[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 31, Number 19 (Monday, May 15, 1995)]
[Pages 792-799]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
The President's News Conference With President Yeltsin of Russia in 
Moscow

May 10, 1995

    President Yeltsin. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, journalists: 
This is the seventh meeting of the Presidents of the U.S. and Russia. 
This visit by Bill Clinton to Russia is of particular importance. The 
participation of such a high guest in the 9th of May celebration is seen 
by us as a tribute to the people killed in our common struggle against 
fascism.
    Before each Russian-U.S. summit, there is no shortage of all kinds 
of speculations about Russian and U.S. contradictions. Sometimes they 
even refer to crises in our relations. The results of the Moscow talks 
have yet again denied these speculations.
    Of course, even after the summit, differences to a number of issues 
have not disappeared. The important thing is that we seek to address 
these problems while maintaining a balance of interest and without 
prejudice to each other's interests but, on the contrary, in assisting 
each other.
    The agenda of this meeting was very busy and comprehensive. We 
addressed the key issues of international life, issues which are of top 
priority for both countries. I'm referring, above all, to the evolution 
of the European security structures, the START treaty and the ABM 
Treaty, strengthening the nonproliferation regime, economic cooperation, 
and terrorism.
    It is of fundamental importance that the discussion which we had 
about the model for European security proceed at taking into ac- 

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count the new role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in 
Europe. Today, this organization is beginning to play a central role in 
maintaining stability on the European Continent.
    We exchanged views on NATO issues. Today we better understand the 
interests and concerns of each other, and yet we still don't have 
answers to a number of questions. Our positions even remain unchanged.
    I hope that our joint statement on matters related to strengthening 
European security will provide a starting point for further efforts 
because it provides for cooperation in the establishment of a single 
indivisible Europe looking into the future.
    A serious document has been agreed on the problem of the ABM. We 
adopted a joint statement on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. I 
believe that that agreement will mark a major contribution to the 
adoption at the New York conference of a decision on an indefinite and 
unconditional extension of the NPT treaty. The conference will probably 
end tomorrow.
    At the negotiations, the question was raised about future Russian 
supplies of equipment to Iran. That is, of course, not a simple 
question, and of course, you are going to ask that question, and both 
Presidents will answer that question.
    We discussed in detail the implementation of the economic charter we 
signed last year. As a result, we adopted a statement on the question of 
economic reform, trade, and investment. The U.S. President expressed his 
support for our reforms. We agreed to speed up the process of Russia's 
entry to the system of international economic institutions, above all, 
the COCOM.
    Of course, we discussed the Chechen issue. This is an internal 
matter for Russia, but I also believe it does have an international 
aspect. Russia has accepted the presence at Grozny of the OSCE 
assistance group. Terrorism knows no borders. Unfortunately, U.S. 
citizens recently were confronted with that barbarious phenomenon. I 
believe that everybody would agree that we should fight this evil 
jointly, and we have agreed upon that.
    During the talks, we had a fruitful exchange of views on the meeting 
of the political eight in Halifax, and not of the political but also of 
the economic eight. We also discussed a number of other international 
issues.
    Now I am ready to answer your questions. I give the floor to the 
President of the United States of America, Mr. William Clinton.
    President Clinton. First of all, I'd like to thank President Yeltsin 
and the Russian people for making me and the rest of our American 
delegation and the others who came here for the celebration of the 50th 
anniversary of the end of World War II feel so welcome. I was honored to 
play a part in that, and I think it was a very important day for our 
country and for our relationship.
    Today we focused on the future. And if you ask me to summarize in a 
word or two what happened today, I would say that we advanced the 
security interests of the people of the United States and the people of 
Russia. We increased the safety of the future of our peoples, and we 
proved once again that this regular, disciplined, working relationship 
that we have established, rooted in Russia's commitment to democracy and 
in a mature and balanced dialog and a commitment to continue to work on 
the differences between us in the areas of common opportunity, we proved 
that this is a good relationship and that it is worth the investment and 
that we are approaching it in the proper way.
    I characterize this as a success from a security point of view for 
several reasons. First of all, with regard to European security, while 
there was not an agreement between us on the details on the question of 
the expansion of NATO, Russia did agree to enter into the Partnership 
For Peace. And I committed myself in return at the meeting at the end of 
this month to encourage the beginning of the NATO-Russia dialog, which I 
think is very important. There must be a special relationship between 
NATO and Russia.
    We agreed to continue to discuss this at Halifax, and again at the 
end of the year when we see each other. And I made it clear that I 
thought that anything done with NATO had to meet two criteria: Number 
one, it must advance the interests of all the partners for peace, the 
security interests of all of them, including Russia, and number two, it 
must advance the long-term goal of the Unit- 

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ed States, which I have articulated from the beginning of my Presidency, 
of an integrated Europe, which I believe is very important. And I think 
Russia shares both of those objectives.
    Secondly, with regard to the nuclear sales to Iran, as you know, the 
United States opposes the sale of the reactor and the centrifuge. I want 
to say that I was deeply impressed that President Yeltsin told me that 
he had decided, in the interest of nonproliferation, not to supply the 
centrifuge and related equipment to Iran. I shared with him some of the 
intelligence from the United States on the question of whether Iran is 
trying to become a nuclear power. And we agreed in light of the 
questions of facts that need to be determined here and Russia's strong 
support for nonproliferation, to refer the question of the reactor 
itself to the Gore-Chernomyrdin commission for further work on 
resolution.
    I was very pleased today that we were able to make progress on the 
outstanding issues relating to weapon sales which will permit Russia to 
be a founding member of the post-COCOM regime, something, again, which 
will make the world a safer place.
    Fourthly, we agreed that both of us would work as hard as we could 
to get START II ratified this year, and then to go beyond that to talk 
about what we could do further to support the denuclearization of the 
world and of our two arsenals.
    Fifthly, we agreed that we should step up our efforts in combatting 
terrorism and organized crime, a problem that affects not only our two 
nations but also many others in the world as we have sadly seen. And we 
discussed some fairly specific things that we might do together to 
intensify our efforts.
    As President Yeltsin said, we reaffirmed today in specific actions 
our support for the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and we look forward to its 
permanent extension. And we hope that the indefinite--excuse me, the 
indefinite extension will be adopted soon.
    And finally, we were able to reach agreement on the ABM theater 
missile defenses issue, which is a very important one, and many of the 
Americans here know, important for our attempts to go forward on START 
II and other things back home.
    We talked about our economic cooperation. We talked about the 
progress Russia is making. I expressed again the strong concern of the 
United States that the violence in Chechnya should be brought to an end. 
I urged the permanent extension of the ceasefire. I was encouraged that 
President Yeltsin, I believe, understands the gravity of this matter and 
also wants it concluded as quickly as possible.
    So we are, I think, in a better position in our two countries today, 
and our people will be safer as a result of this meeting. It was an 
advance for security. There was significant progress made. And we still 
have work to do.
    Press Secretary Sergey Medvedev. Dear colleagues, you have an 
opportunity to ask questions. I wish to remind you that we will give you 
the floor in sequence with my colleague, the Press Secretary of the U.S. 
President, Mr. McCurry.
    The first question, please.

Expansion of NATO

    Q. Russian Public Television. Boris Nikolayevich, before the 
negotiations began, both sides were quite categoric on questions at 
issue. Are any concessions possible today on the NATO problem? Are there 
any linkages possible? I know that President Clinton insists on flank 
restrictions in the south of Russia. Well, if both sides do not concede, 
what will President Clinton bring back to the United States?
    President Yeltsin. Well, I must tell you that we didn't have such a 
trading system in our talks. On the contrary, on the question of flank 
restrictions, Bill was the first to bring this matter up. And he said 
that he will surely support us on this difficult issue because it is 
true we are sort of in a trap with that issue.
    Now about NATO, we should look at this question in broader terms. 
What about general European security and NATO? I cannot say that after 
protracted discussions today on this subject, and by the way we even had 
to change the schedule, we, in fact, had a never-ending meeting, and we 
were not able to dot the i's and cross all the t's. And we decided, 
first, if it is so difficult, let us not hurry, and then let us continue 
our consultations when we meet in Canada in Halifax.

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    We also believe that it may be we won't be able to agree in Halifax 
either. And we may need another meeting in November when the United 
Nations marks its 50th anniversary. We will meet in New York once again, 
and maybe at that time we may come to some final agreement.
    President Clinton. I think this meeting was a win-win meeting. That 
is, I do not--I believe that both our countries advanced our interests 
and the interests of our people.
    With regard to European security, the important thing for me was--
not that Russia and the United States would agree today on the details 
of NATO expansion--indeed, it's important for all of you to understand, 
NATO has not agreed on that. NATO has not agreed on that.
    This whole year, 1995, was to be devoted for the rationale for 
expanding NATO and then determining how it might be done, with no 
consideration whatever of who would be in the included membership and 
when that would be done. That was the plan. So not only has there--have 
we not agreed on that, as far as I know, there may be significant 
differences among the NATO partners themselves.
    The important thing for me was that the President and I would agree 
that European unity, integration, is still our goal. We don't want a 
differently divided Europe. And that our NATO expansion plans should 
enhance the interests, the security interests of all of our partners, 
including Russia. Now for my part, I haven't changed my position from 
the beginning on how this should be done.
    The second thing I want to say is, the most important thing to me is 
that Russia has now agreed to proceed with participation in the 
Partnership For Peace, which is becoming very, very important in its own 
right, and a significant force in increasing a sense of trust and 
understanding and working together in security within Europe.
    With regard to the flank issue you mentioned, we have not worked out 
all the details of that. We've agreed to continue working on it. The 
problem is, of course, that the treaty becomes effective at a certain 
date. Its terms were negotiated in a previous time. Then there is a lag 
time for modifications of the treaty. We believe some modifications are 
in order. We are supporting the Russian position there. What we want to 
do is to figure out a way for us to preserve the integrity of the treaty 
and compliance with it, but, in the end respond to the legitimate 
security interests of Russia. And I believe we can get there.

Russian Nuclear Cooperation With Iran

    Q. Mr. President, you made clear in advance on the Iran nuclear deal 
that you wouldn't be satisfied with anything short of an outright 
cancellation of that sale. Today you said that it's going to be referred 
to a lower level, that you weren't able to solve this question. I want 
to know, are there any repercussions? Are you disappointed that you 
weren't able to get this sale closed? And will you resist Republican 
threats to cut off foreign aid to Russia?
    President Clinton. Well, first of all, this sale was in the 
pipeline, announced, and is legal under international law. I believe it 
is unwise. I think it should not go forward. We actually got more done 
today than I thought we would do, and we are ahead of where I thought we 
would be.
    As I said, President Yeltsin made it clear to me that even though it 
would be some financial sacrifice to Russia, he did not believe they 
should proceed with the centrifuge and the related portions of the sale 
that could have a much more direct and immediate impact on weapons 
production. I gave him some of our intelligence and made the best 
arguments I could about why I thought the whole sale should not go 
forward. And we agreed that since some of this involves an evaluation of 
technical matters, it would be appropriate to refer to the Gore-
Chernomyrdin commission where we have gotten a lot of useful work done 
between our two countries. So we are actually further down the road on 
that issue than I thought we would be.
    Now, with response to the particular arguments about the cutoff of 
aid, I think what we should do is to look at the progress we have made 
today, look at the progress we have made in the last 2 years, ask 
ourselves whether the United States is safer and more secure as a result 
of these efforts. I think the answer is yes. We should keep working.

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We should treat this like a business relationship that is furthering the 
security of both countries, and we should do whatever is in our 
interest. And I believe that the programs that we presently have 
underway are clearly in our interest.
    President Yeltsin. I would like to add to what President Bill 
Clinton just said. The point is that the contract was concluded 
legitimately and in accordance with international law, and no 
international treaties were violated in the process. But it is true that 
the contract do contain components of peaceful and military nuclear 
energy. Now we have agreed to separate those two.
    Inasmuch as they relate to the military component and the 
possibility, the potential for creating weapons-grade fuel and other 
matters, the centrifuge, the construction of silos, and so one--we have 
decided to exclude those aspects from the contract, so the military 
component falls away, and what remains is just a peaceful nuclear power 
station on light water reactors, which is designed to provide heat and 
energy.
    Any more questions?
    Please, colleagues, it's our task.
    Q. Boris Nikolayevich, could you clarify, if possible, the mechanism 
for decisionmaking regarding the Iranian contract? According to 
President Clinton, the materials will be referred to the Gore-
Chernomyrdin commission, who will then decide? Will they report to the 
heads of state, or will some other mechanism be worked out?
    President Yeltsin. After this question has been comprehensively 
considered by the Gore-Chernomyrdin commission, we, the two Presidents, 
will receive all the material and we will make the final decision.

Chechnya

    Q. [Inaudible]--seem ironical to you that you have just celebrated 
the end of World War II and the killing goes on in Chechnya? And it 
really has appalled the world, the killing of civilians. So what are you 
going to do about it, and how can you stop it?
    President Yeltsin. Well, first, there are now hostilities underway 
in Chechnya right now. Therefore, that is--there is no irony to there. 
Furthermore, the armed forces are not involved there. Today, the 
Ministry of the Interior simply seizes the weapons, which are still in 
possession of some small, armed criminal gangs. But most importantly, we 
are doing some creative work there. We are rehabilitating buildings, 
utilities, trade, we ensure the necessary financing.
    The Chechen government has been set up, and it is headed by a 
Chechen, and it operates in accordance with the Russian Constitution. 
The dates for parliamentary elections are now being discussed. 
Therefore, creative work is being done, and I believe that soon we will 
have a normal situation there, and a situation of a democratic republic, 
with all the ensuing rights for the citizens living in Chechnya.

Terrorism

    Q. [Inaudible]--radio station. I have the following question: The 
people are very impressed with incidents of brutal terrorism. Boris 
Nikolayevich, you said that you discussed this and you agreed on some 
common actions. Could you elaborate on that? And I would be grateful if 
both Presidents could at least briefly address this question.
    President Yeltsin. Well, first we convinced each other that without 
joint efforts, we will not be able to cope with this evil in the world. 
What we really need is joint efforts--joint efforts, not talk, not 
conferences, not meetings but actions. And as regards actions, of course 
we did not discuss the matter specifically, but we have instructed our 
governments to work out those actions and to proceed without delay to 
taking those actions.
    President Clinton. He asked for an answer, I'd like--we talked; we 
did not agree on a number of specific actions, but we discussed some. 
And I think it might be helpful.
    First of all, President Yeltsin and I and the leaders of many other 
countries in the world are quite concerned that the great security 
threat of the 21st century might not be all those we had been 
discussing, either explicitly or by implication here in the last few 
moments. They instead might be coming from often nongovernmental sources 
in terms of terrorism and organized crime and the proliferation of 
weapons of mass destruction, getting into the hands of terrorists and 
organized criminals. So we discussed how we

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could cooperate more with law enforcement and intelligence. I think you 
know that the Federal Bureau of Investigation is opening an office here 
in Moscow, and we have been working with Russia for sometime now.
    We discussed how we could make sure we each were as technologically 
advanced as possible, because many of the adversaries we face are very 
advanced. And we discussed how we might work together to try to limit 
the destructive capacity of terrorists and organized criminals and limit 
their ability to proliferate the weapons, particularly in the biological 
and chemical area. It's a great concern to me, and both Russia and the 
United States probably have some resources there that we can bring to 
bear.
    And I think in light of what happened in Japan, all advanced 
countries should be very, very concerned about the prospect of the 
merger of terrorism with weapons of mass destruction, biological, 
chemical, and small-scale nuclear weapons.

Chechnya

    Q. President Clinton, you've just heard President Yeltsin describe 
the situation in Chechnya in a way that may be at odds with news 
dispatches coming from the part of the country describing a massacre. 
And I wondered if--what your reaction is to his description, whether you 
accept it, if not why not, and what impact these reports of terrible 
things there may be having on the countries eager to join NATO, and what 
you would have to say to him about that?
    President Clinton. Well, I will say to you what I said to him 
personally already, and I think what he knows and Chancellor Kohl and 
other friends of Russia have said: The civilian casualties and the 
prolongation of the fighting have troubled the rest of the world greatly 
and have had an impact in Europe on the attitudes of many countries 
about what is going on here and about future relationships. I don't 
think anyone is unaware of that.
    What I have urged President Yeltsin to do is to try to make a 
permanent ceasefire, to try to move rapidly with the cooperation of the 
OSCE to get a democratic government there and to bring this to a speedy 
resolution, because I do believe it is something that is very troubling 
to the world, particularly in the dimensions of civilian casualties.
    And I'm sure all the American journalists here know that we have a 
missing relief worker there ourselves. And I asked the President to help 
me find whatever could be found about Mr. Cuny, and he said that he 
would direct the Russian authorities there to try to help us. But this 
is a troubling thing for the world, and it's been a difficult thing for 
them as well.
    President Yeltsin. Looking at my watch, shall we agree, Mr. McCurry, 
just one question on each side?

Group of Seven Nations

    Q. Boris Nikolayevich, we will have a meeting at Halifax with the 
eight. Do you intend to improve on the results of the similar meeting in 
Naples? Did you discuss anything like that this time with Bill Clinton? 
Did you agree that Bill Clinton will help you somewhere in some of 
Russia's aspirations?
    And the question for the U.S. President--this is also a question 
from Ukraine--what are you bringing to Ukraine?
    President Yeltsin. [Inaudible]--I met during these celebration days, 
of course, with everybody we discussed Halifax. I and Russia are, of 
course, concerned about our role in the G-7 or in the G-8. That is why 
this morning, at 9 a.m., I had a meeting with the Prime Minister of 
Canada, Mr. Chretien, who will act as cochairman. We discussed the U.N. 
views--we discussed his views on the problem. I discussed this with Bill 
Clinton, with Helmut Kohl, with Francois Mitterrand.
    Well, generally speaking, everybody is optimistic on this subject, 
and they wish to support Russia. To give you an example, Mr. Chretien 
this morning said that Russia in Halifax will have three times more 
opportunities than last year in Naples. Well, that's not bad. The 
minimum we count on is as follows: The political aid, we believe, has 
now asserted itself; it is a fact of life; we are part of the political 
eight.
    Now about economic matters. At Halifax, first they will address the 
economic matters of the G-7 and then they will address international 
matters pertinent to the whole world. As regards their internal 
business, well, we have no claims to that. They discuss

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specific issues and important issues related to trade and other economic 
matters. But as regards global strategic matters of importance to the 
entire world, Russia should participate in such discussions fully. So I 
think we can call this seven and a half.
    President Clinton. [Inaudible]--specific questions. The United 
States, since I have been President, has supported two major aid 
packages to Russia to support the conversion to a market economy and to 
try to assist in developing all of the institutions necessary to make 
that successful, as well as to support our denuclearization efforts 
under the so-called Nunn-Lugar funds.
    We were also very strongly supportive of the recent $6.8 billion 
standby loan that the International Monetary Fund granted to Russia as a 
result of the economic reforms initiated under President Yeltsin. So I 
think that your country has a great deal to be proud of in the economic 
progress that has been made.
    I know you still are dealing with a lot of economic difficulties; 
all market economies do. And the markets don't solve all problems. So 
you have to work on trying to deal with those. But I believe that our 
partnership has been a good investment for the United States because we 
have a stronger, more democratic, more open, more free Russia, and we 
will continue to support that direction.
    With Ukraine, I must say, they've made a remarkable amount of 
progress in the last year or so, and I think President Yeltsin feels the 
same way. I am encouraged by the balance and discipline coming out of 
the government in Ukraine, and I will continue to support the process of 
reform there.

Russian Nuclear Cooperation With Iran

    Q. President Yeltsin, several U.S. officials, including the 
Secretary of State, have suggested that if you go along with the sale of 
the nuclear reactors to Iran, this would endanger Russia's becoming a 
full member of the G-7 and other international institutions. And several 
Republican leaders in the U.S. Congress have warned that if you go ahead 
with this sale, it would endanger continued U.S. assistance to Russia. 
Are these kinds of threats persuasive, or was the intelligence 
information that President Clinton showed you today of Iran's nuclear 
ambitions, was that the convincing element to you? Or are you still 
basically at a disagreement with the United States over Iran's nuclear 
ambitions?
    President Yeltsin. We're not afraid of threats. We never react to 
threats. But as for your question, we have already told you with the 
President, that technically we need to sort the question out. We need to 
sort out what relates to peaceful and to military purposes. And this has 
been entrusted to the Gore-Chernomyrdin commission. Once we get to 
signatures--once we get a document signed by two, we the Presidents will 
make the final decision.
    President Clinton. This may be a fitting question to close this 
press conference.
    I think it is important that the people of the United States and the 
people of Russia understand that from time to time, as with any sort of 
relationship, there will be differences of opinion. Occasionally, there 
will even be occasions where our interests are different. What we have 
been working on for over 2 years now are areas where our interests are 
not different, working through areas where our opinions might be.
    Now in the case of this Iranian matter, just to take one example. If 
the United States is right and Iran is attempting to develop the 
capacity to build nuclear weapons, that would be more of an immediate 
security threat to Russia than to the United States, because you are 
closer to the country.
    So we don't really have different interests here. Both our countries 
are committed to the fight against terrorism. Both our countries are 
committed to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and its indefinite 
extension. Both our countries are dismantling our own nuclear arsenals 
at a more rapid rate than our treaties require.
    Now, in playing this relationship out, there will come times when 
there will be differences. If we ultimately differ on something, I think 
that we all know there may be consequences to having different positions 
and different actions. But I think we should be quite careful in using 
the language of threats in a relationship that in the last 2 years has 
made the world a much safer place. We have seen Russia's democracy 
strengthened. We have seen Russia's transi- 

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tion toward a private economy go more rapidly than all experts 
predicted. We have seen discipline asserted in this economy to a greater 
degree than most experts predicted. And we have seen more progress on 
thorny difficulties, complex matters, than most experts predicted.
    As a result, the people of the United States, the people of Russia, 
and the people of the world are safer today than they were 2 years ago 
and than they were before this last meeting between us occurred. That is 
the fundamental story. We will have differences. They will have 
consequences. But we should stay away from big words like threats when 
we're managing matters which can be managed in a relationship that is 
quite good for the world and that has made us all safer.
    Thank you.

Note: The President's 95th news conference began at 2:40 p.m. in the 
Press Conference Hall in the Kremlin. In his remarks, President Clinton 
referred to Frederick Cuny, an American relief worker in Chechnya who 
disappeared in April. President Yeltsin spoke in Russian, and his 
remarks were translated by an interpreter. A portion of the news 
conference could not be verified because the tape was incomplete.