[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2008, Book II)]
[August 7, 2008]
[Pages 1114-1119]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
Remarks in Bangkok
August 7, 2008
Thank you. Sawatdee khrap. Thank you for the warm welcome.
Laura and I are delighted to be back in Bangkok.
Such a beautiful city, full of gracious and hospitable people. We
appreciate the warm welcome extended by His Majesty the King and Her Majesty the Queen.
I realize I'm a few days ahead of time, but I do wish Her
Majesty a happy birthday. Above all, I bring
America's warmest wishes to our oldest allies in Asia, the people of
Thailand.
Our friendship began 175 years ago this spring, when President
Andrew Jackson dispatched an envoy to Siam. Negotiations soon concluded
a treaty of peace and commerce and sealed it, curiously enough, with a
lotus flower on one side and an eagle and stars on the other.
Generations of close friendship followed. At one point, the Thai King
offered to send elephants to America. [Laughter] President Abraham
Lincoln politely declined. [Laughter] Yes, I was wondering whether or
not we can kind of get the offer back on the table. [Laughter] Although
my ranch isn't big enough, probably, to hold the elephants. [Laughter]
The values of freedom and openness that gave birth to our alliance
have sustained it through the centuries. American troops and Royal Thai
Armed Forces have stood united from Korea and Vietnam to Afghanistan and
Iraq. Our free market economies have surged forward on a rising tide of
trade and investment. Tourism has boomed as more people have discovered
this beautiful and ancient land. And some 200,000 Thai Americans now
enrich my nation with their enterprise and their culture and their
faith.
On this historic anniversary of our alliance, America looks to
Thailand as a leader in the region and a partner around the world. I was
proud to designate Thailand a major non-NATO ally of the United States.
I salute the Thai people on the restoration of democracy, which has
proved that liberty and law reign here in the ``land of the free.'' In
many ways, the story of Thailand is the story of this region. Over the
past six decades, Asia has gone from an area mired in poverty and
recovering from world war to a thriving and dynamic region. America has
played a role in this transformation. By maintaining a stabilizing
military presence, we helped to--we helped free emerging nations to grow
without concerns about their security. By pursuing strong diplomatic
engagement, we helped once-hostile nations resolve their differences in
peace. By opening our markets to Asian exports, we helped powerful
economies to take shape.
I'm proud of these contributions. Yet the primary source of this
region's success is the people. From South Korea to Singapore, nations
pursued economic policies based upon free enterprise, free trade, and
the rule of law. And the results have astounded the world. Last year,
trade in goods between the United States and this side of the Pacific
reached $1 trillion. And there's striking change from the pattern of
centuries: More trade now crosses the Pacific than the Atlantic.
With the rise of economic freedom has come a dramatic expansion of
political liberty. Think about this: After World War II, Australia and
New Zealand were the region's only democracies. Today, the majority of
Asian nations answer to their citizens. With this shift, the people of
this region have defied the skeptics who claimed that Asian values were
incompatible with liberty. Free societies emerged in largely Buddhist
Thailand, largely Hindu India, largely Muslim Indonesia, largely Shinto
Japan, and the largely Christian Philippines. As freedom has taken root,
[[Page 1115]]
peace has followed. And the region has gone decades without a major war.
Some have called this transformation the ``Asian miracle.'' In
truth, it's no miracle at all. It's evidence of universal truths. The
passion for liberty transcends culture and faith. Free markets unleash
innovation and blaze the path to prosperity. Trusting in the natural
talent and creativity of a nation's people is the surest way to build a
vibrant and hopeful society.
When I became President, I brought a conviction that America is a
Pacific nation and that our interests and ideals require stronger
engagement in Asia than ever before. So over the past 7 years, America
has pursued four broad goals in the region: reinvigorate our alliances,
forge new relationships with countries that share our values, seize new
opportunities for prosperity and growth, and confront shared challenges
together.
Confident and purposeful alliances are the best way to advance peace
and prosperity in Asia. America has five treaty alliances in Asia. And
we take them seriously, and we bolstered each one. We signed a new
treaty with Australia that deepens our cooperation in defense trade. We
helped the Philippines upgrade its military capabilities. We've
strengthened security initiatives here in Thailand. We're improving our
force posture in South Korea by working to move our troops out of cities
and towns and into more strategically effective positions. We've
reinforced our close alliance with Japan by launching new missile
defense initiatives and by transforming our troop posture in a way that
preserves our strong position to maintain the peace in the Pacific. All
these steps were designed to reassure our allies that America will stand
firmly beside them in any test we face.
I've also worked to develop strong personal relationships with our
allies' elected leaders. Who could ever forget the trip to Elvis's place
with Prime Minister Koizumi? [Laughter] I
certainly will never forget it. [Laughter] I don't think a lot of people
in Memphis, Tennessee, will ever forget it either. These friendships are
built on a foundation of honesty and respect and shared values. And when
a new occupant moves into the White House next year, America's alliances
in Asia will be the strongest they have ever been.
As America has revitalized our treaty alliances, we have forged
deeper ties with other free nations in Asia. Countries that share our
democratic ideals should be natural partners of the United States. Yet
when I took office, our relations with many free nations in Asia were
strained. For example, America has dramatically improved our ties with
India, the world's largest democracy, including historic agreement on
civilian nuclear energy.
We've turned around our relationship with Indonesia, which is home
to more Muslims than any other nation on Earth. We've partnered closely
with Indonesia's freely elected Government to help develop the
institutions of a vibrant democracy after decades of military rule. We
signed a landmark agreement with Mongolia to help boost democratic
development. We've enhanced cooperation with the thriving countries of
ASEAN, which is now chaired by the great nation of Thailand. We've
joined with free nations throughout the region to establish a new Asian
Pacific Democracy Partnership, the region's only organization whose sole
focus is promoting democratic values and institutions in Asia.
Overall, America has improved our relationships with all of Asia's
major powers at the same time. Experts would have said this was
impossible because of historical tensions between these nations. But
something has rendered the old patterns obsolete. In an era of
integrated markets and common threats, the expansion of freedom in one
nation benefits all other free nations. This change marks a sharp
departure from the zero-sum mentality of the past. And this change
provides a clear charge for the future. Every nation in this region has
a
[[Page 1116]]
stake in ensuring that Asia continues to grow in liberty and prosperity
and hope.
One of the most powerful drivers of liberty and prosperity and hope
is trade. When I took office, America had free trade agreements in force
with only three countries, none of them in Asia. Today, we have
agreements in force with 14 countries, including Australia and
Singapore. We've concluded a promising agreement with South Korea, which
I am pushing the United States Congress to pass. We've begun negotiating
free trade agreements with Malaysia and a bilateral investment treaty
with Vietnam. We look forward to resuming trade negotiations with
Thailand. We've supported the vision of a free trade area of the Asia-
Pacific, which would bring down trade barriers across this region.
The nations of the Asia-Pacific now have more vibrant trade and
investment ties than ever before. And workers and consumers and
entrepreneurs across this region will reap the benefits from years to
come. Unfortunately, our country sometimes sends mixed signals about the
openness of our economy. Voices of economic isolationism do not
represent the interests of the American people. For decades, America has
maintained a bipartisan commitment to flexible and open markets, and
this must not change. I urge people across this region to reject
protectionism in your own countries. Together, we can lead the world
toward more growth and more jobs and more opportunities by staying open
for--to investment and trade.
For all the gains we've made, our nations still face challenges, and
we're working together to confront them. No bigger challenge, as far as
I'm concerned, than the threat of terror, than the threat of extremists
willing to murder the innocent to achieve their political objectives.
With partners across this region, we have brought to justice some of the
world's most dangerous terrorists. We're also working to counter the
hateful ideology of the extremists by promoting a more hopeful
alternative, one based upon freedom and liberty.
We strongly support democracies like Thailand and Indonesia and
Malaysia, which are making determined stands against extremists and
showing that Islam and tolerance go hand in hand. Many of America's
friends in Asia have also stood with us in Afghanistan and Iraq, where
newly free people are replacing decades of fear with a future of hope.
America is proud to stand with so many brave partners in answering the
call of our time. And no matter how difficult the test may be, we will
not relent until this ideological struggle is won.
Together, we're confronting the threat posed by North Korea. The
nations of Northeast Asia all have an urgent stake in ensuring that
Pyongyang does not threaten the region with nuclear weapons. Yet when I
took office, there was no way for these nations to approach North Korea
with a unified front. So America joined with China and South Korea and
Japan and Russia to create the six-party talks. Faced with concerted
pressure from all its neighbors, North Korea has pledged to dismantle
its nuclear facilities and give up its nuclear weapons. Recently, the
regime submitted a declaration of nuclear activities. Now the North
Korean regime must commit to help us verify the declaration and address
outstanding concerns about its behavior, including its proliferation and
uranium enrichment.
The other five parties will stand united until we reach our ultimate
goal: a Korean Peninsula free of oppression and free of nuclear weapons.
And the United States will continue to insist that the regime in
Pyongyang end its harsh rule and respect the dignity and human rights of
the North Korean people.
Together, we seek an end to tyranny in Burma. The noble cause has
many devoted champions, and I happen to be married to one of them. Today
Laura is traveling to the Thai-Burmese border,
where she's
[[Page 1117]]
visiting a resettlement camp and a medical clinic. America reiterates
our call on Burma's military junta to release Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. We'll continue working
until the people of Burma have their freedom that they deserve.
Together, we're confronting other serious challenges to our people
and prosperity. Governments across the region have coordinated efforts
to address pandemics like avian flu. The major economies of the region
are working for a global climate agreement that improves energy security
and cuts greenhouse gases without cutting economic growth. The region
has come together to respond to natural disasters, from the tsunami of
2004 to this year's cyclone. With all these partnerships, we're
deepening trust and openness among our nations. And we're ensuring that
whatever challenges the future may bring, the nations of the Asia-
Pacific will meet them together.
One question on the minds of many here in Asia and many around the
world is the future direction of China. I've been fascinated by China
since my first trip there in 1975, when my dad was the head of the United States Liaison Office in
Beijing. At the time, the country was just emerging from the Cultural
Revolution. Poverty was rampant, bicycles were everywhere, and people
were wearing almost identical clothes. It seemed unimaginable that three
decades later, Beijing would be sprinting into the modern era, covered
in skyscrapers, filled with cars, and home to international businesses,
as well as hosting the Olympic Games.
Over the years, America has had complex relations with China. I was
determined to set our relationship on sturdy and principled footing.
Four goals we've pursued in Asia--reinforcing our alliances, forming new
democratic partnerships, deepening our economic ties, and cooperating on
shared challenges--have given America and our allies valuable new
platforms from which to confidently engage China. A peaceful and
successful future for this region requires the involvement of both China
and the United States. And it's important that America's engagement
throughout the Asia-Pacific be purposeful and enduring.
China and the United States share important economic interests. The
growth sparked by China's free market reforms is good for the Chinese
people, who are building a confident middle class with a stake in a
peaceful future. China's new purchasing power is good for the world
because it provides an enormous market for exports from across the
globe. The key to ensuring that all sides benefits is insisting that
China adhere to the rules of the international economic system. So
America strongly supported China's accession to the World Trade
Organization, where we're able to contest trade practices that we find
unfair. I was disappointed that the Doha round of trade talks has
stalled, and the United States will continue to engage China, India, and
other nations to help reach a successful collusion--conclusion.
America has also established a new strategic economic dialogue with
China, where we discuss ways to ensure long-term growth and widely
shared prosperity in both our economies, as well as issues like currency
exchange rates and intellectual property rights. Through these
discussions and others, we're making clear to China that being a global
economic leader carries with it the duty to act responsibly on matters
from energy to the environment to development in places like Africa.
America and China have found other areas of cooperation. We're
partnering to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
China has played a critical leadership role in the six-party talks.
America has also stressed our determination to maintain peace across the
Taiwan Strait. From the beginning of my Presidency, I have stated
clearly that America's approach to Taiwan would be based on our
longstanding ``one China'' policy, our three joint
[[Page 1118]]
communiques, and our steadfast commitment to the security of Taiwan's
democracy under the Taiwan Relations Act. I've also articulated a
principle that there should be no unilateral attempts by either side to
alter the status quo. And as a result of frank engagement and firm
diplomacy, the tensions that once roiled the Taiwan Strait have calmed,
and we're witnessing a new period of stability and peace.
Our constructive relationship in these areas has placed America in a
better position to be honest and direct on other issues. I have spoken
clearly and candidly and consistently with China's leaders about our
deep concerns over religious freedom and human rights. I have met
repeatedly with Chinese dissidents and religious believers. The United
States believes the people of China deserve the fundamental liberty that
is the natural right of all human beings.
So America stands in firm opposition to China's detention of
political dissidents and human rights advocates and religious activists.
We speak out for a free press, freedom of assembly, and labor rights not
to antagonize China's leaders, but because trusting its people with
greater freedom is the only way for China to develop its full potential.
We press for openness and justice not to impose our beliefs, but to
allow the Chinese people to express theirs. As Chinese scientist Xu
Liangying has said, ``Human nature is universal
and needs to pursue freedom and equality.''
Ultimately, only China can decide what course it will follow.
America and our partners are realistic, and we're prepared for any
possibility. I'm optimistic about China's future. Young people who grow
up with the freedom to trade goods will ultimately demand the freedom to
trade ideas, especially on an unrestricted Internet. Change in China
will arrive on its own terms and in keeping with its own history and its
own traditions. Yet change will arrive. And it will be clear for all to
see that those who aspire to speak their conscience and worship their
God are no threat to the future of China. They're the people who will
make China a great nation in the 21st century.
This is my last trip to East Asia as President. I have great
confidence that Asia will continue to grow in opportunity and
achievement and influence. I'm confident because I know the creative and
enterprising spirit of this region's people. I'm confident because the
forces of freedom and hope that unleashed the transformation of Asia can
never be turned back. And I'm confident because I know the bonds between
America and our friends in Asia will never be broken.
When forces from Imperial Japan entered Thailand during World War
II, the Thai Ambassador in Washington was directed to declare war on the
United States. He bravely refused to deliver the declaration. In turn,
America refused to recognize Thailand as our enemy. Instead, we helped
Thais in America band together in a movement called Seri Thai. They
deployed across the Pacific, infiltrated behind enemy lines, and
gathered intelligence that helped speed the liberation of this great
land.
Several members of the Seri Thai movement are still with us--here.
And I'm honored you all are here, and I appreciate your presence more
than you can possibly know. You've earned the lasting gratitude of the
American people. And all in this region can count on a solemn promise
from the United States: America stood with the free people of Asia in
the past, America stands with the free people of Asia today, and we will
stand with the free people of Asia long into your bright future.
Thank you for your time, and may God bless you.
Note: The President spoke at 9:30 a.m. at the Queen Sirikit National
Convention Center. In his remarks, he referred to King Phumiphon
Adunyadet and Queen Sirikit of Thailand; former Prime Minister Junichiro
Koizumi of Japan; and Aung San Suu Kyi,
[[Page 1119]]
leader of the National League of Democracy in Burma.