[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 31, Number 18 (Monday, May 8, 1995)]
[Pages 739-743]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at the World Jewish Congress Dinner in New York City

April 30, 1995

    Thank you very much. Thank you, Edgar. Foreign Minister Peres, thank 
you for being here, for your visionary leadership, your wise words. To 
all of the friends of Edgar Bronfman who are here from Canada and from 
around the world, I am profoundly honored to be with you this evening 
and to receive this wonderful Nahum Goldmann Award.
    I know he was the president of the World Jewish Congress, the World 
Zionist Organization, the Jewish Agency, Conference of Presidents of 
Major Jewish Organizations. Every group I can think of associated with 
Edgar Bronfman, except the Seagram's Group--[laughter]--we would all 
like to be president of that, thanks to the work he has done. I would 
remind you, Edgar, that I'm a relatively young man without a great deal 
of job security. I hope you will keep me in mind in the future. 
[Laughter]
    We gather--I wish you wouldn't laugh quite so much at that. 
[Laughter] We gather tonight to celebrate the accomplishments of an 
extraordinary man. For all of you, your presence here is testimony to 
your shared values, your shared goals, and to the countless lives that 
Edgar Bronfman has touched. In these years of great change and 
opportunity and of great anxiety and even fear, in years of too much 
cynicism, the Jewish community has found in Edgar Bronfman the rarest of 
combination, a leader armed with passion for his people's cause and 
endowed with the strength to act on that passion. As president of the 
World Jewish Congress and a citizen of the world, Edgar Bronfman has 
given life to Emerson's observation that an institution is the length 
and shadow of one man.
    In the long years when the Soviet Union imprisoned Jews within its 
borders, many raised their voices in anger, but Edgar journeyed to 
Moscow to win their release. When millions in Russia and all across 
Eastern Europe won their freedom from tyranny's grip, many rejoiced, but 
Edgar took the lead in helping Jewish communities reclaim their proud 
spiritual and physical heritage that many feared had been lost forever.
    And as a new era of peace dawns in the Middle East, many celebrate. 
But Edgar works every day to reconcile the people of Israel and the 
Palestinians and to bring new life to ancient lands. Wherever Jews dream 
of a better life and wherever those dreams are threatened, Edgar 
Bronfman is sure to be found.
    A week ago today, Hillary and I went to Oklahoma City to mourn with 
and pay our respects to the victims and families of the terrible bombing 
there. Last summer, Edgar undertook a similar journey of his own when he 
flew to Argentina just hours after hearing of the bombing of the Jewish 
community center in Buenos Aires. There in the midst of the rubble and 
the ruins, he called on leaders, visited the injured, spoke to the 
children, told them to stand firm against those who traffic in fear, to 
hope and not hate, but to work every day to turn that hope into reality. 
In these times, that is a lesson every citizen of every continent should 
learn and take to heart. It echoes loudest in the ears of those who have 
known so much terror and so much sorrow.
    As was said earlier today by my friend Benjamin Meed, we mark the 
time when half a century ago the most terrible chapter in the history of 
the Jewish people was brought to a close. Unfortunately, 50 years later, 
merchants of hate still live among us here at home and around the world. 
Of course, we cannot compare their actions or their capabilities to the 
horrors that were visited upon the Jewish people, but they do practice 
and they do preach violence against those who

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are of a different color, a different background, or who worship a 
different God. They do feed on fear and uncertainty. They do promote 
paranoia. In the name of freedom of speech, they have abandoned the 
responsibility that democratic freedoms impose on all of us.
    In this freest of nations, it must strike all of you as ironic that 
many of these people attack our Government and the citizens who work for 
it, who actually guarantee the freedoms that they abuse. In the name of 
building a better future they would relive the most destructive chapters 
of evil. So while we cannot compare what they are saying and doing to 
what the Jewish people suffered decades ago, we dare not underestimate 
the dangers they pose. They can certainly snuff out innocent lives and 
sow fear in our hearts. They are indifferent to the slaughter of 
children. They threaten our freedoms and our way of life, and we must 
stop them.
    Our early patriot, Samuel Adams, once said, ``If we suffer tamely a 
lawless attack upon our liberty, we encourage it and involve others in 
our doom.'' Here in America it is not only our right, it is our duty to 
stop the terror, to bring to justice the guilty, and to stand against 
the hatred, and to help others in other lands to do the same.
    Since the beginning of our administration we have taken broad and 
swift measures to fight terrorism here and abroad. We have brought to 
trial the alleged bombers of the World Trade Center, who struck at the 
heart of this city. We have actively pursued those who crossed the line 
into illegal and violent activity. We have taken strong actions against 
nations who harbor terrorists or support their bloody trade. We have 
worked to prevent acts of terror, sometimes with remarkable success. And 
in a world where open borders and new technologies make our job harder, 
we have worked closer and closer with other nations to unravel the 
networks of terror and hunt down those who threaten our people.
    But the tragedy of Oklahoma City and its aftermath have made it 
clear that we must take stronger steps. This week I asked Congress to 
approve my antiterrorism initiatives: the power to hire 1,000 new 
Federal officials in law enforcement and support to create a new 
counterterrorism center under the direction of the FBI; to authorize the 
military to use its special capabilities in incidents involving 
chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons of terror in our country. Our 
proposals would also allow us to tag materials used to make bombs so 
that suspects could be more easily traced.
    Although no one can guarantee freedom from terror, at least these 
common sense steps will help to make our people safer. So tonight I 
appeal again to Congress to pass these measures without delay.
    While we take these actions at home we must also continue and 
strengthen our fight against terror around the world. Tonight I want to 
speak to you about terrorism in the Middle East, about rogue nations who 
sponsor death in order to kill peace and what we can do further to 
contain them.
    From the beginning of my Presidency, our policy in the Middle East 
has run on two tracks--support for the peace process that reconciles 
Israel and her neighbors. I have been honored to work with Prime 
Minister Rabin and Foreign Minister Peres and their government and the 
people of Israel in that regard. And the policy of the United States has 
been the correct one, that we would never seek to impose a peace on 
Israel and her neighbors, but if Israel takes risks for peace we will be 
there to minimize those risks and maximize the chances of success. And 
we are ahead of where we were 2 years ago, and by God's grace, we will 
continue to make progress in the years ahead. I am especially proud of 
this work that we have all been able to do and particularly proud of the 
work of Secretary Christopher in this regard.
    But the second part of our policy in the Middle East is also 
important: opposition to all those who would derail the peace process, 
promote terrorism, or develop weapons of mass destruction. The dangers 
remain great. The closer we come to achieving peace and normalcy in the 
region, the more desperate become the enemies of peace. On buses and 
along busy streets, terrorist attacks have claimed innocent lives, and 
we grieve with the families of the victims.
    We have strengthened our efforts to act against groups like Hamas 
and Hezbollah, and we are encouraging Chairman Arafat in

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his efforts to crack down on arrests and prosecute those extremists who 
resort to violence. But individuals and extremist groups are not the 
only threat. Israel shares the lands of the Middle East with nations who 
still seek to destroy the peace, nations like Iran and Iraq and Libya. 
They aim to destabilize the region. They harbor terrorists within their 
borders. They establish and support terrorist base camps in other lands. 
They hunger for nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. Every 
day, they put innocent civilians in danger and stir up discord among 
nations. Our policy toward these rogue states is simple: They must be 
contained.
    Iran has presented a particular problem to the peace process of the 
peoples of the Middle East. From the beginning of our administration, we 
have moved to counter Iran's support of international terrorism and in 
particular its backing for violent opponents of peace in the Middle 
East.
    At the same time, we have tried to stop its quest to acquire weapons 
of mass destruction, which would make it a threat not only to its 
neighbors but to the entire region and the world. Our policy has helped 
to make Iran pay a price for its actions. The nation has effectively 
been cut off from receiving credit from international financial 
institutions.
    The United States and our allies in the G-7 have stopped Iranian 
purchases of weapons from our nations. We have refused to cooperate with 
Iran on sensitive matters such as nuclear energy and have tightened 
trade restrictions on items that might be used to build weapons.
    We have not always been successful, as all of you know. The most 
recent reports of Russia's agreement to sell gas centrifuge equipment to 
the Iranians and to train nuclear technicians from Tehran are disturbing 
to me. Because Iran has more than enough oil to supply its energy needs, 
we must assume that it seeks this technology in order to develop its 
capacity to build nuclear weapons.
    The United States has an overwhelming interest in fighting the 
spread of these weapons. And Russia, as a neighbor of Iran, has a 
particular interest in the same goal. If Russia goes forward with the 
sale of nuclear reactors, it will only undermine that objective. We have 
strenuously urged the Russians to reverse these decisions, and I will 
make that case directly to President Yeltsin when I visit Moscow in just 
a few days.
    My fellow Americans, I speak especially to you when I say that many 
people have argued passionately that the best route to change Iranian 
behavior is by engaging the country. Unfortunately, there is no evidence 
to support that argument. Indeed, the evidence of the last 2 years 
suggest exactly the reverse. Iran's appetite for acquiring and 
developing nuclear weapons and the missiles to deliver them has only 
grown larger. Even as prospects for the peace in the Middle East have 
grown, Iran has broadened its role as an inspiration and paymaster to 
terrorists. And there is nothing to suggest that further engagement will 
alter that course.
    That is why last month, after the Conoco Company announced a $1 
billion contract to help Iran develop its oil reserves, I was prepared 
to stop the project by signing an Executive order banning any United 
States firms from financing, supervising, or managing Iranian oil 
reserves. But Conoco ultimately decided to abandon the deal. And let me 
add that one of the most effective opponents of that was Edgar Bronfman. 
As a major shareholder in Conoco, he would have gained financially from 
that. But he put the public interest above his self-interest, as he has 
so often throughout his life.
    I did not reach my decision in that case lightly. One of the major 
hallmarks of our administration's foreign policy has been opening new 
markets abroad and aggressively helping our firms to compete, to create 
jobs for Americans here at home. But there are times when important 
economic interests must give way to even more important security 
interests. And this is one of those times.
    So tonight, in this great dinner in honor of this champion of 
freedom, I am formally announcing my intention to cut off all trade and 
investment with Iran and to suspend nearly all other economic activity 
between our nations. This is not a step I take lightly, but I am 
convinced that instituting a trade embargo with Iran is the most 
effective way our Nation can help to curb that nation's drive to acquire 
devastating weapons and its continued support for terrorism.

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    The Executive order I plan to sign next week will cover not only the 
energy sector but all United States exports to Iran and all investments 
by American firms and the branches they own or control. We estimate that 
the embargo will have a limited effect on our companies and our workers. 
But after reviewing all the options, I have determined that if we are to 
succeed in getting other nations to make sacrifices in order to change 
Iran's conduct, we, too, must be willing to sacrifice and lead the way. 
In my discussions with President Yeltsin and with the G-7 leaders in 
Halifax in June, I will urge other countries to take similar or parallel 
actions.
    I do want you to know that I do oppose the suggestion some have made 
that we impose a secondary boycott and prohibit foreign firms doing 
business with Iran from doing business with the United States. I don't 
agree with that. I think that decision would cause unnecessary strain 
with our allies at a time when we need our friends' cooperations. My 
decision to impose this embargo should make clear to Iran and to the 
whole world the unrelenting determination of the United States to do all 
we can to arrest the behavior and ambitions of that nation.
    It would be wrong to do nothing. It would be wrong to do nothing as 
Iran continues its pursuit of nuclear weapons. It would be wrong to 
stand pat in the face of overwhelming evidence of Tehran's support for 
terrorists that would threaten the dawn of peace.
    Securing a lasting and comprehensive peace must be our urgent 
priority. The heart of our efforts, of course, is the continuing strong 
relationship between the United States and Israel. But we must make it 
work by standing against those who would wreck the peace and destroy the 
future even if peace is made.
    Let me say to you tonight, the strategy we have pursued is working. 
Never before have Arabs and Israelis met so frequently, traveled so 
freely, understood so well that their common destiny in peace and 
prosperity is urgent for all. When they are ready to turn a page on the 
path, the United States will work with them to shape a future of hope. 
And we will not stop working until the circle of peace is complete.
    Six months ago, when I had the great honor to visit Jerusalem after 
we signed the peace treaty between Jordan and Israel, I said to the 
members of the Knesset that the enemies of peace will not succeed 
because they are the past, not the future. We must work to make that 
statement true.
    Foreign Minister Peres said that he felt sorry for me because we had 
lost our enemy. And we all laughed a little bit uncomfortably because we 
knew there was a grain of truth in what he said. Oh, we knew so clearly 
when we had the Soviet Union, the cold war, and the massive nuclear 
threat. Today, no Soviet Union, no cold war, and for the first time 
since the dawn of the nuclear age, no Russian missiles are pointed at 
the children of the United States. That is a cause for celebration, and 
we should be happy about it.
    But I will tell you what I think the threat to the 21st century will 
be, and you can see its outlines all over the world today. The threat to 
the 21st century is simply this: These children who are here tonight 
should grow up in the most exciting, most prosperous, most diverse world 
in the entire history of humanity, but all the forces that are lifting 
us up and bringing us together contain a dark underside of possibility 
for evil, so that the forces of integration that are lifting the world 
up and bringing the world together carry within them the seeds of 
disintegration. And the great challenge for the 21st century will be how 
to see the opportunities presented by technology, by free movement of 
people, by the openness of society, by the shrinking of the borders 
between nations without being absolutely consumed by the dangers and 
threats that those same forces present. That is the challenge of the 
21st century.
    Because evil has not been uprooted from human nature, and the more 
open and the more flexible we are, the more vulnerable we are to the 
forces of organized evil. That is what you saw in Oklahoma City. That is 
what you saw in the terrible incident with the religious fanatic taking 
a little vial of poison gas in the subway in Japan. That is what I see 
when I go to Russia and what they really want from me now is an FBI 
office because organized crime is taking over their banks. Or when I 
went to the Baltics, and in Riga

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what they really want is some law enforcement help because now that the 
totalitarian regime has been stripped away from the Baltics, they are 
worried that their port will become a conduit for drugs and other 
instruments of destruction.
    And that is what you see in the Middle East. Why do the terrorists 
seek to blow up innocent people in Israel? Because the only way to make 
the peace work between the Israelis and the Palestinians is to have free 
movement between the two. And if free movement between the two means 
that innocent people are killed, then the Government of Israel, because 
the people demand it, must erect barriers. And then when the barriers 
are erected, the income goes down in the Palestinian area, making the 
peace a failure. The openness makes the peace possible to succeed and 
provides the threat to its undoing. That is a microcosm of the challenge 
of the 21st century.
    If you go home tonight and think about it, nearly every modern 
problem can be explained in those terms. The forces of progress and 
opportunity and integration all carry within them the seeds of abuse by 
organized evil. And we must stand up against it.
    In Proverbs, the Scriptures say that there will someday come a time 
when the wicked are overthrown and there are no more, but the house of 
righteousness will stand. Now in my Baptist upbringing, all the 
preachers used to tell us that that would only happen when the end of 
human time had come and we were all lifted to the hereafter. No one 
knows that, but I will say this: Edgar Bronfman has worked to hasten the 
day when the house of righteousness will stand, and so must we.
    This can be a great time for human history, and our children and 
grandchildren can have a great future because of the lives of people 
like Edgar Bronfman. But the challenge is clear: Can we make the forces 
of terror the past? Yes, we can, but we have to work at it.
    Thank you, and God bless you all.

Note: The President spoke at 9:34 p.m. in the Grand Ballroom at the 
Waldorf-Astoria Hotel.