[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 29, Number 41 (Monday, October 18, 1993)]
[Pages 2058-2064]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
Remarks at the University of North Carolina in Chapel Hill

 October 12, 1993

    Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you very much, President 
Spangler, President Friday, Chancellor Hardin, my good friend, Governor 
Hunt, and other distinguished platform guests, ladies and gentlemen.
    I must say I have thought for a long time about what it might feel 
like to be in a vast crowd of North Carolinians and have them do 
something besides root against one of my athletic teams from Arkansas. 
[Laughter]
    I began to think of this moment in August when I was on vacation, 
and I spent an evening with a person who used to be one of your great 
sons, James Taylor. And I asked him to sing ``Carolina on My Mind,'' so 
that I could begin to think about what this day might mean to all of us. 
Five other Presidents have come to this great university to speak. None 
has ever had the opportunity to speak to a crowd like this, on this 
occasion of your 200th birthday as a university.
    I'd like to begin by thanking the students whom I have met, and 
especially those who gave me this beautiful leather-bound book of 
essays, three of them, about the theme for this bicentennial celebration 
that the students chose: community. For it is in many ways what ought to 
be America's theme today, how we can be more together than we are apart.
    This university has produced enough excellence to fill a library or 
lead a Nation; and novelists like Thomas Wolfe and Walker Percy; in 
great defenders of the Constitution like Senator Sam Ervin and Julius 
Chambers, now one of your chancellors; and Katherine Everett, a pioneer 
among women lawyers; and Francis Collins, a scientist who discovered the 
gene for cystic fibrosis; and journalists like Charles Kuralt and Tom 
Wicker and Deborah Potter and my Pulitzer Prize-winning friend, Taylor 
Branch; and leading business men and women like the head of the Small 
Business Administration in our administration, Erskine Bowles, who's 
here with me tonight and who, I dare say, is the ablest person ever to 
hold his position, probably because of the education he got here at the 
University of North Carolina. These are just a few of the many thousands 
of lives who have been brightened by what Mr. Kuralt so warmly referred 
to as the light and liberty this great university offers.
    There are few certainties in this life, but I've also learned that 
when March madness rolls around, I'll be hoping my Razorbacks are there, 
but I know that Dean Smith's Tar Heels will always be there.
    As one who grew up in the South, I have long admired this university 
for understanding that our best traditions call on us to offer that 
light and liberty to all. Chapel Hill has always been filled with a 
progressive spirit. Long before history caught up with him, as Mr. 
Kuralt just said, your legendary president, Frank Porter Graham, spoke 
this simple but powerful truth, ``In the South, two great races have 
fundamentally a common destiny in building a nobler civilization, and if 
we go up, we go up together.'' What a better life we might have had if 
more had listened to that at a single time.
    Your great State has also understood that education goes hand-in-
hand with the expan- 

[[Page 2059]]

sion of democracy and the advancement of our own economy. Under the 
leadership of men like Luther Hodges and Terry Sanford and Bill Friday, 
this university joined with your other State's great universities, the 
State government, and the corporate community to begin building an 
advanced research center to attract new businesses and jobs. Now the 
Research Triangle has more than 60 companies, more than 34,000 
employees; it is the envy of the entire Nation of what we can do if we 
strive to make change our friend.
    Tonight we celebrate the day this university began, the laying of a 
cornerstone that marks a milestone in the entire American journey, 
because on this day, near this place, 200 years ago, the cornerstone was 
laid for the first building in the first university in a Nation that had 
only recently been born.
    It was, to be sure, a time of hopeful and historic change, when the 
future was clear to those who had the vision to see it and the courage 
to seize it. It was a time of heroes such as William R. Davie: a fighter 
in the Revolution, a framer of the Constitution, a Princeton graduate 
who wanted a State university here to make education accessible to more 
than a privileged few. On October 12th in 1793, when General Davie laid 
the foundation for this university, he laid a foundation for two 
centuries of progress in American education.
    Historians tell us now that there was then a joyous ceremony, that 
``the maple leaves flamed red in the eager air.'' Great joy there was, 
but remember now, it was in the face of great uncertainty. The ruins of 
the Revolutionary War had yet to heal. The debts had yet to be repaid. 
And a new democracy seemed still untested and unstable. Yet, in spite of 
all these problems, the Americans of that time had the courage to build 
what had never before existed, a great new republic and a public 
university.
    In spite of the obstacles, they decided to bet on the future, not 
cling to the past. That is the test for us today, my fellow Americans. 
Alexis de Tocqueville carried this uniquely American optimism, this 
faith in education, this commitment to change, when he wrote in his 
wondrous ``Democracy in America'', ``The Americans have all a lively 
faith in the perfectibility of man. They judge that the diffusion of 
knowledge must necessarily be advantageous, and the consequences of 
ignorance fatal. They all consider society as a body in a state of 
improvement, humanity as a changing scene, in which nothing is or ought 
to be permanent, and they admit that what appears to them today to be 
good, may be superseded by something better tomorrow.''
    For two centuries now, we've held fast to that faith in the future. 
For two centuries we've kept the courage to change. And for two 
centuries we've believed with Frank Porter Graham that we must go up 
together. Our founders pledged their lives, their fortunes, their sacred 
honor to a common cause. We fought a vast and bloody Civil War to 
preserve that common cause. Every battle to expand civil rights has been 
to deepen and strengthen that common cause, our ability to go up 
together.
    Now, after 200 years, and after 200 years of this university, we 
find ourselves a people of more than 150 different racial and ethnic 
groups confronting a challenge in this new era which tests our belief in 
the future, tests our courage to change, and tests our commitment to 
community, to going up together. Tonight we can best honor this great 
university's historic builders and believers, a dozen generations after 
our Nation and this university began, by meeting those tests.
    The cold war is over. The threat of nuclear annihilation is 
receding. Democracy and free markets  are  on  the  march.  Mandela and 
de Klerk, Rabin and Arafat have given people hope that peace can come 
out of any conflict.
    A global economy is taking shape in which information and investment 
move across national borders at stunning speed. And competition for jobs 
and incomes is intense. Expanding trade is critical to every nation's 
growth, and our greatest asset is no longer natural resources or 
material structures. It is the strength, the skills, the mind, and the 
spirit of our people.
    This is a world America has done a very great deal to make through 
two World Wars, the Civil War, the cold war, the establishment of global 
economic and trading missions, through the attempts to build a United 
Nations and other instruments of peace and

[[Page 2060]]

harmony, of progress and democracy. It is full of hope. But as we all 
know, it is not without its heartbreak.
    There is less danger of a nuclear war between two nations but more 
danger of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the hands 
of people irresponsibly prepared to use them. The oppression of 
Communist control has disappeared, but that disappearance has opened 
ugly ethnic and religious divisions. The United Nations can do more good 
than ever before, but clearly there are limits to what outside forces 
can do to solve severe internal problems in some nations. We cannot 
withdraw from this world we have done so much to make, and we must face 
its difficulties and challenges. Through great trials we have stood with 
President Yeltsin for democracy, peace, and economic reform in Russia. 
In so doing we have helped the Russians, but we've made ourselves safer 
and better, too.
    We have sponsored and supported the peace process in the Middle 
East, for which you just clapped. And so doing, of course we have 
contributed to a better life for the Arabs and the Jews, but we have 
enhanced our own security as well.
    We have helped to save nearly 1 million Somalis from death, 
starvation, anarchy, and strengthened our argument that the world's poor 
and deprived need not turn to terrorism and violence for redress. In so 
doing we have advanced our interests, but some of our finest young 
soldiers have perished.
    Tonight before going on, I want to express here in North Carolina, 
my profound gratitude and deep personal sympathy to the families of the 
six servicemen from Fort Bragg who were killed in Somalia: Sergeant 
Daniel Busch, First Class Earl Fillmore, Master Sergeant Gary Gordon, 
Master Sergeant Timothy Martin, Sergeant First Class Matthew Rierson and 
Sergeant First Class Randall Schugan. May God bless their souls and 
their families, and may we all thank them.
    Our Nation is grateful to them, so are most of the people of 
Somalia. I have ordered strong new steps to protect our troops, to 
ensure the return of our missing or captive Americans, to complete our 
mission in that nation in no more than 6 months, to finish that job 
quickly but to finish that job right.
    Just as we know we cannot withdraw from the world, we know here at 
this great university, that we cannot lead the world unless we are first 
strong at home. After all, in the beginning it was our values, our 
ideals, our strength, our willingness to work, to make the most of what 
was here on this continent that made us the envy of the world.
    And here at home, this new economy of ours offers much hope and 
opportunity. Yet every positive development seems to bring with it some 
jarring dislocation. The global economy not only rewards the educated, 
it punishes those without education.
    Between 1972 and 1992, while the work year got longer for most 
Americans, our wages stagnated. The 75 percent of our people who don't 
have college degrees felt it profoundly. Those who began but didn't 
finish college saw their wages fall by 9 percent just since 1979. For 
those who didn't go on to college, wages fell 17 percent. For those who 
left high school, wages dropped 20 percent. We got a lot of new jobs out 
of international trade, but we know we also lose some every year to 
competition from countries with lower wages or higher quality or 
sometimes unfair practices. We know that our health care is the finest 
in the world, but millions of us are just a pink slip away from losing 
their health insurance or one illness away from losing a life's savings.
    Most of our people are law-abiding citizens who love their families 
more than their own lives. But America leads the world in violent crime, 
has the highest percentage of its people behind bars, has 90,000 murders 
in the last 4 years, and more and more of our children are born into and 
grow up in family situations so difficult that it is hard even to make 
the arguments that the rest of us have taken for granted all of our 
lives.
    More and more of our children are growing up in a world in which the 
future is not what happens when they graduate from the University of 
North Carolina but what happens 15 minutes from now. We cannot long 
survive in a Nation with young people for whom the people has no allure 
and on whom the future has no claim. All of us who come here in 
gratitude to this great university, and others like it, are here because 
we believe in tomorrow. And that must be our urgent

[[Page 2061]]

task: to restore that tomorrow for our young people.
    What is the point of all this for today? It is simply this. We are 
living in a time of profound change. No one can fully see the shape of 
the change or imagine with great precision the end of it. But we know a 
lot about what works and what doesn't. And we know that if we do not 
embrace this change and make it our friend, if we do not follow what de 
Tocqueville said we were about 150 years ago, if we do not follow the 
traditions on which this university was founded, then change will become 
our enemy. And yet all around our great country today I see people 
resisting change. I see them turning inward and away from change. And I 
ask myself why.
    At a time when we know it's a matter of fact that every rich country 
in the world gains many new jobs through expanding trade, I see people 
saying, ``Well even though my industry will get more jobs, we shouldn't 
have a new trade arrangement with Canada and Mexico which could one day 
engulf all of Latin America.'' And when I listen to the arguments, I 
hear instead of arguments against this agreement, I hear the grievances 
of the 1980's, the grievances of times when workers were fired without 
thought, when investments were not made, when people were abused. 
Instead of a reasoning argument about what will build America tomorrow, 
I hear a longing for yesterday.
    But I tell you my friends, as certainly as it was true 200 years ago 
today, yesterday is yesterday. If we try to recapture it, we will only 
lose tomorrow.
    But I think we can say we know some things about why we are 
resisting these changes and what we might do to make ourselves more like 
the founders of this great university, more like the founders of our 
great Nation, more like most of the students here on any given day at 
this university. When do people most resist change? When they are most 
insecure. Think of any child you ever raised. Think of any personal 
experience you ever had. Why is it that great universities provide 
wonderful libraries and beautiful lawns and space and time to study and 
to learn and to grow? So people can feel personally at peace and secure. 
It is that which enables us to learn and to grow and to change. And I 
say to you tonight, my fellow Americans, the mission of this university, 
the mission of every university, must be to be in the vanguard of 
helping the American people to recover enough personal security to be 
able to lead the changes that we are so urgently called on to make.
    What does that mean? What does that mean? I would argue among all 
things, it means at least three: First, we must make Americans more 
secure in their families and at work. In a world transformed by trade 
and technology it is no longer possible for a young person to go to work 
and keep a job until retirement or even often to stay with the same 
company. The economy is creating and losing millions of jobs constantly. 
Most people now who are laid off from their jobs never get the same old 
job back. Young people beginning their careers, on average, will change 
work seven times in a lifetime. The best jobs those young people here in 
the audience may ever have may be jobs yet to be created in companies 
yet to be founded based on technologies yet to be discovered.
    Economic security, therefore, can no longer be found in a particular 
job. It must be rooted in a continuing capacity to learn new things. 
That means we must have a system of lifelong learning beginning with 
higher standards in our schools. Almost two decades ago, your Governor, 
Jim Hunt, began an education reform program that included higher 
standards in these schools. Those efforts inspired other Governors 
around the country, including the then Governor of South Carolina, now 
our Education Secretary, Dick Riley, and me. And I thank him for that.
    Now, we are trying to adopt a whole new approach in our national 
effort to raise standards in education. We believe the right standard 
for America isn't whether we are better than we were but whether we're 
the best in the world. This cannot be a Democratic or a Republican 
concern. It must be an American imperative. We know we have to expect 
more of our students and our schools. We have to regulate their details 
less but hold them to higher standards and measure whether our kids are 
really learning enough to compete and win in the global economy.

[[Page 2062]]

    Then we have to ensure that every young person in this country has 
the opportunity to get a college education, every last one who wants it. 
We have already this year reorganized the student loan programs to lower 
interest rates and ease the repayment terms and open the doors of 
college education to thousands of young people by giving them a chance 
to be in the national service program, to rebuild their communities from 
the grassroots up, and earn a part of their college education.
    For the three-quarters of our young people who do not get 4 year 
college degrees, we must merge the world of learning and the world of 
work to offer young people classroom training and on-the-job training. 
And for those who lose their jobs, the unemployment system is no longer 
good enough. We must create a continuous reemployment system so that 
people are always learning, even into their fifties and sixties and 
seventies, as long as they are willing to be productive citizens and to 
keep going and growing.
    Another big part of job security that is often missed is that most 
workers are now parents, or at least most parents are now workers. And 
we can no longer force people to choose between being a good parent and 
a good worker. They must be able to be both. That is why people who work 
hard for marginal wages should not be taxed into poverty but lifted out 
of it by the tax system, and it is what this Government has done. For 
the first time ever we can say now, if you work 40 hours a week and you 
have children in your home, you can be lifted out of poverty.
    And that is why we have said you ought not to lose your job if you 
have a sick child or a sick parent. You ought to be able to take a 
little time off without losing your job because it is important to the 
fabric of America to stick up for the American family.
    A couple of Sundays ago when I came into the White House from my 
early morning run, I saw a father, a mother, and three daughters there 
taking a tour on Sunday morning, an unusual time. And I went over and 
said hello to them and learned that the family was there with the Make A 
Wish Foundation, because one of the daughters was desperately ill, and 
she wanted to see the President and see the White House. I talked to 
that family for a while, and then I came down and had my picture taken 
with them. And as I was walking away the father said, ``Mr. President, 
don't you ever think it doesn't matter what goes on up here. If it 
hadn't been for the family leave law coming in this year, I would have 
had to choose between spending this time with my precious daughter who 
may not make it, or working to support my family so that the rest of us 
could go on. No parent should ever make that choice, and I don't have to 
now.''
    That is what I mean by providing the American people the personal 
security they need to proceed to change in this world.
    The second element, after education and training, of our personal 
security must be health care. This is the only advanced nation in which 
people can lose their health care, where we don't have health care that 
is always there and that can never be taken away. Even though we spend 
40 percent more than any place else in the world, what does that mean? 
Lost productivity in small businesses, people really insecure about 
changing jobs because they've had someone in their family sick and they 
know if they change jobs that preexisting condition will keep them from 
getting new health insurance. So people walk around like this, millions 
of us all the time, 37.4 million Americans without any health insurance 
but many millions more knowing they could lose it like that.
    How can you be secure enough to change, to take on new challenges, 
to start new businesses, to take new risks, if you think that you may 
have to let your family go without basic health care? My fellow 
Americans, it does not happen in any other advanced nation, and it is 
time for us to say as a people it will no longer happen here. No more.
    And this last point I would make to you: If we are to be personally 
secure enough to make the changes and meet the tests of this time, we 
must protect our people better against the ravages of violence. Our 
people have the right to feel safe where they live, where they go to 
school, and where they work.
    My fellow Americans, I was in California the other night and I 
talked to people all across the State in a hooked-up town hall meeting. 
And this young African-American

[[Page 2063]]

boy, a junior high school student, said, ``Mr. President, my brother and 
I, we don't want to be in gangs. We don't want to have guns. We don't 
want to cause any trouble. We want to learn. We want a future. And we 
thought our school was too unsafe. So we decided to go to another school 
and enroll in it because it was safer. And on the day we showed up to 
register for school, my brother was standing right in front of me, and 
he was shot,'' because he got in a crossfire of one of these mindless, 
arbitrary, endless shootings that occur among children on our streets 
and in our schools today. We have to stop this. We cannot let those 
children be robbed of their future.
    I know this State grieved recently when your native son Michael 
Jordan's father was killed. And I know we all wish him well as Michael 
embarks on a new journey in his life. But let us not forget that 22 
other men and women were killed in that same county in your State this 
year. Ten foreign tourists were killed in Florida this year, and the 
State grieved over it. But in our Nation's Capital, in 1 week this 
summer, more than twice that many people were killed. They were not 
famous, but they were the President's neighbors.
    It is heartbreaking. What can we do about it? We can put more police 
on our streets, not to catch criminals just alone but also to prevent 
crime. It works. Thirty years ago there were three police for every 
violent crime. Today there are three crimes for every police officer. We 
have to give these people the help they need. And when they work the 
same neighborhoods and walk the same streets and talk to the same kids, 
they help to prevent crime.
    And I say this in North Carolina, coming from a State where in my 
home State, half the people have a hunting license or a fishing license 
or both, and we have to shut down factories and schools and towns on the 
opening day of deer season because nobody shows up anyway. But we still 
ought to pass the Brady bill so we don't sell guns to people with a 
criminal or a mental health history.
    And we should not allow in city after city after city our police 
officers to go to work every day knowing they will walk the mean streets 
of our cities with people who are better armed than they are, because 
this is the only country in the world where teenagers can have assault 
weapons designed only to kill other people and use them with abandon on 
the streets of our cities. We can do better than that.
    Do you know, my fellow Americans, that I learned just last week that 
someone shot today with a bullet is 3 times more likely to perish 
because they are likely to have 3 times as many bullets in them as they 
did just 15 years ago. It is time for us to stop talking about law and 
order and thinking about how we can organize ourselves to protect our 
culture, to protect our heritage, to keep our rights as sports men and 
women but to protect our kids' lives and their future. The time has come 
to face this problem.
    What has all that got to do with this? Because this is what the 
founders did. They faced the problems of their time and gave the rest of 
us a chance to live in the most successful democracy ever known. The 
idea of the public university, born here in North Carolina, played a 
major role in revolutionizing opportunity for millions and millions and 
millions of Americans who never even came into this State but got that 
opportunity in other States because of the example set here.
    This is the challenge of our time, and we must meet it so that we 
can change: economic security, health care security, personal security. 
None of us can be secure until we are prepared to take personal 
responsibility for making these changes, and of building a new sense of 
community, each in our own way. Our jobs won't be responsible unless we 
are willing to learn new skills for a lifetime and until we all treat 
each other like indispensable partners, not disposable parts.
    Our health care won't be secure, even if we pass our health care 
bill, until all of us practice more preventive care. Our families won't 
be secure until fathers and mothers begin to realize that they have to 
put their children first. Our communities won't be secure until people 
who disagree on everything else stop shouting at each other long enough 
to realize that we have to save the kids who are in trouble the same way 
we lost them, one child at a time. And it imposes a responsibility on 
each and every one of us.

[[Page 2064]]

    But I tell you, my fellow Americans, I honestly believe that as you 
start the third century of this university's life we could be looking at 
the most exciting time America has ever known, if we have the security 
and the courage to change. We want to revitalize the American spirit of 
enterprise and adventure. We want to give our people new confidence to 
dream those great dreams again, to take those great risks, to achieve 
those great things.
    The security I seek for America is like a rope for a rock climber, 
to lift those who will take responsibility for their own lives to 
greater and greater pinnacles. The security I seek is not Government 
doing more for people but Americans doing more for ourselves and for our 
families, for our communities, and for our country. It is not the 
absence of risk. It is the presence of opportunity. It is not a world 
without change but a world in which change is our friend and not our 
enemy.
    We honor today the men and women who had the courage to create a new 
university in a new nation. We must, like them, be builders and 
believers, the architects of a new security to empower and embolden 
America and the University of North Carolina on the eve of a new 
century.
    The only difference between America two centuries ago and America 
today is the difference between dawn and high noon of a very beautiful 
day.
    In the words of your great alumnus, Thomas Wolfe, ``The true 
discovery of America is still before us. The true fulfillment of our 
spirit, of our people, of our mighty and immortal land is yet to come.'' 
Let us believe in those words and let us act on them, so that 200 years 
from now our children, 12 generations removed, will still celebrate this 
glorious day.
    Thank you, and Godspeed.

Note: The President spoke at 8:24 p.m. in Kenan Memorial Stadium. In his 
remarks, he referred to C.D. Spangler, Jr., president, William C. 
Friday, president emeritus, and Paul Hardin, chancellor, University of 
North Carolina; James Taylor, entertainer; and Luther H. Hodges and 
Terry Sanford, former Governors of North Carolina. A tape was not 
available for verification of the content of these remarks.