[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 30, Number 23 (Monday, June 13, 1994)]
[Pages 1225-1228]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Interview With Tom Brokaw of NBC

June 5, 1994

D-Day Commemoration

    Mr. Brokaw. Mr. President, I know you did a lot of homework for this 
occasion, but could any amount of homework prepare you for the emotion 
of what you've been going through and what you will go through?
    The President. No. You know, we were in Italy, and I knew that many, 
many of our service people who fought there in that very difficult 
campaign thought that their service had never been adequately 
recognized. But nothing prepared me for the impact of the thousands of 
graves at Nettuno and what the veterans felt. Nothing, nothing could 
have prepared me for the emotional impact of what I saw outside of 
Cambridge with that Wall of the Missing, the 5,000 people, including 
Glenn Miller and Joseph Kennedy who died in air crashes, were never 
recovered. You can read about it, you can talk to people about it, but 
until you're there and it hits you, you can't imagine.
    Mr. Brokaw. For this generation, your generation, for that matter, 
what are the lessons to be learned now from that day, D-Day, and that 
time?
    The President. First of all, I think it's important to remember that 
what D-Day proved more than anything else was, to use General 
Eisenhower's words, the fury of an aroused democracy is still the most 
important force in the world. The fact that we were a free people--and 
yes, maybe we were a little slow, you can argue in hindsight, to respond 
to Hitler's aggression, but the fact that we were a free people, full of 
young, gifted men and women, like these young men sitting behind you 
today, who figured out how to win this war and would not be denied is a 
great lesson for today. Our system of government is still the best, and 
we should never forget that, because it is disorganized to some extent 
or messy, but at least it allows us to govern ourselves from the inside, 
from our genuine emotions.
    The second lesson I think we have to learn is that if we do what the 
people who won that war want us to do, if we do what Roosevelt and 
Churchill and Eisenhower and the others wanted us to do in the post-
cold-war era, that is, if we stay involved in the world knowing we can't 
solve every problem, knowing we can't end every conflict, but knowing 
that we have to contain these things so that they don't flare up, then 
we'll never have to have another D-Day. That is the ultimate lesson. 
They all fought and died so that we wouldn't have to do that again. And 
the only way we can be sure is to stay strong and stay involved. And in 
a very uncertain world, knowing that from time to time we may make 
mistakes but that the ultimate lesson is as long as we're involved and 
we're trying to stop and contain these conflicts, we won't have another 
D-Day.

Foreign Policy

    Mr. Brokaw. Those leaders that you just cited always knew when to 
draw the line. There is a continuing perception that you're still not 
comfortable with national security decisions. Can you help correct that 
during this occasion?
    The President. Well, I think for one thing, the answer is--the short 
answer to that is yes, but the longer answer is slightly more complex, 
and I'd like to have the chance to answer it.
    What we're trying to do is to do in the post-cold-war era what the 
leaders after World War II had to do. Keep in mind, they didn't quite 
know where to join the line either. For years people criticized 
President Truman because Russia built a Communist empire and occupied 
all of Eastern Europe. It took some time to figure out, you know, what 
was NATO going to do, what was the

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Marshall plan all about, what was our position in Asia going to be. And 
that's the period we're in now. We're working at the line-drawing.
    We do have some clear lines. We have a continuing security 
commitment to Korea and Japan, for example, which is unbending and 
cannot be breached. We have a continuing effort with Russia to make the 
world less nuclear, which is immediate in its implications in our 
security. And we are working through a lot of other things. In Bosnia 
what we have done is to say we're not sure we can solve this, but we can 
limit its reach, and we must. And we've been somewhat successful there, 
I think more successful than most people acknowledge.
    And I think what you will see is as we work through these things and 
the shape of the post-cold-war world becomes clear, the lines that 
America will draw will become clear. We are not withdrawing. That's the 
main thing. We are trying to stay engaged.

North Korea

    Mr. Brokaw. Isn't it possible that the North Koreans are responding 
to your various overtures because they believe that you'll talk the talk 
but, in the modern jargon, not walk the walk, that you've been 
ambivalent about Bosnia and Haiti and even about trade with China?
    The President. No. I don't think that's what's going on. I think 
that they may think that the world community won't impose sanctions on 
them, but I think the world community will impose sanctions if they 
don't----
    Mr. Brokaw. But if the world community does not, will this President 
say, ``We're going to do it on our own; we're going to lead the way''?
    The President. We won't have to do it on our own. There will be lots 
of countries there willing to help us, the so-called coalition of 
willing. I prefer to have the United Nations take the appropriate action 
because we know that Russia and China on the Security Council agree with 
us on this issue. They don't want North Korea to become a nuclear power. 
And they know North Korea promised not to become a nuclear power. So I 
prefer to do it that way.
    But we are going to proceed firmly on this. I hope and believe the 
U.N. will do it. If it doesn't, then we'll look at who else wants to do 
it and what else we can do. But we can't turn away from this. This is 
not about the United States; this is about North Korea. They promised 
that they wouldn't be a nuclear power. They promised to let us inspect. 
I will say this, since I've been President we've engaged them more, and 
we have been able to inspect now. What is at issue here is the 
inspections they did not allow back in 1989 and what they're going to do 
about it and whether that gives them the ability to make nuclear 
weapons. Now, since they still deal with countries that we know are 
rogue states and support terrorism, that's of great concern to us. That 
is a big issue for the American people and the long-term security of the 
world. So we've got to be firm here.
    Will the United Nations support us? I believe they will. If they 
don't, what will we do? I think there are other options open to us. But 
we cannot just walk away from this.
    Mr. Brokaw. If they continue to test, for example, the Silkworm 
missile, which is the shipkiller, and any kind of picket line you would 
put around North Korea would be exposed to that kind of thing, but you 
think ultimately that they'll respond only to the military option?
    The President. I'm not sure of that. They have said that they would 
consider sanctions an act of war, but I don't really believe that. Keep 
in mind there are lots of countries in the world that have nuclear 
programs. When President Kennedy was President, he thought by this time 
two dozen countries would be nuclear powers. We don't have two dozen 
nuclear powers because the United States and our allies have worked very 
hard to reduce the number of nuclear powers. North Korea promised they 
wouldn't do it. We're just asking them to keep their word to be part of 
the world community, to reach out and grow.
    You know, the ultimate sanction is going to be for them to decide 
what kind of country they want to be. Do they want to be isolated and 
alone and impoverished, or do they want to work out their relationship 
with South Korea, with the United States, ultimately now with Japan, 
with China, with Russia. Ev- 

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erybody is saying, ``Come on and be part of this world. Don't withdraw 
and be part of a dark future.'' And I still believe there's a chance 
they'll come back. But we just have to steadily keep on the course we're 
on. It is dictated by their behavior, not by ours.

Vietnam Conflict

    Mr. Brokaw. Mr. President, you've been getting all the respect that 
is due--[inaudible]--Commander in Chief during these D-Day ceremonies. 
As you live in this kind of a military environment, do you ever late at 
night regret your own decision to avoid military service when you were a 
young man?
    The President. I don't regret the fact that I opposed the conflict 
in Vietnam and our policy there and I did what I could to--honorably--to 
bring it to an end. I still think I was right on that. I think on 
balance it did our role in the world more harm than good, although we 
were well motivated. We certainly didn't--the only lesson in Vietnam is 
that you can't fight someone else's fight for them. You can't do that. 
There is a limit to what we can do for someone else.
    But there are plenty of times when I wish I'd had the experience, 
because I, after all, I'm a child of World War II. I grew up on the war 
movies, you know, on John Wayne and John Hodiak and Robert Mitchum and 
all those war movies. I grew up with the memories of a father I never 
knew, with a picture of his uniform on in World War II.
    What I'm doing this week has brought me back to my roots in a very 
profound way. You and I are about the same age, and you know what I'm 
talking about. There's nothing that can compare with it. And I think all 
the people who grew up in my generation were hurt maybe worse than any 
other generation could have been by their ambivalence over Vietnam 
because we all loved the military so much.
    Mr. Brokaw. Do you understand the quiet resentment of many of the 
veterans who are here: you did not serve and that you are now the 
Commander in Chief?
    The President.  Sure, but I've been stunned by the number of the 
World War II veterans, by the dozens the other day when I spent hours 
with them at Nettuno, who said that they had supported me, they had 
voted for me, and that they thought it was not good for America that 
these personal attacks continue. I told them that they should stay in a 
good humor about it and I would, too. I can't worry about that. There is 
nothing I can do about the past. All I can do is get up every day and be 
faithful to these young men and women in uniform today, faithful to the 
oath that I swore to uphold, and make these calls the best I can.
    And if I spend all my time worrying about what somebody else thinks, 
I can't do that job. What I owe the people, whether they support me or 
resent me, I owe every one of them the same thing, to do the very best I 
can every day. And that's what I'm doing.

American Values

    Mr. Brokaw. Finally, Mr. President, do you think that we'll ever be 
able to restore in our country the values and the sense of common cause 
that existed 50 years ago?
    The President. Well, we will be able to if the American people in 
peacetime can understand that their existence is threatened by some 
things that are going on inside our country, by what has happened to our 
families, to our communities, by the fact that crime has reached 
epidemic proportions and violence among so many of our young people, and 
that that also threatens who we are as a people.
    One of the things I tried to say to the American people in 1992 that 
I try still to say is that our national security is a product of being 
strong on the outside and also being strong on the inside. And if we can 
face up to things that--we're facing up to our economic problems. We're 
doing much better there. But we still have problems with our children, 
problems on our streets, other problems we have to face up to. If we can 
face up to them, then we will have the kind of sense of community that 
we had in World War II.

Note: The interview began at 8:37 p.m. aboard the U.S.S. George 
Washington en route to Normandy, France. A tape was not available for 
verification of the content of this interview.

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