[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents Volume 29, Number 1 (Monday, January 11, 1993)]
[Pages 2-7]
[Online from the Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov]

<R04>
The President's News Conference With President Boris Yeltsin in Moscow

 January 3, 1993

    Mr. Kostikov. Ladies and gentlemen, let us consider that the press 
conference is open.
    First, we'll give the floor to the Presidents of Russia and the 
United States for brief statements, and then we'll hold our press 
conference. The first floor is to President Yeltsin.
    President Yeltsin. President George Bush, Mrs. Bush, members of the 
delegations, representatives of mass media, ladies and gentlemen:
    It is not every century that history gives us an opportunity to 
witness and participate in the event that is so significant in scale and 
consequences. Today, the Presidents of the two great powers, the United 
States and Russia, have signed the treaty on further radical cuts in 
strategic offensive arms of Russia and the United States, START II.
    In its scale and importance, the treaty goes further than all other 
treaties ever signed in the field of disarmament. This treaty is the 
triumph for politicians and diplomats of Russia and the United States. 
It is also an achievement for all mankind and benefits all peoples of 
the Earth. The START II treaty becomes the core of the system of global 
security guarantees.
    The scale of this treaty is determined by a number of factors. Its 
historical factor is that in the course of all its previous history, 
mankind was arming itself and just dreamed of beating the swords into 
plowshares. The treaty signed today represents a major step towards 
fulfilling mankind's centuries-old dream of disarmament.
    Its political factor is that the treaty we have signed today belongs 
to a new epoch. This treaty was concluded by two friendly states, by 
partners who not only trust each other but also assist each other. It 
testifies to our joint and determined movement towards a new world 
order.
    From the very outset the new democratic Russian state has been 
pursuing a policy of building equal partnership with the United States. 
Today, we have every right to say that relations between the two major 
powers have undergone a genuine revolution. Its political factor lies 
also in the fact that during the last decade of the 20th century and at 
the turn of the 21st century, the START II treaty will affect policies 
not only of the United States and Russia but of other countries of the 
world as well. The START II treaty established parameters of possible 
political agreements in other spheres of interaction among states.
    Thus, the military factor is determined by the scale of mutual 
reductions in nuclear arms. By comparison with the START I Treaty, every 
state will have to reduce and destroy the number of strategic offensive 
warheads by approximately a threefold magnitude.
    The deepest cuts will affect those categories of arms which are of 
greatest concern to the parties and the world. For the United States 
these are submarine-launched ballistic missiles and heavy bombers, and 
for Russia, land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles, ICBM's. This 
reduces drastically the level of danger, military mistrust, and 
suspicion.
    We opened up real prospects for cooperation based on trust between 
people in military uniform, between people with military discipline and 
military thinking. Thus, the START II treaty will change and gradually 
replace the very psychology of confrontation.
    At the same time, as President and supreme commander in chief, I can 
say with absolute certainty the signed treaty strengthens the security 
of Russia rather than weakens it. I think that President Bush can make

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a similar statement concerning the security of the United States.
    The implementation of the new treaty will not be economically 
destructive for Russia. We have made most of our calculations, and they 
show that the proposed reductions would cost us much less than the mere 
maintenance of nuclear weapon systems in a safe condition. We save 
seriously on verification and inspections, two of the most expensive, to 
put it mildly, items of expenditures. The new character of Russian-U.S. 
relations makes it possible for us to substantially simplify 
verification procedures while ensuring their reliability.
    We expect to cut and to cut considerably the cost of the physical 
destruction of armaments. We have agreed with the United States to 
cooperate in developing and applying appropriate technologies. Thus, the 
expenditures under this then will in fact be shared equally. This will 
enable us to eliminate our nuclear weapons not with a delay of several 
years but in parallel with the United States in accordance with the 
schedule provided for in the treaty.
    In the context of the present economic crisis, it would be difficult 
for us to keep the pace without outside assistance. The U.S. Congress 
has made a decision to support Russia in the destruction of these 
nuclear warheads.
    Its moral factor will manifest itself in the fact that the treaty 
gives all mankind the hope for a nuclear-weapons-free world. The high 
moral value of the treaty is that we will be able to hand over to our 
children, the children of the 21st century, a more secure world. I would 
call this treaty a treaty of hope.
    As to the purely diplomatic aspect of this START II treaty that has 
just been signed, it will undoubtedly go down into the history of 
diplomacy as an example of using the potential of the partners who are 
waiting to overcome the heritage of animosity and confrontation.
    As you may recall, it took 15 years to prepare the first START 
Treaty. The elaboration of START II, which is of considerably great 
magnitude, took several months. But there was absolutely no rush in the 
process. Naturally, this reflects above all the high level of confidence 
and mutual understanding achieved between the United States and Russia, 
between the Presidents of the two countries. It gives great impetus to 
the world diplomacy as well.
    Today, I would like to express the hope that the diplomatic services 
of the United States and Russia, diplomats of European countries, will 
double or even triple their efforts in order to settle conflicts that 
are of concern to the world.
    I would like to focus on another important aspect, the personal 
stand of President George Bush, who is our guest, being on a working 
visit with us. I would like to pay tribute to my colleague and friend, 
George. His remarkable personal and political qualities and competence 
have contributed to a successful transition from the cold war to a new 
world order.
    I am grateful to him for all he has done to establish new relations 
between Russia and the United States, for his solidarity and support 
during the push for the FREEDOM Support Act, for the START II treaty. 
Thank you, George.
    I consider it of fundamental importance that the future President of 
the United States, Mr. Clinton, fully supported the conclusion of the 
START II treaty. We can without delay proceed to the direct 
implementation of this instrument and consider further steps to 
strengthen global stability, the system of global protection, and 
international security.
    President Bush and I have maintained regular contacts with 
President-elect Clinton. Today's signing ceremony would not have taken 
place had there been the slightest reason to doubt his solidarity with 
our endeavors.
    I would like to personally thank the most active participants in 
this process and above all the President of the United States, who 
personally took part in the elaboration and polishing of the text of the 
treaty. And I would say we spoke often. And it was a rare week that we 
did not speak on the phone in the last few weeks.
    I am also grateful personally to Mr. Scowcroft, who took an active 
participation in the consideration of this subject, and to Jimmy Baker, 
of course, who treated globally the

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entire subject of the treaty and was mainly responsible for this 
breakthrough. And finally I am grateful to Mr. Eagleburger, who on the 
finishing line darted with boldness and practically initialed the draft 
treaty there.
    I'm thankful also to the experts, to analysts and consultants, and 
also to the leaders of our delegation, to Mr. Kozyrev and Grachev and 
the other 48 experts who work very hard for us to come today to the 
signing of this treaty, the SALT II \1\ treaty.
    \1\ START II (White House correction).
    I'm also grateful to all the journalists, press people, who kept 
their hand constantly on the pulse of this subject and who did not 
manage to criticize the treaty before it was signed.
    I do believe that there is no reasonable alternative to the policy 
of friendly partnership between Russia and the United States. Strategic 
partnership relations serve the fundamental national interests of the 
two countries and of the international community as a whole. I am deeply 
confident that the signing of the START II treaty opens new promising 
prospects for the peoples of our countries. I'm certain that this day 
will be a milestone in this process.
    Thank you.
    Mr. Kostikov. I thank you. And now I pass the floor to the President 
of the United States, George Bush.
    President Bush. Mr. President and Mr. Vice President, Mr. Prime 
Minister, Minister of Justice, Minister of Defense, Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, representatives of the Russian and American delegations, and 
distinguished guests:
    We meet at the beginning of a new year, at a moment that is also a 
new era for our two nations and for the world. For half of this century 
, the Soviet Union and the United States stood locked in a nuclear 
standoff. For our two nations and for the world, cold war, hot words, 
and the constant threat of war seemed imminent, indeed, at times 
inevitable.
    The time that we might meet as friends and the time that we might 
meet in freedom seemed distant, indeed a dream. Today, the cold war is 
over and for the first time in history an American President has set 
foot in a democratic Russia. And together we're now embarked on what 
must be the noblest mission of all: to turn an adversarial relationship 
into one of friendship and partnership.
    We stand together today in this great city at the threshold of a new 
world of hope, a widening circle of freedom for us and for our children. 
This historic opportunity would simply not have been possible without 
our combined common effort.
    Mr. President, I salute you for your unwavering commitment to 
democratic reform and for the history you've written since the heroic 
day in August '91 when you climbed atop that tank to defend Russia's 
democratic destiny. And I also want to salute the heroism of the Russian 
people themselves, for it is they who will determine that Russia's 
democratic course is irreversible.
    Today, as we meet on Russian soil, home to 1,000 years of heritage 
and history, to a people rich in scientific and creative talent, I want 
to assure the Russian people on behalf of all Americans, we understand 
that Russia faces a difficult passage. We are with you in your struggle 
to strengthen and secure democratic rights, to reform your economy, to 
bring to every Russian city and village a new sense of hope and the 
prospect of a future forever free.
    Let me say clearly, we seek no special advantage from Russia's 
transformation. Yes, deep arms reductions, broader and deeper economic 
ties, expanded trade with Russia, all are in the interest of my country. 
But they're equally in the interest of the Russian people. Our future is 
one of mutual advantage.
    We seek a new relationship of trust between our military forces. 
They once confronted each other across Europe's great divide, and let 
them now come together in the cause of peace. We seek full cooperation 
to employ our collective capabilities to help resolve crises around the 
world. We seek a new cooperation between the U.S. and Russia and among 
all states to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons and other weapons of 
mass destruction.
    The world looks to us to consign the cold war to history, to ratify 
our new relationship by reducing the weapons that concentrate the most 
destructive power known to man.

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    The treaty we signed today builds on the strong beginning we made 
with START I, and, together, these treaties will reduce by more than 
two-thirds the strategic arsenals in place today. And just as important, 
START II will bring much better stability to remaining forces.
    This agreement represents a common effort to overcome the 
contentious differences and complexities that surround nuclear weapons. 
In the face of many who doubted Russia and America's intentions and our 
energy, it vindicates our insistence that arms control must do more than 
simply freeze the arms race in place.
    The START Treaty, START I, reduced a quarter century of growth in 
our nuclear arsenals and reversed the course that caused many to fear 
that nuclear conflagration was inevitable. The treaty that we signed 
today goes much further in a way that few believed possible just one 
year ago.
    May I congratulate Messrs. Kozyrev and Grachev and Eagleburger for 
their outstanding work to bring this treaty to fruition. And I also want 
to congratulate former Secretary of State Jim Baker for his important 
work on the treaty during the spring and summer.
    In closing, let me tell you what this treaty means, not for 
Presidents or Premiers, not for historians or heads of state, but for 
parents and for their children: It means a future far more free from 
fear.
    So, as we sign today this treaty, let us pledge also to move forward 
together throughout this decade and into the next century toward common 
aims: for Russia, a democratic peace; for our two nations, a strong 
partnership between our people and the lasting friendship that springs 
from a common love of freedom.
    And Mr. President, may I wish you and the Russian people at this 
critical moment in history a new year rich with hope and peace.

Bosnia

    Q. Mr. President, both of you, each of you spoke about moving on to 
other areas of concern as a result of having achieved this kind of a 
treaty. Can you give us in some detail what your discussions were with 
regard to the situation in Bosnia, what you see achievable there and 
what differences separate you?
    President Bush. Well, we discussed that question in some detail. Our 
prime common objective is to see the suffering stop and see the fighting 
stop. I can't go into--I certainly wouldn't want to quantify what 
differences we may have, but I came away with the feeling that we were 
very close together, these two countries, in wanting to see peace 
restored to that area.
    President Yeltsin. I would like to continue the answer of President 
Bush, because the question was raised to both Presidents. We discussed a 
very wide range of issues, and I would say we have cleaned up all of the 
problems remaining after the conclusion of this important agreement, and 
the conclusion of this important period which is crowned with an 
historic event and the visit by President Bush to our country.
    We also considered the course of the reforms in Russia and the 
problems related to the new government, whether it will continue along 
the road of reforms. And I assured the President that this is not a new 
government, and it is the old composition government. And the chairman 
of the government himself will go on the same road of reforms.
    We have also considered the problems of bilateral relations and the 
foreign debt of the former Soviet Union, the grain supplies, 
international conflicts, including the conflict in the former 
Yugoslavia, and our positions are close. We previously supported the 
United States in adopting the U.N. resolution on the subject, and we 
shall continue this line and try at the same time to continue the line 
for establishing peace among all parties and to be more active in this 
area than we have been heretofore.
    We have also discussed military issues, including the issue of 
whether the SALT II Treaty is harmful to anyone or at anyone's 
disadvantage. Then we came to the conclusion that it does not harm 
either side and does not harm any third party. It is only to the 
advantage of everyone. Thus, our negotiations were businesslike, 
respectful, and open, as always.

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START II Ratification

    Q. Boris Nikolayevich, you have just signed the START II treaty, and 
you will have to ratify it into Parliament. If in the past there were 
difficulties mainly in the U.S. Congress, now you may face certain 
difficulties on the part of certain delegates or a number of Russian 
deputies. So, what are in your view the prospects for the ratification 
of the treaty?
    President Yeltsin. I am not going to conceal from you that a certain 
part of the deputies is against the treaty. And they are against 
anything positive that should take place in Russia. So, complete 
negation is their position. You could consider what they are, because 
they support Iraq and its aggression. So you understand who they 
represent.
    And finally, I would say that, fortunately, they do not represent 
the majority of the Supreme Soviet, as most of the Supreme Soviet 
deputies believe in reason, and of course, they believe in the 
significance of this treaty.
    The number--many delegates, deputies, were in Geneva themselves. 
They took part in the negotiations. And the Chairman of the Foreign 
Relations Committee has always been here with us. So if there are any 
difficulties with the ratification of this START II treaty, still I am 
certain that the Supreme Soviet will ratify it.

President-Elect Clinton

    Q. Mr. President, how confident are you that the treaty that you're 
now going to be turning over to a new administration will be--that it 
will be ratified by the Senate? And, Mr. Yeltsin, I'd like to know your 
thoughts on how awkward is it for you to find yourself suddenly having 
to deal with a new President in Washington?
    President Bush. Clearly, I'm not in a position to commit President-
elect Clinton, but I can confidently predict that this treaty will be 
quickly ratified by the Congress.
    Butting in on the second part of your question, I've talked to 
President-elect Clinton enough to know that he is most interested in 
keeping this U.S.-Russia relationship on the high plane at which it 
stands right now. And I've told President Yeltsin that I think he will 
enjoy working with Governor Clinton and that I know that Governor 
Clinton is committed to the general theory of these arms reductions that 
START II takes on.
    President Yeltsin. I met with President-elect Clinton when I was on 
my official state visit to the United States and when Mr. Clinton at 
that time was a Presidential candidate. We discussed in our meetings 
different things. The discussions were normal, interesting, and he 
voiced his support for Russia, for the democratic reforms in Russia, and 
for our movement along the democratic road.
    Two days ago I sent him a letter where I proposed that there should 
be no lull in our relations with the new administration, because any 
lull in bilateral relations between the superpowers would give cause for 
concern.
    I suggested on the phone to President Bush that after the 20th of 
January, we--that is, myself and President-elect Clinton--should meet 
somewhere in a neutral place for a working meeting to consider different 
international problems and bilateral relations. And I hope that he will 
take over the baton that was given to him with such grace by President 
Bush.

Russian Nuclear Shield

    Q. This is the question to, mainly, the Russian President. I ask 
you, Boris Nikolayevich, to expand a little bit on that part of your 
statement where you say that the signing of the treaty will not be 
harmful to the strategic and military balance existing between the 
United States and Russia as certain of our conservatives assert, and 
that the nuclear shield of Russia will not be weakened. This is a 
question to you not only to the President of the country but also as to 
the commander in chief.
    President Yeltsin. Shall I give you the numbers? As of January 1st, 
we have 9,915 strategic nuclear warheads. According to the new START II 
Treaty, there will be 3,000, 3,500 warheads left, 3,000 to 3,500 
warheads. This number is not possessed by any other single state, only 
by the United States and Russia. I express--not a single other state, 
including nuclear powers like China, Great Britain, and France. This is 
a powerful shield which is capable of defending Russia in case of an 
unexpected aggression from any site.

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    President Bush. May I simply add that we do not view this as a one-
sided treaty at all. We view it as balanced, and I think that history 
will record it as such.
    Mr. Fitzwater.  Let's have a final question from Ann Compton [ABC 
News].

U.S. Assistance to Russia

    Q. President Bush, do you think that the START II--START I and II 
can be ratified and implemented if the United States doesn't come 
forward with, or even increase the amount of aid that some of the other 
countries need to actually dismantle the weapons they've got?
    President Bush. I think the ratification will stand on its own two 
feet. The Congress will look at it, and in my view they'll have 
hearings, and they'll ratify it. And clearly, we all have a stake at 
helping and being sure that the materials are properly disposed of, and 
the United States will be ready to assist to the best of our ability. 
But I don't see a resolution to that second question being required 
before this treaty is ratified.
    I'm sorry, what was the second question?
    Q. Can it be implemented? Doesn't the United States have to come up 
with more money to actually have the missiles at the silos?
    President Bush. The treaty and the protocols speak for themselves. 
But clearly, I think the new administration will be as interested as we 
have been in helping Russia in every way we possibly can. I expect that 
it'll get to that subject as well as it will to ag credits and a lot of 
other things. So I think that the treaty will be ratified, and I think 
it will be implemented. And to the degree the United States can be of 
assistance when times are tough for Russia, that will demonstrate our 
interest in this partnership when we help.

Note: The President's 141st news conference began at 12:15 p.m. in 
Vladimir's Hall at the Kremlin. President Yeltsin spoke in Russian, and 
his remarks were translated by an interpreter. Vyacheslav Kostikov, 
Presidential Press Spokesman for President Yeltsin, served as moderator. 
During the news conference, the following people were referred to: 
Andrey Kozyrev, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Pavel Grachev, 
Russian Minister of Defense. The question-and-answer portion of this 
news conference could not be verified because the tape was incomplete.