[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 30, Number 2 (Monday, January 17, 1994)]
[Pages 41-45]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
The President's News Conference With Visegrad Leaders in Prague

January 12, 1994

    President Clinton. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Welcome to 
the very beautiful American Embassy.
    I have just finished a very productive and enjoyable working lunch 
with the leaders of the Visegrad states: President Vaclav Havel and 
Prime Minister Vaclav Klaus of the Czech Republic; President Arpad 
Goencz and Prime Minister Peter Boross of Hungary; President Lech Walesa 
and Prime Minister Waldemar Pawlak of Poland; and President Michal Kovac 
and Prime Minister Vladimir Meciar of Slovakia.
    I want to, at the outset, stress my appreciation to President Havel, 
Premier Klaus and the Czech people for their hospitality and 
contributions to our meeting, and I thank again all the Visegrad leaders 
for joining here today.
    This region, where the great democratic rebirth of Europe began 5 
years ago, holds a special place in my own affections. I first came to 
this city 24 years ago this week, and two of my senior national security 
advisers were born in this region: the Chairman of our Joint Chiefs of 
Staff General Shalikashvili, who spent most of his early years in 
Poland, was born there; and my U.N. Ambassador Madeleine Albright who 
was born here in Prague. I told President Havel yesterday that the Czech 
Republic is the only nation in the world that has two ambassadors in the 
United Nations.
    I have come to Europe to help build a new security for the 
transatlantic community for the 21st century. During the cold war the 
security of the Western alliance was defined by the division of Europe. 
Our new security must be defined by Europe's integration, the 
integration of a broader Europe based on military cooperation, robust 
democracies, and market economies. That was my message in Brussels, 
where I met with our NATO and European Community allies. And it will be 
my message as I travel to Moscow.
    I am mindful of an old Polish saying, which I have, I hope, learned 
to pronounce properly: Nits o nas bez nas; Nothing about us without us. 
And so I have come to this region to share my thoughts directly with 
your leaders and your people. I believe the United States must make 
clear to all of you first that we are committed to helping you continue 
your work of reform and renewal in peace. That commitment derives from 
more than our shared values and our admiration for your efforts. It also 
derives from our own security concerns. Let me be absolutely clear: The 
security of your state is important to the security of the United 
States.
    At today's lunch I discussed three ways in which my nation is 
prepared to advance Europe's democratic integration by supporting your 
region's continued renewal and security. First, we discussed the 
Partnership For Peace, the American proposal NATO has just adopted. The 
Partnership invites all former Warsaw Pact and former Soviet states, 
plus other non-NATO members in Europe, to join in military cooperation 
with NATO in training exercise and operations jointly.
    While the Partnership is not NATO membership, neither is it a 
permanent holding room. It changes the entire NATO dialog so that now 
the question is no longer whether NATO will take on new members but when

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and how. It leaves the door open to the best possible outcome for our 
region, democracy, markets, and security all across a broader Europe, 
while providing time and preparation to deal with a lesser outcome.
    Second, we discussed ways in which the United States can help to 
solidify your democratic and market reforms. I stressed that I have 
ordered our programs to give greater emphasis to helping this region 
tend to reform's impacts on your workers and your communities. I talked 
about the ways we are working to expand trade and investment between 
your region, the rest of Europe, and the United States. I also discussed 
the steps we are taking to help the Visegrad region and other parts of 
Central and Eastern Europe bolster their new democracies.
    We're supporting the development of a thriving civil society. And in 
our meeting I announced the creation of the democracy network, an 
initiative to bring new resources to grassroots and independent groups 
throughout the region. I stressed our interest in fostering regional 
cooperation among your countries, practical things that can advance your 
integration into a broader Europe.
    Finally, I salute all those leaders here in Prague today who have 
worked to build practical regional cooperation and consensus in Central 
Europe at this pivotal moment in history. I congratulate them on having 
this regional meeting. And I suggested several ways we can help to 
support regional integration, including support for regional 
infrastructure projects like highways and communications networks and 
air traffic systems.
    I have greatly enjoyed my discussions today here. I assure you I 
will follow up on them. The United States will have a special conference 
this year on trade and investment in the countries represented here on 
what we can do to increase American investment and to increase the 
purchase of the products made by the people who are working hard in all 
of these thriving democracies.
    I come away convinced that, together, we can place Central and 
Eastern Europe at the heart of a new Europe, an integrated Europe, 
democratic, prosperous, secure, and free. That is my commitment; I 
believe it is our joint commitment.
    Thank you very much, and I'd like now to turn the microphone over to 
President Havel.
    President Havel. Distinguished President, ladies and gentlemen, we 
are living in a time of a dramatic searching for a new order, an order 
in which no one would be subjugated or endangered and which would make 
it possible for all European people and states to live in an atmosphere 
of peaceful cooperation.
    Our today's meeting in Prague bears witness to the great importance 
which the United States and the North Atlantic alliance attach to 
stability, security, and peace in Central Europe, in relation to peace 
in all of Europe as well as to the security of the United States.
    We welcome the Partnership For Peace project as a good point of 
departure in NATO's quest for a new identity of the alliance as a true 
stabilizing core of European security. We appreciate that it allows 
individual approaches from the various countries. At the same time, 
however, it depends on how energetically and how quickly the different 
countries will move to instill in Partnership For Peace contents meeting 
their interests and their possibilities. For our part, we want to do 
everything in our power in order that our partnership results in our 
full membership in the alliance. We do not regard Partnership For Peace 
as a substitute for that but rather as a first step toward NATO.
    The reason why we want to join the alliance is that we share the 
values of civilization which it protects, and that we want to take part 
in protecting them. We realize that it is neither possible nor desirable 
to isolate Russia. However, we are independent states, and we decide 
ourselves about our affiliations and our policies.
    Ladies and gentlemen, as we agreed in our conversations with the 
representatives of the Central European nations that are represented at 
this meeting in Prague, our countries have very similar views on this 
subject. This is certainly a gratifying circumstance, and it is to the 
benefit of us all.
    Let me, therefore, conclude by expressing my firm conviction that 
this meeting has become an important landmark on the road to- 

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ward a new democratic and truly peaceful Europe, sharing firm and 
natural ties with the North American continent. At one time, the city of 
Yalta went down in history as a symbol of the division of Europe. I 
would be happy if today the city of Prague emerged as a symbol of 
Europe's standing in alliance.
    Thank you.

Russia

    Q. Mr. President, there are nationalists in Russia who look at these 
four countries and other nations that were under the grip of Moscow, and 
they dream of rebuilding the Soviet empire. What will you tell Russian 
President Boris Yeltsin about the security needs of these countries, and 
how far it should go in guaranteeing their territorial integrity and 
their borders?
    President Clinton. First of all, I would say that based on their 
past statements, he's right, and they're wrong. That is, I think that 
the Russian position, the position of the present administration there 
that they will respect the territorial boundaries of their neighbors is 
the proper position.
    You know, each nation at critical periods has to imagine again what 
its future is going to be, and it has to define itself--how it will 
define itself as a nation and how it will define a standard of 
greatness. The United States, in very different ways, is going through 
such a period today. And Russia must do that.
    In the 21st century can anyone seriously believe that we will define 
greatness by whether one country can physically occupy another, since we 
all know that wealth and opportunity will be determined by things other 
than physical possession of land mass? I don't think so.
    And my urgent task will be to try to continue to press the path of 
democracy and reform and America's support for it in Russia. They are a 
great people with a great history and a great future. But the future 
must be different from the past, and the way greatness is defined must 
be different. And that, I think, is a struggle plainly going on there 
now that will play itself out over the next few years. And I'm hoping 
and will be working for the best possible impact.

Security of Visegrad States

    Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press International]?
    Q. Mr. President, it's obvious that the leaders have accepted 
something short of what they really wanted. And in a way they're being 
treated as second cousins. They really wanted security guarantees, and 
you and all the NATO allies have told them that that's not in the 
package. In view of----
    President Clinton. Let me just--I disagree that they're being 
treated as second cousins. This is something NATO has never done before. 
We will have people out in the next few days talking about how we're 
going to begin all kinds of joint security operations. To say that 16 
nations of NATO made a mistake not to immediately issue security 
guarantees to some nations of Europe and not others, without knowing in 
any way, shape, or form whether the reciprocal obligations of NATO could 
be met by new members, I think is an unfair characterization of the NATO 
alliance.
    Q. My question is, in view of the lessons of World War II, is it 
conceivable if any of these nations were invaded or aggressed against 
that NATO would not come to their aid?
    President Clinton. I think it is doubtful; that's right. I think our 
reading of history is right. But frankly, I think none of us believe 
that--I can't speak for the other Presidents except based on our 
conversations--that that is imminent. I think--what I was impressed by 
from these leaders is that they very much want to be a part of Europe, 
of the Western alliance, in an economic and social and political, as 
well as a military way, and that the broad definition of security is in 
that.
    Of course, there are always concerns that in the future, the darker 
past might be recreated, that there could be an expansionism again. But 
what we need to do is--again, what I'm trying to do is to reach out and 
enhance the security of these nations in ways that also permit other 
nations to enhance their security and partnership with us, and that does 
not now draw a new line of division across Europe. Maybe there will be a 
new line drawn some day, and if so, we want to do what we can to support 
the security of these nations. But we hope that we are giving

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Europe the possibility for the best possible future.
    Mr. Blitzer [Wolf Blitzer, Cable News Network] I think had a 
question for President Walesa, and then I'd like a question from the 
foreign press next. But, Wolf, go ahead.

Poland

    Q. President Walesa, I'm sorry I can't ask you this question in 
Polish. But Poland seems to be the least enthusiastic among the Visegrad 
countries for the Partnership For Peace proposals. Is that accurate? And 
can you describe exactly how you feel about this proposal and whether 
Poland will seek membership in the Partnership For Peace proposal.
    President Walesa. I can answer in two words: Sometimes small is 
beautiful. And we do believe that this is a step in the right direction. 
It's been decided by the powers of the world, and we shall try to make 
good use of this.

Prague Visit

    Q. What about your next part of your unofficial program in Prague 
with President Havel? Did public radio give you a tape of your saxophone 
concert? [Laughter]
    President Clinton. I think the best part of my unofficial time in 
Prague was becoming reacquainted with the city, walking across the 
bridge again after 24 years and seeing the family I stayed with 24 years 
ago and just meeting the people. I was very pleased by the large number 
of people who came out yesterday to see me and say hello. And seeing the 
changes here, it was very rewarding, and it stiffened my determination 
to continue to support these kinds of changes.
    Now, I had a lot of fun playing the saxophone, and the President 
gave me a saxophone, you know, with his name inscribed on it, so it's a 
gift I will always treasure. The nice thing about the little music we 
played last night was that the Czech musicians with whom I played were 
so good that they covered up all my shortcomings.
    Is there another question from the foreign press?

Bosnia

    Q. What is the next American step in the Bosnia war?
    President Clinton. Well, the next thing that we are doing now is 
what we are doing with NATO. NATO adopted a new resolution and our 
military commanders in Europe now are looking into the instruction they 
got from the NATO commanders, which is to examine what plans can be 
developed to ensure the rotation of the troops at Srebrenica and to 
ensure that the airstrip at Tuzla is open.
    Now, in addition to that, I have been actively consulting with all 
the people with whom I have met. I have asked all the leaders here what 
further steps that they thought ought to be taken. Everyone recognizes 
that the peace prospects have been diminished now because, for the first 
time in a good while, all three parties seem to believe they have 
something to gain by fighting. And as long as that circumstance 
continues, it's going to be difficult for us to convince them through a 
political process to stop. But there are some ideas floating around, and 
I'm going to solicit some more.
    Yes, sir, go ahead. Well, I'll take two more. Go ahead--three more.

Ukraine

    Q. Mr. President, already there are voices in Ukraine's Parliament 
suggesting that President Kravchuk went beyond his authority in 
negotiating the agreement to eliminate nuclear weapons. And even a 
Foreign Ministry spokesman there today said there may not be an 
agreement ready for you and President Yeltsin and President Kravchuk to 
sign in Moscow on Friday. Is that your understanding, and is this 
causing concern about this agreement that you reached this week?
    President Clinton. Well, let's see what happens in Kiev. I think, 
you know, we have to let President Kravchuk make his own judgments about 
what he can and cannot do with his government. I expect that we will 
have an agreement, and I expect that it will be honored. And I think, 
frankly, the more the people in the Ukrainian Parliament know about it, 
the better they will feel about it. I think as the details get out, 
they'll feel better about it.
    Yes, I'll take you too. Go ahead.

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    Q. There appears to be some difference of opinion even within your 
own staff about President Kravchuk's ability to order these changes, 
whether he can do it by executive order, whether the Rada or Parliament 
has to vote on it. What is your understanding of that, sir?
    President Clinton. We'll talk about it in Kiev and beyond. Let's 
watch it unfold and see.
    We've got to go.
    Q. Mr. President, I had planned to ask the question that Mark [Mark 
Knoller, CBS Radio] asked. But let me ask you, the reformers in Russia 
seem to have had trouble building coalitions to offset the rise of the 
nationalist forces. What kind of advice will you be giving Mr. Yeltsin 
and other reform leaders about how to go about offsetting the threat of 
Mr. Zhirinovsky?
    President Clinton. Well, I think first of all, perhaps in the last 
election they learned a good lesson, which is that the forces of reform 
need to find ways to work together and to speak if not with one voice, 
at least with a common message.
    I expect there to be some rough spots along the way. I mean, after 
all, this is a rather new experience for them, and they'll have to 
figure out exactly how the forces are going to be organized within the 
new Parliament, and then they'll have to work out their relationship 
with the President. But even those of us that have been at it for 200 
years still have difficulties from time to time. But I'm looking forward 
to meeting with a number of those leaders in the reform effort and 
getting to know them and getting some feel for where they are and where 
they're going. But I'm still basically quite hopeful.
    Thank you very much.

Note: The President's 42d news conference began at 1:55 p.m. at the U.S. 
Ambassador's residence. The Visegrad leaders spoke in their native 
languages, and their remarks were translated by an interpreter.