[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2008, Book II)]
[August 7, 2008]
[Pages 1114-1119]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks in Bangkok
August 7, 2008

    Thank you. Sawatdee khrap. Thank you for the warm welcome. 
Laura and I are delighted to be back in Bangkok. 
Such a beautiful city, full of gracious and hospitable people. We 
appreciate the warm welcome extended by His Majesty the King and Her Majesty the Queen.
    I realize I'm a few days ahead of time, but I do wish Her 
Majesty a happy birthday. Above all, I bring 
America's warmest wishes to our oldest allies in Asia, the people of 
Thailand.
    Our friendship began 175 years ago this spring, when President 
Andrew Jackson dispatched an envoy to Siam. Negotiations soon concluded 
a treaty of peace and commerce and sealed it, curiously enough, with a 
lotus flower on one side and an eagle and stars on the other. 
Generations of close friendship followed. At one point, the Thai King 
offered to send elephants to America. [Laughter] President Abraham 
Lincoln politely declined. [Laughter] Yes, I was wondering whether or 
not we can kind of get the offer back on the table. [Laughter] Although 
my ranch isn't big enough, probably, to hold the elephants. [Laughter]
    The values of freedom and openness that gave birth to our alliance 
have sustained it through the centuries. American troops and Royal Thai 
Armed Forces have stood united from Korea and Vietnam to Afghanistan and 
Iraq. Our free market economies have surged forward on a rising tide of 
trade and investment. Tourism has boomed as more people have discovered 
this beautiful and ancient land. And some 200,000 Thai Americans now 
enrich my nation with their enterprise and their culture and their 
faith.
    On this historic anniversary of our alliance, America looks to 
Thailand as a leader in the region and a partner around the world. I was 
proud to designate Thailand a major non-NATO ally of the United States. 
I salute the Thai people on the restoration of democracy, which has 
proved that liberty and law reign here in the ``land of the free.'' In 
many ways, the story of Thailand is the story of this region. Over the 
past six decades, Asia has gone from an area mired in poverty and 
recovering from world war to a thriving and dynamic region. America has 
played a role in this transformation. By maintaining a stabilizing 
military presence, we helped to--we helped free emerging nations to grow 
without concerns about their security. By pursuing strong diplomatic 
engagement, we helped once-hostile nations resolve their differences in 
peace. By opening our markets to Asian exports, we helped powerful 
economies to take shape.
    I'm proud of these contributions. Yet the primary source of this 
region's success is the people. From South Korea to Singapore, nations 
pursued economic policies based upon free enterprise, free trade, and 
the rule of law. And the results have astounded the world. Last year, 
trade in goods between the United States and this side of the Pacific 
reached $1 trillion. And there's striking change from the pattern of 
centuries: More trade now crosses the Pacific than the Atlantic.
    With the rise of economic freedom has come a dramatic expansion of 
political liberty. Think about this: After World War II, Australia and 
New Zealand were the region's only democracies. Today, the majority of 
Asian nations answer to their citizens. With this shift, the people of 
this region have defied the skeptics who claimed that Asian values were 
incompatible with liberty. Free societies emerged in largely Buddhist 
Thailand, largely Hindu India, largely Muslim Indonesia, largely Shinto 
Japan, and the largely Christian Philippines. As freedom has taken root,

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peace has followed. And the region has gone decades without a major war.
    Some have called this transformation the ``Asian miracle.'' In 
truth, it's no miracle at all. It's evidence of universal truths. The 
passion for liberty transcends culture and faith. Free markets unleash 
innovation and blaze the path to prosperity. Trusting in the natural 
talent and creativity of a nation's people is the surest way to build a 
vibrant and hopeful society.
    When I became President, I brought a conviction that America is a 
Pacific nation and that our interests and ideals require stronger 
engagement in Asia than ever before. So over the past 7 years, America 
has pursued four broad goals in the region: reinvigorate our alliances, 
forge new relationships with countries that share our values, seize new 
opportunities for prosperity and growth, and confront shared challenges 
together.
    Confident and purposeful alliances are the best way to advance peace 
and prosperity in Asia. America has five treaty alliances in Asia. And 
we take them seriously, and we bolstered each one. We signed a new 
treaty with Australia that deepens our cooperation in defense trade. We 
helped the Philippines upgrade its military capabilities. We've 
strengthened security initiatives here in Thailand. We're improving our 
force posture in South Korea by working to move our troops out of cities 
and towns and into more strategically effective positions. We've 
reinforced our close alliance with Japan by launching new missile 
defense initiatives and by transforming our troop posture in a way that 
preserves our strong position to maintain the peace in the Pacific. All 
these steps were designed to reassure our allies that America will stand 
firmly beside them in any test we face.
    I've also worked to develop strong personal relationships with our 
allies' elected leaders. Who could ever forget the trip to Elvis's place 
with Prime Minister Koizumi? [Laughter] I 
certainly will never forget it. [Laughter] I don't think a lot of people 
in Memphis, Tennessee, will ever forget it either. These friendships are 
built on a foundation of honesty and respect and shared values. And when 
a new occupant moves into the White House next year, America's alliances 
in Asia will be the strongest they have ever been.
    As America has revitalized our treaty alliances, we have forged 
deeper ties with other free nations in Asia. Countries that share our 
democratic ideals should be natural partners of the United States. Yet 
when I took office, our relations with many free nations in Asia were 
strained. For example, America has dramatically improved our ties with 
India, the world's largest democracy, including historic agreement on 
civilian nuclear energy.
    We've turned around our relationship with Indonesia, which is home 
to more Muslims than any other nation on Earth. We've partnered closely 
with Indonesia's freely elected Government to help develop the 
institutions of a vibrant democracy after decades of military rule. We 
signed a landmark agreement with Mongolia to help boost democratic 
development. We've enhanced cooperation with the thriving countries of 
ASEAN, which is now chaired by the great nation of Thailand. We've 
joined with free nations throughout the region to establish a new Asian 
Pacific Democracy Partnership, the region's only organization whose sole 
focus is promoting democratic values and institutions in Asia.
    Overall, America has improved our relationships with all of Asia's 
major powers at the same time. Experts would have said this was 
impossible because of historical tensions between these nations. But 
something has rendered the old patterns obsolete. In an era of 
integrated markets and common threats, the expansion of freedom in one 
nation benefits all other free nations. This change marks a sharp 
departure from the zero-sum mentality of the past. And this change 
provides a clear charge for the future. Every nation in this region has 
a

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stake in ensuring that Asia continues to grow in liberty and prosperity 
and hope.
    One of the most powerful drivers of liberty and prosperity and hope 
is trade. When I took office, America had free trade agreements in force 
with only three countries, none of them in Asia. Today, we have 
agreements in force with 14 countries, including Australia and 
Singapore. We've concluded a promising agreement with South Korea, which 
I am pushing the United States Congress to pass. We've begun negotiating 
free trade agreements with Malaysia and a bilateral investment treaty 
with Vietnam. We look forward to resuming trade negotiations with 
Thailand. We've supported the vision of a free trade area of the Asia-
Pacific, which would bring down trade barriers across this region.
    The nations of the Asia-Pacific now have more vibrant trade and 
investment ties than ever before. And workers and consumers and 
entrepreneurs across this region will reap the benefits from years to 
come. Unfortunately, our country sometimes sends mixed signals about the 
openness of our economy. Voices of economic isolationism do not 
represent the interests of the American people. For decades, America has 
maintained a bipartisan commitment to flexible and open markets, and 
this must not change. I urge people across this region to reject 
protectionism in your own countries. Together, we can lead the world 
toward more growth and more jobs and more opportunities by staying open 
for--to investment and trade.
    For all the gains we've made, our nations still face challenges, and 
we're working together to confront them. No bigger challenge, as far as 
I'm concerned, than the threat of terror, than the threat of extremists 
willing to murder the innocent to achieve their political objectives. 
With partners across this region, we have brought to justice some of the 
world's most dangerous terrorists. We're also working to counter the 
hateful ideology of the extremists by promoting a more hopeful 
alternative, one based upon freedom and liberty.
    We strongly support democracies like Thailand and Indonesia and 
Malaysia, which are making determined stands against extremists and 
showing that Islam and tolerance go hand in hand. Many of America's 
friends in Asia have also stood with us in Afghanistan and Iraq, where 
newly free people are replacing decades of fear with a future of hope. 
America is proud to stand with so many brave partners in answering the 
call of our time. And no matter how difficult the test may be, we will 
not relent until this ideological struggle is won.
    Together, we're confronting the threat posed by North Korea. The 
nations of Northeast Asia all have an urgent stake in ensuring that 
Pyongyang does not threaten the region with nuclear weapons. Yet when I 
took office, there was no way for these nations to approach North Korea 
with a unified front. So America joined with China and South Korea and 
Japan and Russia to create the six-party talks. Faced with concerted 
pressure from all its neighbors, North Korea has pledged to dismantle 
its nuclear facilities and give up its nuclear weapons. Recently, the 
regime submitted a declaration of nuclear activities. Now the North 
Korean regime must commit to help us verify the declaration and address 
outstanding concerns about its behavior, including its proliferation and 
uranium enrichment.
    The other five parties will stand united until we reach our ultimate 
goal: a Korean Peninsula free of oppression and free of nuclear weapons. 
And the United States will continue to insist that the regime in 
Pyongyang end its harsh rule and respect the dignity and human rights of 
the North Korean people.
    Together, we seek an end to tyranny in Burma. The noble cause has 
many devoted champions, and I happen to be married to one of them. Today 
Laura is traveling to the Thai-Burmese border, 
where she's

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visiting a resettlement camp and a medical clinic. America reiterates 
our call on Burma's military junta to release Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. We'll continue working 
until the people of Burma have their freedom that they deserve.
    Together, we're confronting other serious challenges to our people 
and prosperity. Governments across the region have coordinated efforts 
to address pandemics like avian flu. The major economies of the region 
are working for a global climate agreement that improves energy security 
and cuts greenhouse gases without cutting economic growth. The region 
has come together to respond to natural disasters, from the tsunami of 
2004 to this year's cyclone. With all these partnerships, we're 
deepening trust and openness among our nations. And we're ensuring that 
whatever challenges the future may bring, the nations of the Asia-
Pacific will meet them together.
    One question on the minds of many here in Asia and many around the 
world is the future direction of China. I've been fascinated by China 
since my first trip there in 1975, when my dad was the head of the United States Liaison Office in 
Beijing. At the time, the country was just emerging from the Cultural 
Revolution. Poverty was rampant, bicycles were everywhere, and people 
were wearing almost identical clothes. It seemed unimaginable that three 
decades later, Beijing would be sprinting into the modern era, covered 
in skyscrapers, filled with cars, and home to international businesses, 
as well as hosting the Olympic Games.
    Over the years, America has had complex relations with China. I was 
determined to set our relationship on sturdy and principled footing. 
Four goals we've pursued in Asia--reinforcing our alliances, forming new 
democratic partnerships, deepening our economic ties, and cooperating on 
shared challenges--have given America and our allies valuable new 
platforms from which to confidently engage China. A peaceful and 
successful future for this region requires the involvement of both China 
and the United States. And it's important that America's engagement 
throughout the Asia-Pacific be purposeful and enduring.
    China and the United States share important economic interests. The 
growth sparked by China's free market reforms is good for the Chinese 
people, who are building a confident middle class with a stake in a 
peaceful future. China's new purchasing power is good for the world 
because it provides an enormous market for exports from across the 
globe. The key to ensuring that all sides benefits is insisting that 
China adhere to the rules of the international economic system. So 
America strongly supported China's accession to the World Trade 
Organization, where we're able to contest trade practices that we find 
unfair. I was disappointed that the Doha round of trade talks has 
stalled, and the United States will continue to engage China, India, and 
other nations to help reach a successful collusion--conclusion.
    America has also established a new strategic economic dialogue with 
China, where we discuss ways to ensure long-term growth and widely 
shared prosperity in both our economies, as well as issues like currency 
exchange rates and intellectual property rights. Through these 
discussions and others, we're making clear to China that being a global 
economic leader carries with it the duty to act responsibly on matters 
from energy to the environment to development in places like Africa.
    America and China have found other areas of cooperation. We're 
partnering to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. 
China has played a critical leadership role in the six-party talks. 
America has also stressed our determination to maintain peace across the 
Taiwan Strait. From the beginning of my Presidency, I have stated 
clearly that America's approach to Taiwan would be based on our 
longstanding ``one China'' policy, our three joint

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communiques, and our steadfast commitment to the security of Taiwan's 
democracy under the Taiwan Relations Act. I've also articulated a 
principle that there should be no unilateral attempts by either side to 
alter the status quo. And as a result of frank engagement and firm 
diplomacy, the tensions that once roiled the Taiwan Strait have calmed, 
and we're witnessing a new period of stability and peace.
    Our constructive relationship in these areas has placed America in a 
better position to be honest and direct on other issues. I have spoken 
clearly and candidly and consistently with China's leaders about our 
deep concerns over religious freedom and human rights. I have met 
repeatedly with Chinese dissidents and religious believers. The United 
States believes the people of China deserve the fundamental liberty that 
is the natural right of all human beings.
    So America stands in firm opposition to China's detention of 
political dissidents and human rights advocates and religious activists. 
We speak out for a free press, freedom of assembly, and labor rights not 
to antagonize China's leaders, but because trusting its people with 
greater freedom is the only way for China to develop its full potential. 
We press for openness and justice not to impose our beliefs, but to 
allow the Chinese people to express theirs. As Chinese scientist Xu 
Liangying has said, ``Human nature is universal 
and needs to pursue freedom and equality.''
    Ultimately, only China can decide what course it will follow. 
America and our partners are realistic, and we're prepared for any 
possibility. I'm optimistic about China's future. Young people who grow 
up with the freedom to trade goods will ultimately demand the freedom to 
trade ideas, especially on an unrestricted Internet. Change in China 
will arrive on its own terms and in keeping with its own history and its 
own traditions. Yet change will arrive. And it will be clear for all to 
see that those who aspire to speak their conscience and worship their 
God are no threat to the future of China. They're the people who will 
make China a great nation in the 21st century.
    This is my last trip to East Asia as President. I have great 
confidence that Asia will continue to grow in opportunity and 
achievement and influence. I'm confident because I know the creative and 
enterprising spirit of this region's people. I'm confident because the 
forces of freedom and hope that unleashed the transformation of Asia can 
never be turned back. And I'm confident because I know the bonds between 
America and our friends in Asia will never be broken.
    When forces from Imperial Japan entered Thailand during World War 
II, the Thai Ambassador in Washington was directed to declare war on the 
United States. He bravely refused to deliver the declaration. In turn, 
America refused to recognize Thailand as our enemy. Instead, we helped 
Thais in America band together in a movement called Seri Thai. They 
deployed across the Pacific, infiltrated behind enemy lines, and 
gathered intelligence that helped speed the liberation of this great 
land.
    Several members of the Seri Thai movement are still with us--here. 
And I'm honored you all are here, and I appreciate your presence more 
than you can possibly know. You've earned the lasting gratitude of the 
American people. And all in this region can count on a solemn promise 
from the United States: America stood with the free people of Asia in 
the past, America stands with the free people of Asia today, and we will 
stand with the free people of Asia long into your bright future.
    Thank you for your time, and may God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 9:30 a.m. at the Queen Sirikit National 
Convention Center. In his remarks, he referred to King Phumiphon 
Adunyadet and Queen Sirikit of Thailand; former Prime Minister Junichiro 
Koizumi of Japan; and Aung San Suu Kyi,

[[Page 1119]]

leader of the National League of Democracy in Burma.