[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 30, Number 20 (Monday, May 23, 1994)]
[Pages 1073-1080]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at the Jefferson-Jackson Democratic Governors Association 
Luncheon in Indianapolis

May 14, 1994

    Thank you for that wonderful, rousing welcome. Thank you for your 
support of the Democratic Governors. And thank you, you folks here in 
Indiana, for your support of my good friends Evan and Susan Bayh.
    You know, like Evan Bayh, when I was elected Governor of Arkansas, I 
was the youngest Governor in the country. Indeed, I was the youngest 
person elected in 40 years. Now 40 years before me, the person who was 
elected slightly younger than me was Harold Stassen--[laughter]--who 
later ran for President eight times. Which shows you that there may or 
may not be significance

[[Page 1074]]

to being the youngest Governor in the country. [Laughter]
    But nonetheless, when I met Evan Bayh, I really resented him. 
[Laughter] I mean, he was so young and handsome, and I realized I'd 
never be that young again, I'd never look that good again. Come to think 
of it, I still sort of resent him for that. [Laughter] When we play golf 
he hits the ball longer than I do. When we come in, he graciously 
fabricates the truth and tells people that I won when I didn't. Then he 
put the burden on me to try to correct it. Occasionally, I do. 
[Laughter] I really admire Governor Bayh and his wife and his whole 
administration and all the people who have done so much to change 
Indiana.
    I'd also like to thank your Members of Congress who came with me 
today: the chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Lee 
Hamilton; Congressman Phil Sharp, who is retiring against my will, but 
who is going to be replaced by another good Democrat, Joe Hogsett; 
Congressman Frank McCloskey; Congressman Tim Roemer. And I want to say a 
special word of thanks to Congressman Andy Jacobs, who did so much to 
put over our assault weapons ban last week. I want to acknowledge your 
former Congressman and your nominee for the Senate, Jim Jontz, wish him 
well, and say a word of thanks to the other Democratic Governors who are 
here who have all been recognized but who were colleagues of mine in my 
former life when I was a Governor, or as my wife says, back when we had 
a life. [Laughter] Governor Mel Carnahan, Governor Ben Nelson, Governor 
Bruce Sundlun, and Governor Joan Finney. I thank them for their personal 
friendship and for their leadership. I want to thank Katie Whelan of the 
Democratic Governors Association and Ann DeLaney, the chair of the 
Democratic Party, her husband, Ed, Sally Kirkpatrick, Diane Simone, and 
all of you who did this today, this wonderful, wonderful lunch, thank 
you.
    I feel almost like I don't have to say anything. I mean, I saw the 
movie and I heard everybody else's speech. [Laughter] It reminds me of 
the first time I got up to give a speech. This is a true story, in 1977, 
the first speech I ever gave as an elected official, I was an attorney 
general; I was 30 years old; I was sort of scared. I spoke to 500 people 
at the annual Rotary Club dinner in Pine Bluff, Arkansas, and it was one 
of these deals where they installed officers and gave out awards. And 
all but three people who were there got introduced, and they went home 
mad. [Laughter]
    The dinner started at 6:30 p.m., and I got up to speak at a quarter 
to 10 p.m. And the guy who introduced me was more nervous than I was--he 
later became a great friend of mine--but here is how the introduction to 
my first public address as an elected official started. He said, ``You 
know, we could stop here and have had a very good evening.'' [Laughter] 
Now, he didn't mean it the way it came out. But I feel that way today. 
You could stop here and have had a wonderful meal, a wonderful 
celebration of our party and our prospects and our future.
    I was glad to see the tribute paid to Evan Bayh and his leadership 
in Indiana. He proved some things about Democrats that the Republicans 
kept trying to deny in all their rhetoric and with all their media 
barrages. He proved that Democrats can govern in an austere fiscal 
climate by cutting spending and without raising taxes. He proved that 
Democrats understand the importance of jobs in the free enterprise 
system. And he has worked relentlessly to bring more jobs to this State. 
He understands the link between economic growth and education. Indiana's 
Step Ahead program is a real model for this country. The new Gateway 
Education standards mirror what we're trying to do at the national 
level.
    In 1988, he ended 20 years of Republican governance of the 
statehouse. The Democrats have come a long way since that election. When 
he was elected secretary of state, he was the only Democrat in statewide 
office. Republicans controlled both houses of the legislature, half the 
seats in Congress. Today you've got five statewide elected officials, 
including your distinguished attorney general, the first African-
American woman elected to statewide office in the history of this State. 
You have 7 of the 10 seats in Congress, and I hope after this next 
election, Mayor Mike Harmless will give us 8 of the 10 seats in Indiana.

[[Page 1075]]

    I owe a lot to the years I spent as a Governor. Basically, I ran for 
President because I was tired of what I thought was the stale rhetoric 
in Washington, the incredible partisan gridlock, and the politics of 
division and diversion and often personal destruction, everybody arguing 
over left and right and liberal and conservative and how this process 
was and who was up and down and who was in and out. And people in this 
country were being lost in the whole process, and we were at risk of 
losing the American dream as we moved toward the 21st century.
    I saw hard-working people, business people, and laboring people work 
hard in the 1980's to improve their productivity and to try to come to 
grips with the realities of the eighties and the economic competition of 
the world. I saw all these wonderful teachers and other people trying to 
revitalize education. I saw community leaders standing against the tide 
of rising violence and declining family structure to make good things 
happen.
    I knew a lot of Members of Congress who were honest, good, honorable 
people who wanted to make a difference. And yet always, always, always, 
what we seemed to be getting out of our National Government was more 
politics and less performance.
    I ran for a very simple reason: because I wanted to get this country 
moving again and I wanted to see the American people pull together 
again. I wanted us to go into the 21st century a strong, united, 
wonderful place, living up to our promise, our potential, our past, and 
our own ideals. And I was tired of reading all these prognostications 
that my daughter was going to grow up to be part of the first generation 
of Americans to do worse than their parents. And I believed we could do 
better.
    I thought we could do it by organizing ourselves around three little 
words: opportunity for all Americans, responsibility from all Americans, 
and a belief that we are one community, that we really believe in our 
national motto, E Pluribus Unum, that we are one from many and that we 
are all in this together and that ultimately we will go up or down 
together.
    I believed that if we followed those three little words in all of 
our policies and we looked at the real world, that we could find new 
ways to rebuild our families and our communities, to honor the American 
people who elect us all. I believed we could go beyond partisan 
gridlock. It's been, frankly, a little tougher than I thought it would 
be. And it's been even tougher to get the message to the American people 
that we are doing what we said we would do.
    Last year, the Congress had the courage to pass an economic program 
which went beyond rhetoric to reality. It drove down the deficits; it 
drove down interest rates; it increased investment in critical areas. 
The Congress had the courage to take on a lot of tough trade issues. We 
did more to foster the expansion of global trade last year than in any 
single year in a generation. The Congress was willing to work with me to 
invest in new technologies and take the controls off exporting many of 
them in the aftermath of the cold war. And what has happened: 3 million 
jobs in the first 15 months of this administration, a million in the 
first 4 months of this year. I'll tell you, my fellow Americans, the 
other party talked a lot in Washington about delivering for the free 
enterprise system. They talked, but we delivered.
    This week the Congress passed our budget for this year. A budget 
that, without new taxes, will increase funding for education, for 
training, for new technologies, for medical research, and still, for the 
first time since 1969, reduce overall domestic discretionary spending, 
along with defense reductions--for the first time since '69--by 
eliminating 100 Government programs and reducing 200 others. This will 
give us, for the first time since Harry Truman was President--and with 
all respect, when it had to happen at the end of World War II--3 years 
of declining deficits in a row, for the first time since the Truman 
Presidency. They talked about it; we delivered it.
    The Vice President has led a path-breaking effort that we call 
reinventing Government to try to examine how we do things and how we can 
serve you better, how we can make Government less bureaucratic and act 
more quickly and push decisions down to the grassroots level. I'll just 
give you one example that you can find now if you need to apply for an 
SBA loan. We've got it down to a one-sheet form, and it takes 2 days to 
process.

[[Page 1076]]

And I could give you 50 other examples like that if time permitted. 
Perhaps the most graphic example is this: Under our budget, we will 
reduce the size of the Federal Government not by firing people but by 
attrition, by 252,000 over a 5-year period, so that at the end of the 
period, the National Government will be below 2 million employees for 
the first time since 1960. And all of the savings will be put into a 
trust fund to pay for the crime bill--100,000 more police officers on 
the street. The other party always talked about reducing the size of 
Government and empowering people at the local level, but we have 
delivered. That is our job.
    We are breaking new ground in education, developing a system of 
lifetime learning, helping the young people who don't go on to college 
but do need further training, lowering the cost of college loans and 
stringing out the repayments but toughening the collection procedures, 
so that we can open the doors of college education to everyone. You 
heard a little talk the other day--a few moments ago about our national 
service program. I think in so many ways that embodies what this 
administration is about: opportunity, responsibility, and community. 
Twenty thousand young people this year will be working in their 
communities in national service to revolutionize places where they live, 
to solve problems, and earning money for their education. And year after 
next we will have 100,000 young Americans doing that.
    I'm proud of the work we have done to stand up for the American 
family. You heard on the film that wonderful woman talking in the Rose 
Garden about the problems they had been through because that family that 
you saw, speaking at the signing of the Family and Medical Leave Act, 
had been wrenched by a childhood illness and being forced to deal with 
the question of whether the parents would be with the children and lose 
their jobs or keep their jobs and not be with the children.
    I think the most moving personal encounter I've had actually in the 
White House since I have been President occurred on an early Sunday 
morning when I came in from my run, and I noticed a family taking a 
tour, which is very rare on a Sunday morning at about 9 a.m. And I went 
over and shook hands with them. There was a father, a mother, three 
children, all girls. And it turned out that the child that was in a 
wheelchair was one of these Make-A-Wish children, a child with a very 
serious illness. And I asked them to excuse me, and I went up and 
changed clothes, came down with my uniform on so we could take a 
picture. And I was walking away, and all of a sudden this father grabbed 
me by the arm. And I turned around, and he said, ``Let me tell you 
something, Mr. President,'' he said, ``I imagine that a lot of days you 
think that the work you do up here really doesn't matter and doesn't 
affect people's lives. But'' he said, ``my little girl is desperately 
ill, and she's probably not going to make it. Because of the family 
leave law, I have been able to take some time off from my job to be with 
my child, without thinking that I am disadvantaging my wife and other 
two children by losing my job.'' And he said to me, ``It's the most 
important experience of my life. And it would not have happened if it 
hadn't been for the family leave law. Don't ever think what you do here 
doesn't make a difference.''
    Folks, the family leave law was tied up in gridlock for 7 years. The 
Brady bill was tied up in gridlock for 7 years. The GATT treaty took 7 
years to pass. The crime bill that the Congress is now in conference on 
has been tied up for 5 years. It is too long for Americans to wait while 
partisan differences get resolved and people's lives hang in the 
balance. We are trying to deliver for you up there.
    Let me say we have had some support from the other party on some 
important initiatives, on national service, and I'm grateful for it; on 
the education bills, and I am grateful for it; on the crime bill, and I 
am grateful for it. Thirty-eight brave Republicans stood up with the 
Democrats the other day and voted on the assault weapons ban, and I am 
grateful for it. But the point I want to make to you is this: A lot of 
you probably didn't even know some of the things I have said because our 
national debate is so shrouded in this shrill, uncivil, diversionary 
rhetoric.
    We are moving to break gridlock. But we also have to break the 
gridlock that is in people's minds. Because no matter what we do

[[Page 1077]]

in the Government, very few of our specific actions will affect a 
majority of the American people. If you just take the welfare reform 
issue, for example, something I care deeply about, we're going to 
propose a remarkable welfare reform bill which will go with the other 
things we're doing to try to help people move from dependence to 
independence, lowering taxes for working people with modest incomes. 
This year, one in six working families will be eligible for a tax break 
so they can be successful workers and successful parents, and there will 
be no incentive to leave work and go to welfare.
    Providing for health care for all Americans will mean that no one 
will want to stay on welfare just to get health coverage for their kids. 
One of the reasons that people don't leave welfare has nothing to do 
with the welfare check, it's because if you stay on welfare the 
Government will pay for your children's health care. If you get off 
welfare and you take a low-wage job with an employer that in today's 
market can't afford health insurance, you then pay taxes to pay for 
health care for people who didn't make the decision you did. That is not 
profamily; it is not prowork; it is not good policy.
    We need a tax structure, a health care structure, a tough child 
support enforcement system, and an education and training system and 
ultimately a requirement that people work so that we can change this 
system as we know it. But to do it we have to know that we share values 
and we're trying to get this done because it's the right thing for our 
country, not because it will affect most of us, because most of us 
aren't on welfare. That is the problem I face all the time, how rhetoric 
sometimes gets in the way of reality when we're up there trying to do 
things that I know embody the values of the people of this country and I 
know will give us a chance to move ahead.
    But I know ultimately we cannot prevail unless there is a new spirit 
among the American people, a new determination to change the way we 
evaluate politics and politicians and to change the way we live at the 
grassroots level. And let me just mention two issues. The first is 
health care. My fellow Americans, we cannot ever--and you can book 
this--we cannot ever get control of the Federal deficit as long as the 
Government's health care programs, Medicare and Medicaid, are going up 
at 2 and 3 times the rate of inflation. We cannot hope to be fully 
competitive in a global economy as long as we spend 45 percent more of 
our national income on health care than any other country does.
    Some of it is money well spent on medical research and new 
technologies and new drugs and the things that make us special. Some of 
it is money we have to spend because we're more violent than other 
countries. But a lot of it is money we spend because we are the only 
country that employs hundreds of thousands of people, literally, in 
doctors' offices, hospitals, insurance offices all across America to see 
who and what is not covered on the insurance policy. No one else does 
that. That adds tens of billions of dollars to our system.
    Now, if this were easy to fix, somebody would have done it long ago. 
For 60 years Presidents have tried. Our system is based on--I mean, my 
plan is based on some simple ideas. And I don't ask everybody to agree 
with every detail, but it's based on some simple ideas. If 9 out of 10 
people with insurance get it in the workplace and 8 out of 10 people 
without health insurance have somebody in their family that works and 
you want the system to be as private as possible, wouldn't the best 
thing be to say that people who haven't assumed any responsibility for 
themselves and their workers should assume some responsibility and 
should do their part as well? Because any student of the health care 
system will tell you, until you cover everybody, you're going to have 
massive cost-shiftings, you're going to have uncontrollable elements and 
costs in the system, and you're going to have abject unfairness. That's 
why I propose to extend the requirement of covering health care for 
everybody through employers and employees, not a Government mandate. 
It's a private system.
    The second thing--what has been the objection to the health care 
thing? This is what I want to get at; what's happening to our national 
debate. Because I want to talk about your responsibilities as citizens, 
one, in the national debate and, second, inaction in the grassroots 
level. What's happened to the na- 

[[Page 1078]]

tional debate? They say support for my plan has gone down. It has, under 
the weight of tens of millions of dollars of adverse efforts to try to 
convince you that it is a Government-run system, that it is horrible for 
small business, that it is a mindless bureaucracy where crazy people 
will be making decisions for you. I've seen all these ads. [Laughter]
    Now the truth is--and I've read some of the letters that have gone 
out--the truth is quite different. The truth is, it's private insurance, 
private providers. The Government does the following things: The 
Government says everybody has to be covered. The Government establishes 
a pool to give discounts to small business people who would be otherwise 
in real trouble if they had to pay the full value of a health care 
policy to try to protect the small business economy. And the Government 
organizes buying groups so that small businesses and self-employed 
people can buy insurance on the same terms as Government employees and 
big business people. Now, that's what we do.
    With all respect, the other--last Sunday, I saw on television a man 
I very much admire and like, President Ford, giving a speech attacking 
our health care program, that was doubtless prepared for him by the 
other party. And one of the lines in this speech--it was devastating, I 
mean, it was a hum-dinger--it said, ``They want to set up a national 
health care board where there are seven people in Washington to decide 
what is necessary and appropriate for your health care. I don't think we 
ought to let seven bureaucrats in Washington make decisions that you and 
your doctors ought to make, do you?'' And I said, ``Goodness, no. Shoot 
the guy that put that plan out there.'' [Laughter] Right? So I go to the 
office the next day, and I said, ``You know, that was not a fair 
characterization of our plan. But he wouldn't knowingly misstate that. 
Let's do a little research,'' because I remembered something. I 
remembered that President Ford and President Carter, in a nonpolitical 
atmosphere, were the honorary cochairs of a bipartisan effort to reform 
the health care system. They had a detailed health care plan very much 
like ours in which they--and they wrote an op-ed piece about it, signed 
by President Ford, proposing two national boards not--to be fair to 
them--not to regulate the health system or make decisions for your 
doctors but to do exactly what our little board was going to do, which 
was to evaluate claims by people that there ought to be new benefits 
added to health care packages and funded. And somebody needed to 
evaluate it in a nonpolitical, professional atmosphere to see how much 
these things were costing.
    Now, how are you supposed to be active citizens if that's the way 
the debate's going? So I'm going to write a funny little letter to 
President Ford and send a copy of his article and underline the board 
deal, you know. But the point is, he didn't know that, I mean, he just 
was given a speech. And he is a good man. But don't you see how this 
kind of debate obscures what really matters?
    What matters? What matters is 39 million Americans don't have any 
health insurance. At any given time during the year, 58 million 
Americans don't have any health insurance. Now, keep in mind, there's 
255 million people in this country. So you add up the statistics. 
Eighty-one million of us live in families with preexisting conditions: a 
child with diabetes, a fine mother who has had premature cancer, a 
father who had a heart attack at an early age, people who, under the 
present system can't ever change jobs because they can't get insurance 
or they'd have to pay more than they could ever afford. Three-quarters 
of us who have insurance in the workplace have lifetime limits, which 
means if we should happen to have a baby with a terrible health problem 
that doesn't take the child's life away, we could run out of insurance 
before the child is old enough to get out of the house, at the very time 
we need it.
    Now, those are the real problems. And I say to you, you should 
demand, not as Democrats but as Americans, that we face this problem 
this year, not with smoke and hot air and rhetoric but sitting down 
across the table as compassionate Americans and resolving it this year, 
not later.
    Let me mention one last issue. Before I came here today, I was 
honored to go with Mrs. Ethel Kennedy, who is here with us, out to that 
wonderful site where Robert Kennedy spoke here in Indianapolis the night 
Martin Luther King was killed, to break

[[Page 1079]]

ground for a memorial which will be made to both those men and what they 
have meant to our country and to the lives of so many of us. And we know 
that at least some of what will be used in the sculpture will be metal 
that comes from weapons which were turned in in the weapons buy-back 
program here and melted down.
    The thing I liked about that more than anything else was that this 
was something that I could go and celebrate as President but that I 
didn't have a thing in the world to do with. The citizens of this 
community, your basketball team, your prosecutor, your local officials, 
church leaders, they're going to make this work, and in the process, 
they will change the attitudes and the behavior of people all across 
this community, without regard to race or income or political party. 
They are going to give, around this project, thousands of people around 
here the chance to be Americans in the best sense again.
    Now, we're going to pass this crime bill. There will be 100,000 
police in it. And if they're deployed properly, they'll make a real 
difference on your streets. They can drive the crime rate down. And we 
are going to have some tougher punishment in the bill. And we're going 
to have a lot of prevention money to give these kids something to say 
yes to before they get in trouble, as well as just telling them to say 
no. And we're going to have this ban on the 19 assault weapons.
    But let me ask you, what is it you wish to discuss about this, and 
what are your responsibilities? Yesterday in Greenbelt, Maryland, right 
outside of Washington, there was a 13-year-old boy from a poor family, 
standing, minding his own business, just won a scholarship to one of the 
most distinguished private schools in Washington--standing there on the 
street minding his own business. These nine kids got in a fight, started 
shooting, and that boy's dead today.
    There's a poor neighborhood in your Nation's Capital that got sick 
and tired of this kind of stuff, so they just built a fence around their 
neighborhood and hired guards just like they were rich people in private 
developments. And they had the same results. Now, old folks are sitting 
on park benches talking, and the kids are playing, because they've 
constructed a wall between themselves and the rest of America.
    When this assault weapons ban was voted on, it should not have been 
as difficult as it was. It shouldn't have been as painful as it was. But 
a lot of good, honest people in Indiana and in other places were told 
that it was a threat to their right to keep and bear arms. And I 
understand that. I grew up in a State where more than half the folks 
have a hunting or a fishing license or both. And most of us grew up 
shooting 22's and 410's long before we were old enough to drive a car. I 
understand that. But very few of those Americans were told that that 
bill contained explicit, I mean written protection for more than 650 
sporting weapons even as we were trying to make our streets safe for the 
police and the people in the face of the awful, bloody assaults we see 
on our children every day. Why? Because of the rhetoric.
    And I say to you, I will do my best as your President to fight these 
things. I will do my best to work with the Congress. I'll do my best to 
stick up for the Democrats when we're leading the way but to also give 
the Republicans credit when they help, just like I have today. But you 
have got to change the dimensions of the debate in every community in 
this country. And you have got to take some personal responsibility for 
how this happens.
    The President and the Congress cannot save all those 13-year-old 
kids that are standing in front of bus stops today. But you can and your 
police officers can and your churches can. And maybe the best we can do 
in the short run is to put those walls up. I say hallelujah to those 
poor folks. Why should you have to be rich to have a wall behind which 
your children and your grandparents are safe? That's fine. But consider 
the irony of that.
    In a few months, I will go to Europe to celebrate D-Day, the victory 
of freedom. I will go to Germany to celebrate our victory in the cold 
war. Do you remember what President Kennedy said when he gave that 
wonderful Ich Bin Ein Berliner speech? At the Berlin Wall he said this: 
He said, ``Freedom has many difficulties, and our democracy is far from 
perfect, but we never had to put up a wall to keep our people in.'' No,

[[Page 1080]]

we never did. But now millions of us have to put up walls to keep our 
people out. Is that what Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy gave 
their lives for? I don't think so.
    And I tell you, it doesn't matter who the President is; it doesn't 
matter how hard the Congress labors. Unless we can change the dimensions 
of our conversation away from all this division, destruction, the 
shouting, this uncivil, this often outright dishonest talk, to a calm 
and more hospitable and more open and more respectful tone and unless 
people at the grassroots level take personal responsibility for all 
these kids whose lives are at risk, then the political system cannot 
produce the results you want.
    Of those little words: opportunity, responsibility, and community, I 
believe with all my heart, by far the most important is community. We're 
still around after two centuries, folks, yes, because we had good 
leaders, but most of all because we had good people with good hearts and 
good values and good minds. And more than half the time they did what 
was right. It is now required of all of us that we do what is right.
    Thank you, and God bless you all.

Note: The President spoke at 12:35 p.m. in the Sagamore Ballroom at the 
Indianapolis Convention Center. In his remarks, he referred to 
fundraiser Sally Kirkpatrick and Michael M. Harmless, mayor of 
Greencastle, IN.