[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 29, Number 5 (Monday, February 8, 1993)]
[Pages 121-125]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]
<R04>
Remarks at the Democratic Governors' Association Dinner
February 1, 1993
Thank you very much, Governor Walters. And thank you, ladies and
gentlemen, for that wonderful welcome.
I am full of gratitude tonight as I remember that just a year ago
when I was at this banquet, I came in from the cold of New Hampshire,
cold in more ways than one--[laughter]--and received from the leadership
of this organization a white scarf, which I wore for the remainder of
the campaign in New Hampshire to stay warm, a cap which I still have,
and a renewed sense that the battle in which I was engaged was worth the
effort.
I want to thank every one of you who had anything to do with that. I
noticed in the audience tonight the Secretary of Commerce, Ron Brown,
who did such a brilliant job as the head of our party and keeping us
going; representatives of many groups, teachers, working people, and
others out here in this audience, that have worked so hard to give us a
chance to put our children first in this country again; and many others
who raised money, knocked on doors, and walked along roads.
I want to pay a particular tribute tonight to my good friend the
Governor of Hawaii, not only for his leadership as the chair of the
Democratic Governors' Association but for being my friend and supporter
and for giving us a model of what an aggressive, active Democratic
leader ought to be.
Under John's leadership, the Democratic Governors' Association had
one of its busiest and most successful years. There are now two more
Democratic Governors. The DGA worked closely with our campaign, and
largely as a result of that teamwork we won 8 of the 12 races in which
we were engaged last year, the best showing by the Democratic Governors
since 1982 when I, as the youngest ex-Governor in the history of
America, made my comeback. [Laughter] Now we
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have Democratic Governors in 30 of the 50 States, our best margin since
1985.
I've also been impressed by John's extraordinary political
leadership in Hawaii. When he was supporting me in the primary campaign
last year, I kept angling for an invitation to Hawaii. I kept saying,
``You know, I need to carry Hawaii. I haven't carried any western
States. Don't you think I ought to show up out there?'' And he said,
``If I can't carry Hawaii for you without your presence, I shouldn't be
the Governor out here.'' And sure enough, we did. I think it has
something to do with his native Hawaiian heritage. We were playing golf
once together in Hawaii, John and I, and we played on a course on which
there were no sand traps; there were only lava flows--[laughter]--so
that the ball simply disappeared, never to be seen again. And we both
hit long drives that sliced slightly into the lava flows. Mine
disappeared; his hit a rock and bounced into the middle of the fairway.
He informed me that his ancestors, who included King Kamehameha, who
united the Hawaiian Islands, believed in a form of ancestor worship. And
now, surely I can see the ultimate truth of his faith. Anyway, I think
John and Lynne are great, and I hope that they will have many more years
in public service. This country would be a lot better off if that
happens.
I also want to salute the new chair of the DGA, my friend David
Walters from Oklahoma. He and Rhonda were among those who were in the
snows of New Hampshire with me. I told them the other day when I saw
them that I just looked at a picture of us a year ago; here we are now
in Washington celebrating a new inauguration. A year ago, I have a
picture of us with Mike Sullivan; the former Governor of Vermont,
Madeleine Kunin; and the former Governor of Michigan, Jim Blanchard,
standing at the Super 8 Motel in Manchester. [Laughter] And it's a great
commentary on how we get things done in this country. I think David
Walters and Ann Richards will be a great team; that is, if Ann Richards
is not too boastful about the Super Bowl victory last night. [Laughter]
I remember last fall when the Democratic Governors joined me in a
western fly-around and a campaign we called ``Winning the West.'' Most
people thought the Democrats had no chance in the West. We traveled to
seven States and won six, in no small measure because of the inordinate
support that the western Democratic Governors gave the Clinton-Gore
campaign.
Democratic Governors from the South participated--clap, Governor
Roberts. That's good. You can clap for yourself. Democratic Governors in
the South participated in a fly-around campaign for me in a region in
which we invested relatively small amounts of money. They went to six
States, and for the first time in 12 years we carried three of them.
As someone who answered to the term ``Governor'' until just 12 days
ago, I'm proud to be here with the men and women who have been my
friends and colleagues in the struggle to deal with the legacy of the
1980's, people who deal with the real problems of real people, who can't
make excuses or print money when there's no money there, who struggle
with health care and welfare and jobs and education and the ways that
national economic trends and international development actually touch
people's lives for good or ill.
As you and I learned from the elections last year, the American
people want their political system and their Government to end gridlock,
to face problems, and to make progress. They're tired of a process
that's been too divided by partisanship or dominated by special
interests or driven by short-term advantage of politicians instead of
the long-term interests of people. They sent us to the statehouse and
the White House to change America. And they want action now. That is our
mandate, and we must never forget it.
We have a chance to create a new Democratic majority in this
country, rooted in the experience of governing and living. But we must
never forget some basic things. First of all, we have to do this
together: the Congress and the President, the States and the communities
and the National Government.
I see in the audience a person who ran for President last year and
turned out to be the best supporter I ever had in the Presidential
campaign, Senator Tom Harkin from Iowa, and I want to thank him. After a
tough primary campaign, when he began to work
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for me, even in the primary when it was still going, I realized that he
had gotten into this race for the same reason I had: He believed that we
had to change this country. And the changes were more important than him
or me or anybody else. Well, I still believe that. And if we remember
that, we can succeed.
I think that you might be interested to know that there were some
surveys conducted after the Inaugural week. After the television ratings
turned out to be very high and there were huge crowds at all the events,
the people had watched the gala all over America, and they'd watched
that magnificent service at the Lincoln Memorial, and they'd watched our
church service, and 800,000 people showed up at the Inaugural. And you
know what people in America remembered most about the Inaugural week?
That on the day after the Inauguration, we opened the White House to
ordinary Americans. That is what registered out in the country.
I say that because somehow we've all got to find a way to remember
every day that the people who can't come to these dinners are the people
we hold these dinners for. We also have to remember we got elected to
try a new approach, to expand opportunity, not Government, to increase
investment, and to show literally that we can reinvent Government.
I was amazed, you know, the other crowd had the White House for 12
years, and they have presented themselves as a businesslike and modern,
you know, and tried to make the Democrats look like yesterday's crowd.
Well, when I got to the White House, guess what I found? Same phone
system Jimmy Carter had--[laughter]--with technology that was put in
during Kennedy's time and changed only to put pushbuttons instead of
dials. No E-Mail, no conference calls, but anybody could pick up the
button I was talking on anywhere in the White House and listen in on the
conversation. [Laughter] So we could have the conference call we didn't
want, but we couldn't have the one we did.
People said last week, ``Well, you know, when you're going to do
controversial things, you need to gin up your operation again and send
the talking points out and communicate with people.'' There's not even
any E-Mail. It's a yesterday place, and we need to make it a tomorrow
place.
I also want you to know that two of my Cabinet members have already
met with every employee in their Departments, in their national
headquarters. And we're told, both of them, that they were the first
Secretaries in 12 years to meet with all their employees in their
Departments.
The leadership of one of our Cabinet agencies abolished the
executive dining room and saved $125,000 or $150,000 and brought the
career employees up to the executive suite, and there were people who
worked there for 25 years and had never seen where the bosses work. We
are going to change the culture of the way this Federal Government
works. We are going to reinvent it, and we're going to make it work
again.
We are going to try to do what our adversaries always talked about,
and that is to empower people, not entitle them. Whether it's welfare or
trade or industrial policy or technology policy, what the American
people want is a hand up, not a handout, and we're going to give it to
them, if we can get the kind of support we need across the country to
support these changes.
And most importantly, we're going to try to recreate a sense of
partnership and community in America again, an America in which we don't
have a person to waste. I believe as strongly as I can say that if we
could create in this country a feeling burning in the heart of every
American, that it was simply unacceptable to let one life go that could
be saved, we could solve virtually every problem we have. Because if you
look at every place where the system has broken down, the manifestation
of that breakdown is somebody's life that is less than it ought to be.
These children being shot in the streets--we're in Somalia, debating how
we can keep peace in Somalia when the mortality rate is greater in some
neighborhoods in the United States of America.
The immunization initiative that you've read about that we're going
to be announcing in the next few days, you know, we were actually
criticized in a story in the New York Times, the idea that the National
Government might use its purchasing power to buy enough immunization
vaccines to immunize
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all the kids in the country. And people say, well, that would be bad if
we did that; it would be better if we don't and we'd let these kids get
sick.
All the factory workers in this country that are losing their jobs
because we have no real strategy to create jobs, let me just say in
parentheses here: As Democrats, we ought not ever forget that there is a
big difference between economic measurements of progress and whether
that progress is manifested in the real lives of people.
In the 1980's, the stock market tripled, but the Fortune 500
companies reduced employment. And the difference was made up by small
business. So we can have a strong economy on the surface where the stock
market is booming, but if small-business people can't get bank loans at
the local bank, jobs won't be created for all these people that are
losing their big employee jobs. And we have to remember things like
that. With all this so-called economic recovery of the last 6 months,
we're not creating jobs yet. And we've got to find a way to put people
back to work. That is the ultimate and first test of whether life is
working in America.
Finally, let me reiterate a line that I borrowed from President
Roosevelt for the Inaugural speech. We learned in the 1980's that we had
to be about bold, persistent experimentation. That is what I want to try
to convince Congress and the country we ought to do. It means that we
will try some things that will not work. And when we do, we have to have
the courage to quit.
One of the weaknesses of our Government is that when we start
something that doesn't work, or whether we start something that does, we
keep on doing it. We have to have the courage to experiment, to try, to
stop, to start again. I am convinced that if we do that, we can deal
with the health care crisis; we can deal with the deficit; we can deal
with all these problems, but ultimately, we can change the shape of
people's lives. And if I might say--I know that it defies the momentary
conventional wisdom--I think we're off to a pretty good start.
The United States Congress in the next few days--maybe both Houses
after the recess--will pass the new budget for the National Institutes
of Health. And now we'll be able to go back to doing research, including
fetal tissue, that offers great progress in dealing with children with
diabetes and Parkinson's and Alzheimer's and other problems. I think
that is progress.
The United States Senate was good enough to confront every one of my
Cabinet members, save one, on the day after I became President, the
first time in longer than a generation that that had happened. And I did
get into a controversy. But you know something? If you just want me to
do things that are easy, you should have elected somebody else
President.
When we deal with things that are hard, there ought to be debate.
There ought to be discussion. People ought to say they disagree. They
ought to call the White House and jam the phone lines. And by the way,
there's a 1964 switchboard in the White House. That's one reason that
the phone lines are jammed.
But I'm just telling you, I think this is exciting. We need to shake
things up. We need to have a debate in this country again. We need to do
things and talk about things, get them out and let people argue.
I think together we can do what we were hired to do. But remember: I
think we are about the business of creating a new Democratic majority
if, but only if, we go to where the people are, lift them up, bring them
with us, and change their lives. That requires a decent attention to the
opinions of Republicans who want to help in change, too. And most
importantly, a passionate determination never to forget that there is a
real reason that most Americans remembered: 2,000 of their number who
won a lottery to come to the White House. They haven't felt like it was
their house in a long time. You help me give it back to them, and we'll
have a bright future.
Thank you, and God bless you all.
Note: The President spoke at 9:21 p.m. at the National Building Museum.
In his remarks, he referred to Gov. Michael J. Sullivan of Wyoming and
Gov. Ann Richards of Texas. A tape was not available for verification of
the content of these remarks.
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