, to come and talk about how his circumstance would 
be changed. And the fellow we invited was a man named Paul Condit from 
west Texas, a John Deere dealer from west Texas. And old Paul Condit 
showed up with all of his papers that he was going to get to throw in 
the trashcan now that he could file electronically. And he looked at 
me--and this is why we're all here tonight--and he said, ``Mr. 
President,'' he said, ``you and the Vice President here have done a 
great job of reinventing Government. What you need to do now is reinvent 
communications because it ain't getting out in the heartland.'' And I 
think that's true.
    Sometimes I feel like that old country song when I watch the evening 
news. Remember that country song that said, ``They changed everything 
about me but my name''? [Laughter]
    So tonight I want you to think about this: Why are you here? What 
will you do tomorrow? How do you intend to spend the next year to 
fulfill the mission that Senator Dodd and Chairman Fowler put before us 
tonight?
    First, let's face facts. One of the reasons that our friends in the 
other party tend to do well is that they are great at giving simple 
answers to complicated questions. And this is a confusing time to 
people. Why shouldn't people be confused about public issues? They're 
confused about the way their own lives are working out in this world. It 
seems to be the best of times and the worst of times.
    The good news: 6.7 million new jobs. I'm proud of that. The good 
news: record numbers of new businesses, record numbers of new 
millionaires. That's great. But how do you explain that fact that we 
drove down unemployment, drove up jobs, have the lowest combined rates 
of unemployment and inflation in 30 years, have the lowest African-
American unemployment in 20 years, and the median income in America has 
dropped by one percent in the last 2 years? And more and more people 
feel insecure in their own jobs with all the downsizing that's coming 
along.
    So there is this ambivalence about the global economy. They say, 
``Hey, this is great, America creates jobs, but I may not get a raise.'' 
And more than half of the workers in this country are working for about 
the same wage they were making 10 years ago, and they're working a 
longer work week. And they're feeling more insecure.
    And our Nation is the only one--they may criticize me until the cows 
come home for trying to do something about health care, Hillary and me, 
but I'll tell you one thing, we are the only country, the only one, 
where there are a smaller percentage of people today under the age of 65 
with health insurance than there were 10 years ago. You'd be insecure, 
too, if that happened to you.
    So, the good news and the bad news: crime. Look at crime. The crime 
rate is going down in almost every city in the country. And our crime 
bill will help it to go down further. But the crime rate is going up 
among very young teenagers; and random violence among our future 
citizens, going up.
    I'll give you another example: technology. Technology is a blessing 
beyond all belief. I just was home, Hillary and I went home for 2 or 3 
days, and I got to thinking about

[[Page 1153]]

it. A kid in a rural school district in the Ozark Mountains with only 
five or six people in the senior class can get on the Internet now and 
hook into a library in Australia and do a research paper on volcanoes, 
thanks to technology. Incredible! Utterly incredible!
    But that same technology can expose that child's younger brother or 
sister to unbelievable pornography and can teach a deranged person who's 
smart enough to use a computer how to make a bomb, just like the one 
that blew up Oklahoma City. Technology means now that radical groups can 
develop little vials of sarin gas and walk into a subway in Japan and 
break it open and kill innocent people. It means other fanatic groups 
are now operating secret laboratories where they are searching for the 
ability to make biological warfare weapons, little germ warfare 
mechanisms that will kill people in the same sort of way.
    So it's a good news/bad news story. After a while, people just get a 
headache and say, ``Just tell me a simple answer so I can go on with my 
life.'' So if somebody says, ``Well, vote for us. The Government's 
causing all your problems. We're for less Government, lower taxes. We'll 
be tough on crime, welfare, and immigration. We're your ticket.'' Sounds 
pretty good to me. ``We'll balance the budget. And you don't get 
anything out of the Government but an occasional audit and a bad 
regulation anyway.'' [Laughter] Sounds pretty good to me. Right? I mean, 
that's what we're dealing with. And then the whispered message is, 
besides that, ``Contribute enough, we'll let you write the legislation. 
We'll just kind of sit there in front for you.'' [Laughter] I think some 
of you are here tonight because you still want us to do some of the 
work. You don't have to do it all yourselves. [Laughter]
    So it sounds good. What's wrong with it? First of all, for all the 
joking I'm saying, we are really--we're in a period of such profound 
change that we are being now asked by our people and forced by the press 
of events to debate fundamental questions. You heard Don Fowler stand up 
and say the Democratic Party rests on two principles; middle class 
economics and mainstream values is essentially what he said. We try to 
grow the middle class, help poor people work their way into the middle 
class. We try to offer a society in which people can come together, not 
be divided. You say that as if you take that for granted. That is not to 
be taken for granted any more.
    Look what we're debating today in Washington: the first principles 
of what we are as a people, the first principles. And let me just give 
you some examples. We used to debate--from the end of the cold war until 
the last few years, we debated the difference between Republicans and 
Democrats in a range sort of like this. Now the range is about this big. 
All things are back on the table now. Why? The cold war is over. We 
don't have an organized rationale for how we relate to the rest of the 
world. And the global economy and the information age have all kinds of 
apparently conflicting impacts. It's confusing to people and all these 
questions are open. So let's go back to the basic questions, and when 
you walk out of here tonight, you'll either know why you're a Democrat 
or you'll be ready to switch. But at least it'll be a matter of 
principle, not convenience. Now, let's think about that.
    Issue number one: There are now a lot of folks in this town--and 
Senator Dodd had a funny joke about it tonight: guns don't kill people, 
movies do--[laughter]--there are a lot of people here who believe that 
all of our problems are personal and cultural, as opposed to the old 
view that most of our common problems were economic and political. Now, 
if you think all of our problems are personal and cultural, that really 
lets you off the hook; you don't have to do much heavy lifting. You just 
say, ``Look, if everybody would just go out and behave and get up 
tomorrow and do the right thing, we wouldn't have any problems anyway,'' 
take your tax cut, and leave town. [Laughter] Think about it. If you 
believe that, if you believe that, you don't have to do much. You can 
spend all your time exhorting people to behave as individuals and 
attacking the influence centers in the culture who make movies you don't 
agree with or music you don't agree with or whatever.
    Now, let me tell you what I think, and what I think has to be the 
credo of the Democratic Party. At a certain level, that is self-
evidently true. That is, we know that there is nothing

[[Page 1154]]

Government can do for anybody they're not prepared to do for themselves. 
If people will not take responsibility for their own lives, for their 
children, for their education, for making the most of their own lives, 
there's nothing we can do. That is self-evidently true. There's not a 
single soul here tonight who can afford the price of a ticket to be here 
because somebody just gave you something. You all had to do something 
back. That's what the Democratic Party was founded on, hard work. And at 
a certain level, we all know that there are influence centers in our 
culture, entertainment, sports, the media, business, labor, you name it, 
that are beyond government and politics. That's true, too.
    I'd like you to remember, however, that some of us were raising 
questions about this long before the Presidential election started. 
Tipper Gore, 18 years ago, was talking about whether lyrics in music 
were good for children and how we should discuss this. I was dealing 
with these issues with Hillary long before I ever thought I was running 
for President. This should not be an issue for a political season. But 
that's true. But you know what? If you use that as an excuse to walk 
away, then you don't have to vote for the family and medical leave law. 
Let me tell you something, it's a lot easier to be a good person and a 
good parent if you don't lose your job when you have to go home when 
your baby is born and your parent is sick. So there are political and 
economic issues here, as well.
    And all those people that came home from World War II, that built 
the greatest middle class the world had ever known, they did it because 
they were great patriots and good parents and good workers. And they 
were good citizens. They also did it because they had the GI bill.
    So don't let anybody tell you--the first thing I would tell you is, 
I believe if you're a Democrat, you don't agree that all of our problems 
are exclusively personal and cultural, you think there are economic and 
political dimensions to the challenges we face, and you don't want to 
take a dive on it.
    The second issue flows out of the first. What about the role of 
Government? What is the role of Government? If you believe that all the 
problems are personal and cultural, then the role of Government is fund 
the defense, balance the budget as quick as you can, consistent with 
giving a big tax cut.
    But if you believe that the role of Government is to help people 
make the most of their own lives and that in every age and time we have 
common challenges that can best be met in this way, then that changes 
everything. Then you say, ``Yes, well, we ought to balance the budget, 
but guess what, there's an education deficit, too. And I don't want to 
cut off my nose to spite my face. And I don't believe that we should 
give tax cuts unless it will grow the economy and raise incomes, unless 
people need it, unless it supports education, unless it supports the 
economic challenges we face. So let's balance the budget in a way that 
increases investment in our people so that we get both benefits, a 
balanced budget and helping people make the most of their own lives, 
because the objective is to raise incomes and bring the American people 
together.''
    I'll give you another example. Look at the crime debate. If you 
believe all the problems are personal and cultural, then you couldn't 
possibly support the Brady bill or the assault weapons ban because that 
represents a minor inconvenience to the law-abiding people who for 
whatever reason want an assault weapon or the far larger number of law-
abiding people who genuinely want to buy handguns and are somehow 
discomforted if they have to wait a few days while there's a background 
check. Because if all the problems are personal and cultural, just catch 
the wrongdoers, throw them in jail, throw the key away, and forget about 
it.
    But if you live in the real world instead of the world of 
ideological extremes, and you think--[applause]--and you think that some 
of our problems are political and that we have an obligation to work 
together, then you say, well, a law-abiding person who wants to buy a 
handgun really won't object to this minor inconvenience to help a few 
more police officers and a few more innocent children stay alive. You 
say to yourself that law-abiding people will find other ways to satisfy 
their desire for sporting activities with guns, even if they have to 
give up these assault weapons so we can get the Uzis out of the

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high schools. That's the kind of thing you say to yourself.
    Now, this has--I submit to you, this has nothing to do with the 
right to keep and bear arms--nothing, nothing. This has to do with 
whether you think our problems are just isolated personal things or bad 
culture, or whether you believe that we have to band together, to work 
together to find practical solutions to solve our problems.
    Now, all the law enforcement people say, ``We live with this 
problem, and it's not just as simple as locking people up and throwing 
away the key. Punishment is important. Please punish bad people. But 
meanwhile, please pass the Brady bill. Please pass the assault weapons 
ban. Please spend some money on prevention so our kids have something to 
say yes to as well as something to say no to.'' That's what people in 
law enforcement say who live with this every day. Why? Because they know 
that our problems are both personal and cultural and they are political 
and economic and social. And if we don't pull together and try to solve 
them, we will never make much progress. We'll just have a lot of 
elections with hot air, 30-second ads, driving people's emotion through 
the roof but never really getting down to the business of moving America 
forward. So I say if you're a Democrat, you say it is both, not one.
    Let me just give you one final example. Look at the environment--
look at the environment. Look what has happened. We even had a 
subcommittee the other day vote to lift the ban on all offshore oil 
drilling. ``Never mind how small the proven reserves are, never mind 
what it would do to the retirees or the tourists in Florida or 
California, or never mind what might happen off the New Jersey coast. 
Government is bad; what is private is good. If somebody can get up 
enough money to sink an oilwell anywhere in this country offshore, let 
them do it. And even if there are unfortunate consequences, we are 
philosophically opposed to doing anything that would interfere with 
that.'' These are the people that want to let all the environmental law 
be rewritten by those who want to get rid of them. And they're doing a 
pretty good job of that. Now, but to be fair to them, that's the way 
they think. In other words, they think it's a nice enough thing if you 
can preserve the environment, but not if the price of preserving the 
environment, God forbid, is having Government pass a law.
    This is the debate that's going on. You laugh. Don't tell me you 
don't know the difference between our party and the other party. This is 
the debate that is going on in Washington. But let's be fair to them. 
They honestly believe that it is wrong for the Government to protect our 
common heritage because the Government would mess up a one-car parade; 
the Government might interfere with something someone wants to do to 
make a dollar in the short run; and the Government, being a fallible 
institution, will mess up now and again and do really dumb things. Now 
this is a first principle.
    I say to you, any institution comprised of human beings will err. 
And Government should be restrained because it has power. And that's why 
we've got the Constitution we've got. But I'll say this too: Unless we 
preserve our fundamental natural environment and find a way to grow the 
economy while protecting the environment, then our grandchildren and 
their grandchildren will not know the America that we have grown up in 
and come to love.
    And again--so you want to know what the difference is? I believe the 
purpose of Government is to help people to make the most of their own 
lives. I believe the purpose of Government is to grow the economy in 
ways that creates more entrepreneurs and more millionaires but also 
raises incomes for the middle class and shrinks the under class. I 
believe our business here is to find a way to solve our problems in 
practical ways that bring us together and don't drive us apart. I 
believe ideological extremism is the bane of America's progress. It has 
been for 200 years, and it still is. We cannot put political correctness 
ahead of advancing the lives of the American people. That's what I 
believe.
    You know, you take every single one of the other party's themes--
they say, ``We want less Government.'' Sounds great. Our party, our 
administration, 2\1/2\ years, has reduced the size of the Federal 
Government by 150,000. If we don't pass another budget, we'll still have 
the smallest Government we've had since President Kennedy was in

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office. But you know what? I also know that downsizing, while it is 
necessary, is threatening to real people. And so look how we did it. We 
didn't just throw people in the street. We gave them good early 
retirement incentives. We tried to take time to do this in a reasoned 
way, because there are people involved and there are practical realities 
involved.
    I want to cut the size of Government. I want to cut regulation. The 
other day we cut 16,000 regulations at the White House Conference on 
Small Business. They want to get rid of the Department of Commerce. Why? 
Because ideologically the Government obviously can never do anything to 
help the private sector. Never mind the fact that Ron Brown has created 
more jobs in the private sector than any Secretary of Commerce in 
history with the partnerships and the efforts that have been made.
    I could go on and on and on. But if you strip apart, take it all 
away, you see an honest, huge debate. They say all of our problems are 
personal and cultural; private is good, public is bad; balance the 
budget as quickly as possible; give the biggest tax cut you can; don't 
worry about anything but defense. We say in the post-cold-war world of 
the global economy in the 21st century, the most important thing is 
whether people can make the most of their own lives, whether they can 
compete and win in the global economy, and whether we can do it in a way 
that keeps the American dream alive, where more people are moving into 
the middle class, where people are rewarded for their efforts, and where 
we find a way to make our diversity a strength, not a weakness. That is 
the difference. That is enough difference for me to stand on until 
kingdom come. I am proud to be here with the Democratic Party tonight, 
and I hope you are, too.
    Now, let me say these two brief points in closing. First of all, I 
have said this so that you would know where I stand and so you could 
help to determine where you stand. But that does not mean that I believe 
we would be better off if we were more partisan. I think the American 
people are sick of partisanship, just for the sake of partisanship.
    The other night I was out in San Francisco--I want to tell you this 
story. And I'll tell you--because I want you to think about this. I 
think these people are pretty representative of our country. And I saw a 
couple about my age having dinner, and they said, ``Mr. President, would 
you come shake hands with us?'' So I did. And even though they were 
about my age, they told me they were celebrating their first 
anniversary--celebrating their first anniversary. And I said, ``Well, 
Hillary and I are about to celebrate our 20th anniversary.'' And it 
was--you know, people will sometimes tell you anything when you're 
President. So this man in this very touching--this man said--this man 
got this sort of faraway look in his eye, and he said, ``You know, I'd 
be celebrating my 20th anniversary, too, this year, but my wife passed 
away, and I met this wonderful woman.'' And then the woman smiled, and 
she said, ``My husband didn't pass away. He was a jerk.'' [Laughter] And 
she said--it's a true story--and she said, ``And I met this wonderful 
man.'' [Laughter] And then they--I couldn't believe this. I'm just 
standing here, you know, listening to this. [Laughter] This is America. 
This is not Washington, DC, now. [Laughter] Then they go on--this is 
America. So then, then they go on to tell me that he is a Republican, 
and she is a Democrat; that he owns a fast food restaurant chain, and 
she's a school teacher; that she voted for me, and he didn't. They tell 
me all this in about 5 minutes. I'm listening to this whole thing. 
[Laughter] But let me tell you what they said. Here's the point I want 
to make. Here's the point I want to make. They were just out there in 
San Francisco, and they didn't live in California. They were out there 
celebrating their first anniversary. And he said to me--he said, and she 
said amen--he said, ``You know, we come from different parties. We look 
at a lot of things in different ways, but we think what happened to Dr. 
Foster was a crying shame.'' That's what they said. And they said--
[applause]--and they said, ``We just think there's too much partisanship 
in Washington.''
    So let me tell you what I'm trying to do. That's why I went to that 
wonderful little town in New Hampshire where Hillary and I fell in love 
with the folks in 1992 and had that conversation with the Speaker of the

[[Page 1157]]

House. A lot of people said, ``This is crazy, don't do it,'' whatever. I 
decided that it would be better to try to honestly tell the American 
people what the real differences are and then see if there is some 
honest way we can bridge those differences to move forward. That's what 
I decided we ought to do, because I believe that the American people 
will listen and think with their heads and their hearts, with their ears 
open instead of being all torn up and upset by their genuine confusion 
and uncertainty about the future. We will do fine, because most people 
run the rest of their lives the way we believe our country ought to be 
run.
    And the only reason that things seem so out of whack today is that 
everything is changing and people are confused and uncertain, so they 
are vulnerable to easy answers to complex problems. And what we have to 
say is, when you hear all this stuff, will it raise incomes? Will it 
generate jobs? Will it bring people together? Will it make us a stronger 
country? Will it bring us into the future in better shape? So when we 
ask ourselves how should we balance the budget, I say if it takes a 
little longer and you have to have a little smaller tax cut, if you can 
take care of all these old folks on Medicare and you can increase 
education instead of cut it, let's do that, because that is the kind of 
America that we ought to have. That is the kind of America that we ought 
to have.
    What I want to say to you is that I am now convinced that we have an 
enormous opportunity if we can be clear and unambiguous. We don't have 
to even attack. We just need to try to honestly explain. I have tried 
tonight to honestly explain to you where I believe many of them are on 
their issues and where we are. I have tried to be as honest as I could. 
But we have an opportunity here. Oklahoma City, as tragic and awful as 
it was, took a lot of the meanness out of this country. It made us all 
think again about what it is that we share as human beings across all 
the divides. And when Captain O'Grady survived those 6 days in Bosnia 
and came home, it gave a little lift back to our country, and it made us 
think about all the things we're proud of about America, that brings us 
together across all the divides.
    And I leave you with this: The Democrats--the Democrats believe that 
we're here to help each other make the most of our own lives, that there 
will never be a time when Government can do anything for people they 
won't do for themselves, but that it is simply an evasion of our common 
responsibility to say our problems are only personal problems, only 
cultural problems. And it is self-defeating to believe we can move into 
the 21st century without finding a way to go there together--to go there 
together.
    This is a very great country. And the American people are now 
listening and looking. And we have an opportunity to be what we are. We 
are not negative. We are not wreckers. We are builders. Do not run away 
from that because of the power of the negative forces of recent years. 
Instead, embrace it. Go out and tell people what you believe, why you 
believe it, and why we ought to be returned in 1996, not for our sake 
but for the future of our country.
    Thank you, and God bless you all.

Note: The President spoke at 9:50 p.m. at the Sheraton Washington Hotel. 
In his remarks, he referred to Donald L. Fowler, chairman, Democratic 
National Committee.