[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 30, Number 28 (Monday, July 18, 1994)]
[Pages 1461-1466]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
The President's News Conference With Chancellor Helmut Kohl in Bonn, 
Germany

July 11, 1994

    Chancellor Kohl. President Bill, ladies and gentlemen, it's the very 
great pleasure for me to be able to welcome you, Mr. President, here to 
Germany, here in the Chancellory of the Federal Building of Germany.
    I salute the President of the United States, the country to which 
the Germans owe so much after the war, more than any other country in 
the world. American soldiers brought freedom to Germany. American 
soldiers were those who brought us freedom, and the United States of 
America helped us in those difficult times. And Bill as a rep- 

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resentative of a generation that experienced that. I was 15, 16 years 
old then--those who, until the monetary reform here in Germany, had 
firsthand experience of hunger and starvation, had experience of the 
kind of rubble in which our cities had fallen and the destruction that 
had been wrought through the war. As someone of that generation, I say 
to you how much that means, friendship and partnership with the United 
States, to us here in Germany. And we have not forgotten the millions of 
American soldiers who, over a period of more than 40 years, defended 
freedom and peace and security for us here in Germany, who were here, 
far from their homes, together with their relatives, with their family 
members.
    And we have certainly not forgotten--certainly I have not 
forgotten--that all American Presidents, ever since Harry S Truman, the 
unforgettable Harry S Truman, and George Marshall always were ready to 
help us in difficult times. And all Presidents of the United States, 
from Harry S Truman onward, all the way to George Bush, and to you, to 
you, Bill, and to your term in office, all of you have helped us along 
the way.
    I will never forget the German unity in those dramatic days and 
months, 1989, 1990, and the years after that, that this would not have 
been brought about without the assistance and help of our American 
friends. And in this dramatic moment of change in the world, where I 
feel it is changing for the better, it is of tremendous importance that 
we should continue this good cooperation.
    Tomorrow you will go to Berlin. And that is something for which I am 
highly grateful, because for us Berlin is the symbol of the free world. 
And without your assistance throughout the years--the airlift is just 
one case in point--people would not have been able to live freely in 
peace and freedom in Berlin.
    For the future, we want to adhere to the clear maxim of Konrad 
Adenauer, who said again and again that German security, German future 
rests on two pillars: the unification of Europe and transatlantic 
partnership and friendship. And this basic tenet of our foreign policy 
will not change, which is why I am grateful that the President of the 
United States, once again, on the 9th of January of this year in 
Brussels made it very clear in his speech that the presence of American 
soldiers here in Germany and in the whole of Europe will be maintained.
    I think we have launched a lot of common initiatives. I would like 
to mention here the exchange programs of young students, the 
contribution that was made to the German American Academic Council, that 
apart from military security issues and economic issues, cultural 
relations are very important, too, and they also strengthen our 
relationship.
    We have just talked about how the ancestry of so many Americans--so 
many Americans know about their roots that they have here in Germany. 
And what we have built up over these years, decades, centuries, is 
something that we want to continue.
    You see these old trees, very old trees, that were planted by 
generations that were before us. And we are happy to see them grown, 
because others have been so farsighted to plant them. And if we bring 
together young Americans and young Germans, it's as if you've planted 
the seedlings for a new forest. And this is something we want to do 
together.
    We talked about many topical issues of day-to-day politics yesterday 
and today, yesterday in Naples. We will continue our talks here today. 
Once again, a very warm welcome to you here in Bonn and later on in 
Berlin. And what is important and what still stands is what we said 
after our first meeting: Watching a German-American friendship, a 
German-American partnership is one of the basic prerequisites for 
upholding peace and freedom of our country, and I'm truly grateful for 
this.
    Thank you.
    The President. Thank you very much. I was very grateful to have the 
opportunity to visit here in Bonn for the first time and to be the first 
American President to come here since the fall of the Wall and the 
unification of Germany. I also want to say, I appreciate very much 
having the opportunity to see Chancellor Kohl again and to build on the 
work that we have just done at the G-7 Summit at Naples.
    The relationship between Germany and America in the last several 
decades has been truly unique in history. And the Chancellor

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and I both hold our offices at a moment of historic opportunity. The 
walls between nations are coming down; bridges between nations are 
coming up. The integration of Europe, strongly supported by the United 
States, is well underway.
    We know from our experience how half of Europe was integrated 
through NATO and other institutions that built stability after World War 
II. We marvel at the leadership of Chancellor Kohl and his fellow 
Germans who came from West and East and who have now made their nation 
whole, who are working so hard to revive the economy, not only of Europe 
but of the entire globe.
    At the heart of our discussion today was what we have to do to 
integrate Europe's other half, the new independent nations of Central 
and Eastern Europe, Poland, the Baltic countries, Russia, Ukraine, 
Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovak Republic, the others. We noted how 
American and Russian forces will soon leave places in Germany where they 
have been since 1945. We discussed how important it is to expand joint 
military exercises with our allies through the Partnership For Peace. 
But we also recognize that trade, as much as troops, will increasingly 
define the ties that bind nations in the 21st century.
    We discussed how new institutions and relationships must be built on 
even broader stability in the wake of the aftermath of the cold war. We 
discussed how new institutions and relationships must build even 
stronger stability after the cold war, institutions such as the European 
Union whose presidency Germany has recently assumed, the World Trade 
Organization, and of course, the Partnership For Peace.
    As we build on the work we did in Naples and look to next year in 
Halifax, the economic, cultural, and security bonds between Germany and 
the United States will grow stronger. The Chancellor and I will continue 
to do everything we can to make the microphones work--[laughter]--and to 
integrate the newly independent countries of Europe into shared security 
with their neighbors, helping them to reform their economies, attract 
new investment, claim their place at the table with free and friendly 
nations of like mind.
    Let me say again how much I personally appreciate the working 
relationship I have enjoyed with Chancellor Kohl and the partnership 
that has existed for so long now between Germany and the United States. 
As we look forward to further progress in integrating Europe, in dealing 
with the difficulties in Bosnia--and we hope that peace will be made 
there--I think it is clear that to imagine any of these things working 
out over the long run, the German-American partnership will have to be 
maintained and strengthened, and I am confident that it will be.

German Leadership

    Q. Tomorrow a German court will rule whether Germany can send troops 
beyond NATO's borders. How would you like to see Germany play a greater 
role on the world stage? I would actually like to ask the Chancellor how 
he sees that as unfolding.
    The President. The German court will rule for fear that I will have 
an adverse impact, although I doubt that the opinion of the United 
States can or should have much impact on a constitutional judgment by a 
German court.
    Let me answer you in this way. I have great confidence in the larger 
purposes and direction of this country and of the support Germany has 
given to a unified Europe in which it is a partner, but an equal 
partner, with its friends and neighbors as well as to a more aggressive 
effort to solve the problems within Europe, like Bosnia, and beyond 
Europe's borders.
    I think anything that can be done to enable Germany to fulfill the 
leadership responsibilities that it is plainly capable of fulfilling is 
a positive thing. But of course, the German court will have to interpret 
the German constitution. That's beyond the reach of Americans to 
understand, much less comment on, but I do hope that we will have the 
benefit of the full range of Germany's capacities to lead.
    Chancellor Kohl. First of all, ladies and gentlemen, I think you 
will well understand that before the court has to come to its final 
ruling I will not be able to comment on that. Here in Germany we say 
that on the high seas and in front of a tribunal you are always

[[Page 1464]]

in God's hand, and I think a chancellor would be well advised to stick 
to this kind of advice.
    I can only tell you how we see our position in general terms. The 
role of Germany--well, we are members of the United Nations, and as 
members of the United Nations we have certain obligations and we have 
certain rights. And I think it is simply inconceivable and incompatible 
with the dignity of our country that we make full use of the rights and 
do not fulfill our obligations. This is unacceptable.
    That is also the background of the internal dispute that is 
currently in discussion that is going on here. We have had help from our 
neighbors, from the United States, that I already mentioned. Now when 
things get a bit rough, we cannot simply sit back and let others do the 
work. We will have to discuss, obviously, how we are going to do this in 
detail once the court has come to its final ruling. We have to assume 
our international responsibilities.
    This excuse that we had for the past 40 years, and it was a 
justified opinion under the circumstances, where we said, ``Well, as a 
divided country we will simply not be able to take certain decisions.'' 
That is something that is no longer valid. One cannot be a reunified 
country with 18 million people with the kind of economic strength that 
we have, with the kind of reputation and prestige that we claim for 
ourselves, if we do not fully issue our responsibilities and fulfill our 
obligations. And as Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, I 
would have you know that it will be the opinion of this Federal 
Government that we will bear responsibility within the framework of our 
responsibilities.

North Korea

    Q. Mr. President, back home you've been criticized by the Republican 
leader, Bob Dole, for your condolences that you offered to the Korean 
people on the death of Kim Il-song. How do you feel about his comments? 
Do you think it was a mistake to offer condolences, and are you 
concerned about this latest postponement of the North-South talks and 
also the Geneva talks?
    The President. First of all, let me say that the statement that I 
issued was brief, to the point, and appropriate, and very much in the 
interest of the United States. It is a fact that after years and years 
of isolation and a great deal of tension arising out of the nuclear 
questions, we began talks again with the North Koreans on the day that 
Kim Il-song died.
    I think it is in the interest of the United States that North Korea 
continue to suspend its reprocessing, refueling, and continue to engage 
in those talks. They have told us that the talks will resume after an 
appropriate time for grieving. And I would think that the veterans of 
the Korean war and their survivors, as much as any group of Americans, 
would very much want us to resolve this nuclear question with North 
Korea and to go forward. So what I said and what I did, I believed then 
and I believe now was in the interest of the United States and all 
Americans.

Bosnia

    Q. On the situation in Bosnia, there seems to be a growing concern 
in the United States to go ahead and finally lift the arms embargo so 
that Bosnian Muslims can defend themselves. Are you now prepared to 
support that, and why has it taken so long?
    Perhaps, President Clinton, you'd like to respond to that as well.
    Chancellor Kohl. Well, first of all I don't think it would be wise 
to discuss this question at this present moment in time, publicly, and I 
will not do so. We have come to clear agreements so the participants to 
the conflict have a clear-cut plan submitted to them on the table.
    There is a very clear period for a decision that has been granted to 
them, and I think we should wait until that has run out and then come to 
our decision. But I would like to use this opportunity to appeal to all 
parties to the conflict in Bosnia to seize this opportunity that may 
open up itself if all parties to the conflict show themselves willing to 
compromise.
    If you look at the declaration, the statement that emanated from the 
conference yesterday in Naples, where President Yeltsin also had a share 
in that since eight countries participated yesterday that here, a very 
clear-cut position comes out of this declaration and I support this 
declaration, and I am in com- 

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plete agreement with my friend Bill Clinton on that.
    The President. Let me just say, too, the Bosnian Government has, 
with great difficulty--because the map is not easy for anyone--but the 
Bosnian Government has said that it would accept that contact group's 
proposal and present it for approval, and I think we should support 
that. I think that the Serbs should do the same, and I think it should 
be implemented.
    The contact group has worked very hard to bring an end to this 
conflict and to be as fair as possible to the parties. And what we have 
to do with this problem in the heart of Europe here is to give the 
chance for peace to occur, and we all need to be supporting this. And I 
feel very strongly that the fact that we've been able to achieve a 
united position here gives us a chance to have the peace agreement work 
if it is accepted in good faith. And that's where I think we ought to 
go. I think we ought to work together with our allies in Europe to solve 
this problem, and we have come very close to doing that.

North Korea

    Q. Mr. President, are you operating on blind faith in terms of North 
Korea? It seems to me that the fact that they in the future will get to 
us through diplomatic channels and really postpone the talks, now today 
the breakoff of the North-South summit. Don't you have some sense that 
things may not go so well?
    The President. Well, the evidence will be in the action. That is, we 
have been told--first of all, let me break these two issues up.
    The United States said that we would go back to discussions on the 
nuclear questions if, but only if, the reprocessing and refueling were 
suspended so that the situation could not further deteriorate. The North 
Koreans have told us that they were prepared to continue the 
discussions, but they wanted an appropriate period of time in the 
aftermath of Kim Il-song's death. So I think, on balance, we know 
whether or not they will keep their word and we will be able to see 
that. We will know whether or not they continue to avoid reprocessing, 
refueling. And they say they want to continue the talks, so I'm hopeful 
on that.
    On the question of the summit, as I understand it--and I haven't had 
a chance to visit with President Kim about it, I'm going to talk with 
him in the next couple of days--keep in mind, that's a matter for the 
North Koreans and the South Koreans to determine between themselves. And 
I don't think it's entirely clear right now, at least, where both 
parties stand on the timing of that. I do hope it will be held as soon 
as it's appropriate and so do the G-7 countries. We, the G-8, yesterday, 
came out for that in our political statement.
    But there's no pie-in-the-sky optimism here; there are facts, which 
are the predicate to continuing talks. And the facts are, will the 
nuclear reprocessing and refueling be suspended and will the talks 
resume at an appropriate time and a reasonable time. And so far, the 
answers to both those questions seem to be yes, and therefore, I think 
that's good news.
    Q. Mr. President, the indications seem to be that the younger Kim is 
a somewhat peculiar chap, and I wonder what sense you may have of that 
and how it may affect any calculations you might be making as to whether 
and when, if at all, to reach out to him diplomatically in any way?
    The President. I wish you'd answer that question, Helmut. [Laughter]
    Chancellor Kohl. I don't think either of us knows anything specific. 
And in such difficult times and in such a difficult situation, I think 
the best thing is probably one to wait until you see the original, and 
don't hear reports that you hear about the original.
    The President. Let me give you an answer. I was only halfway 
serious, but he did a good job, didn't he? [Laughter]
    I don't know the younger Kim. And I think you have to be careful in 
judging people by what others say about them one way or the other. I 
think we need to proceed on the facts. If the facts are that North Korea 
is serious about continuing to talk with us in Geneva and will continue 
to suspend these important elements of the nuclear program, then we 
should proceed on that basis. Any other questions will have to be 
developed as we know more than we now know.

[[Page 1466]]

Decline of the Dollar

    Q. Really a question for Chancellor Kohl, whether or not you have 
some concerns about the falling U.S. dollar, whether or not you and 
President Clinton discussed that, and do you think that the U.S. should 
take some action by involving the dollar at this time?
    Chancellor Kohl. That was not the subject of our discussions today. 
But on the margins of the conference in Naples, that was an issue among 
others. But I must tell you that it's not my job to talk to a government 
with whom we have such friendly ties in such a forum and then to make 
this in any way public. That is something that I do not want to do.
    The American economy, and this is to our advantage infinitely here 
in Europe and in Germany, has, thankfully, now picked up again and is in 
an upswing. And I think the American Government knows very well how the 
domestic situation is and is in the best position to make decisions. I 
don't think that it would be appropriate to discuss this publicly. I 
have a very vivid memory of this kind of discussion in my own country 
over the years; this is why I always held back in this kind of 
discussions with others.
    The President. Let me say I'm reluctant to say more than I already 
have, which is that we will not use the dollar as an instrument of 
trade. We take this issue seriously, but the fundamentals of the 
American economy are sound. I appreciate Chancellor Kohl talking about 
our economic recovery in saying that that is good for Germany. We want 
to be in a position to buy more as well as to sell more.

German-U.S. Relations

    Q. Mr. President, you said that the German-American relations were a 
truly unique relationship. Obviously, one thinks immediately of a 
special relationship that played quite a significant role in the 
relations of your country with the U.K. Now, which country is going to 
be the most important half of the talks for you in the future?
    The President. That's like asking me to pick a team in the World 
Cup. [Laughter] Once we were eliminated I declined to do that.
    Well, the relationship we have with the two countries is different, 
you know. I mean the history is different. The relationship we have with 
the U.K. goes back to our founding. Even though we fought two wars with 
them early in the last century, it is unique in ways that nothing can 
ever replace because we grew out of them.
    The relationship we have with Germany is rooted in the stream of 
immigration that goes back 200 years. Indeed, as Chancellor Kohl said, 
most Americans might be surprised to know that German-Americans are the 
largest ethnic group in the United States, about 58 million of them. But 
what we have shared since World War II, I think, is astonishing. And I 
think 200, 300, 400 years from now historians will look back on this 
period, this 50 years, and just marvel at what happened in the aftermath 
of that awful war. And it has given us a sense, I think, common 
partnership that is unique now because so many of our challenges are 
just to Germany's east. What are we going to do in Central and Eastern 
Europe? What will be our new relationship with Russia, will it continue 
as strongly as it now seems to be doing?
    So there's a way in which the United States and Germany have a more 
immediate and tangible concern with these issues, even than our other 
friends in Europe. And so history has dealt us this hand, and a very 
fortunate one it is, I think.
    Thank you very much.

Note: The President's 65th news conference began at 11:49 a.m. at the 
Chancellory. Chancellor Kohl spoke in German, and his remarks were 
translated by an interpreter.