    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2008, Book II)]
    [August 7, 2008]
    [Pages 1114-1119]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks in Bangkok
    August 7, 2008

        Thank you. Sawatdee khrap. Thank you for the warm welcome.
    Laura and I are delighted to be back in Bangkok.
    Such a beautiful city, full of gracious and hospitable people. We
    appreciate the warm welcome extended by His Majesty the King and Her Majesty the Queen.
        I realize I'm a few days ahead of time, but I do wish Her
    Majesty a happy birthday. Above all, I bring
    America's warmest wishes to our oldest allies in Asia, the people of
    Thailand.
        Our friendship began 175 years ago this spring, when President
    Andrew Jackson dispatched an envoy to Siam. Negotiations soon concluded
    a treaty of peace and commerce and sealed it, curiously enough, with a
    lotus flower on one side and an eagle and stars on the other.
    Generations of close friendship followed. At one point, the Thai King
    offered to send elephants to America. [Laughter] President Abraham
    Lincoln politely declined. [Laughter] Yes, I was wondering whether or
    not we can kind of get the offer back on the table. [Laughter] Although
    my ranch isn't big enough, probably, to hold the elephants. [Laughter]
        The values of freedom and openness that gave birth to our alliance
    have sustained it through the centuries. American troops and Royal Thai
    Armed Forces have stood united from Korea and Vietnam to Afghanistan and
    Iraq. Our free market economies have surged forward on a rising tide of
    trade and investment. Tourism has boomed as more people have discovered
    this beautiful and ancient land. And some 200,000 Thai Americans now
    enrich my nation with their enterprise and their culture and their
    faith.
        On this historic anniversary of our alliance, America looks to
    Thailand as a leader in the region and a partner around the world. I was
    proud to designate Thailand a major non-NATO ally of the United States.
    I salute the Thai people on the restoration of democracy, which has
    proved that liberty and law reign here in the ``land of the free.'' In
    many ways, the story of Thailand is the story of this region. Over the
    past six decades, Asia has gone from an area mired in poverty and
    recovering from world war to a thriving and dynamic region. America has
    played a role in this transformation. By maintaining a stabilizing
    military presence, we helped to--we helped free emerging nations to grow
    without concerns about their security. By pursuing strong diplomatic
    engagement, we helped once-hostile nations resolve their differences in
    peace. By opening our markets to Asian exports, we helped powerful
    economies to take shape.
        I'm proud of these contributions. Yet the primary source of this
    region's success is the people. From South Korea to Singapore, nations
    pursued economic policies based upon free enterprise, free trade, and
    the rule of law. And the results have astounded the world. Last year,
    trade in goods between the United States and this side of the Pacific
    reached $1 trillion. And there's striking change from the pattern of
    centuries: More trade now crosses the Pacific than the Atlantic.
        With the rise of economic freedom has come a dramatic expansion of
    political liberty. Think about this: After World War II, Australia and
    New Zealand were the region's only democracies. Today, the majority of
    Asian nations answer to their citizens. With this shift, the people of
    this region have defied the skeptics who claimed that Asian values were
    incompatible with liberty. Free societies emerged in largely Buddhist
    Thailand, largely Hindu India, largely Muslim Indonesia, largely Shinto
    Japan, and the largely Christian Philippines. As freedom has taken root,

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    peace has followed. And the region has gone decades without a major war.
        Some have called this transformation the ``Asian miracle.'' In
    truth, it's no miracle at all. It's evidence of universal truths. The
    passion for liberty transcends culture and faith. Free markets unleash
    innovation and blaze the path to prosperity. Trusting in the natural
    talent and creativity of a nation's people is the surest way to build a
    vibrant and hopeful society.
        When I became President, I brought a conviction that America is a
    Pacific nation and that our interests and ideals require stronger
    engagement in Asia than ever before. So over the past 7 years, America
    has pursued four broad goals in the region: reinvigorate our alliances,
    forge new relationships with countries that share our values, seize new
    opportunities for prosperity and growth, and confront shared challenges
    together.
        Confident and purposeful alliances are the best way to advance peace
    and prosperity in Asia. America has five treaty alliances in Asia. And
    we take them seriously, and we bolstered each one. We signed a new
    treaty with Australia that deepens our cooperation in defense trade. We
    helped the Philippines upgrade its military capabilities. We've
    strengthened security initiatives here in Thailand. We're improving our
    force posture in South Korea by working to move our troops out of cities
    and towns and into more strategically effective positions. We've
    reinforced our close alliance with Japan by launching new missile
    defense initiatives and by transforming our troop posture in a way that
    preserves our strong position to maintain the peace in the Pacific. All
    these steps were designed to reassure our allies that America will stand
    firmly beside them in any test we face.
        I've also worked to develop strong personal relationships with our
    allies' elected leaders. Who could ever forget the trip to Elvis's place
    with Prime Minister Koizumi? [Laughter] I
    certainly will never forget it. [Laughter] I don't think a lot of people
    in Memphis, Tennessee, will ever forget it either. These friendships are
    built on a foundation of honesty and respect and shared values. And when
    a new occupant moves into the White House next year, America's alliances
    in Asia will be the strongest they have ever been.
        As America has revitalized our treaty alliances, we have forged
    deeper ties with other free nations in Asia. Countries that share our
    democratic ideals should be natural partners of the United States. Yet
    when I took office, our relations with many free nations in Asia were
    strained. For example, America has dramatically improved our ties with
    India, the world's largest democracy, including historic agreement on
    civilian nuclear energy.
        We've turned around our relationship with Indonesia, which is home
    to more Muslims than any other nation on Earth. We've partnered closely
    with Indonesia's freely elected Government to help develop the
    institutions of a vibrant democracy after decades of military rule. We
    signed a landmark agreement with Mongolia to help boost democratic
    development. We've enhanced cooperation with the thriving countries of
    ASEAN, which is now chaired by the great nation of Thailand. We've
    joined with free nations throughout the region to establish a new Asian
    Pacific Democracy Partnership, the region's only organization whose sole
    focus is promoting democratic values and institutions in Asia.
        Overall, America has improved our relationships with all of Asia's
    major powers at the same time. Experts would have said this was
    impossible because of historical tensions between these nations. But
    something has rendered the old patterns obsolete. In an era of
    integrated markets and common threats, the expansion of freedom in one
    nation benefits all other free nations. This change marks a sharp
    departure from the zero-sum mentality of the past. And this change
    provides a clear charge for the future. Every nation in this region has
    a

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    stake in ensuring that Asia continues to grow in liberty and prosperity
    and hope.
        One of the most powerful drivers of liberty and prosperity and hope
    is trade. When I took office, America had free trade agreements in force
    with only three countries, none of them in Asia. Today, we have
    agreements in force with 14 countries, including Australia and
    Singapore. We've concluded a promising agreement with South Korea, which
    I am pushing the United States Congress to pass. We've begun negotiating
    free trade agreements with Malaysia and a bilateral investment treaty
    with Vietnam. We look forward to resuming trade negotiations with
    Thailand. We've supported the vision of a free trade area of the Asia-
    Pacific, which would bring down trade barriers across this region.
        The nations of the Asia-Pacific now have more vibrant trade and
    investment ties than ever before. And workers and consumers and
    entrepreneurs across this region will reap the benefits from years to
    come. Unfortunately, our country sometimes sends mixed signals about the
    openness of our economy. Voices of economic isolationism do not
    represent the interests of the American people. For decades, America has
    maintained a bipartisan commitment to flexible and open markets, and
    this must not change. I urge people across this region to reject
    protectionism in your own countries. Together, we can lead the world
    toward more growth and more jobs and more opportunities by staying open
    for--to investment and trade.
        For all the gains we've made, our nations still face challenges, and
    we're working together to confront them. No bigger challenge, as far as
    I'm concerned, than the threat of terror, than the threat of extremists
    willing to murder the innocent to achieve their political objectives.
    With partners across this region, we have brought to justice some of the
    world's most dangerous terrorists. We're also working to counter the
    hateful ideology of the extremists by promoting a more hopeful
    alternative, one based upon freedom and liberty.
        We strongly support democracies like Thailand and Indonesia and
    Malaysia, which are making determined stands against extremists and
    showing that Islam and tolerance go hand in hand. Many of America's
    friends in Asia have also stood with us in Afghanistan and Iraq, where
    newly free people are replacing decades of fear with a future of hope.
    America is proud to stand with so many brave partners in answering the
    call of our time. And no matter how difficult the test may be, we will
    not relent until this ideological struggle is won.
        Together, we're confronting the threat posed by North Korea. The
    nations of Northeast Asia all have an urgent stake in ensuring that
    Pyongyang does not threaten the region with nuclear weapons. Yet when I
    took office, there was no way for these nations to approach North Korea
    with a unified front. So America joined with China and South Korea and
    Japan and Russia to create the six-party talks. Faced with concerted
    pressure from all its neighbors, North Korea has pledged to dismantle
    its nuclear facilities and give up its nuclear weapons. Recently, the
    regime submitted a declaration of nuclear activities. Now the North
    Korean regime must commit to help us verify the declaration and address
    outstanding concerns about its behavior, including its proliferation and
    uranium enrichment.
        The other five parties will stand united until we reach our ultimate
    goal: a Korean Peninsula free of oppression and free of nuclear weapons.
    And the United States will continue to insist that the regime in
    Pyongyang end its harsh rule and respect the dignity and human rights of
    the North Korean people.
        Together, we seek an end to tyranny in Burma. The noble cause has
    many devoted champions, and I happen to be married to one of them. Today
    Laura is traveling to the Thai-Burmese border,
    where she's

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    visiting a resettlement camp and a medical clinic. America reiterates
    our call on Burma's military junta to release Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners. We'll continue working
    until the people of Burma have their freedom that they deserve.
        Together, we're confronting other serious challenges to our people
    and prosperity. Governments across the region have coordinated efforts
    to address pandemics like avian flu. The major economies of the region
    are working for a global climate agreement that improves energy security
    and cuts greenhouse gases without cutting economic growth. The region
    has come together to respond to natural disasters, from the tsunami of
    2004 to this year's cyclone. With all these partnerships, we're
    deepening trust and openness among our nations. And we're ensuring that
    whatever challenges the future may bring, the nations of the Asia-
    Pacific will meet them together.
        One question on the minds of many here in Asia and many around the
    world is the future direction of China. I've been fascinated by China
    since my first trip there in 1975, when my dad was the head of the United States Liaison Office in
    Beijing. At the time, the country was just emerging from the Cultural
    Revolution. Poverty was rampant, bicycles were everywhere, and people
    were wearing almost identical clothes. It seemed unimaginable that three
    decades later, Beijing would be sprinting into the modern era, covered
    in skyscrapers, filled with cars, and home to international businesses,
    as well as hosting the Olympic Games.
        Over the years, America has had complex relations with China. I was
    determined to set our relationship on sturdy and principled footing.
    Four goals we've pursued in Asia--reinforcing our alliances, forming new
    democratic partnerships, deepening our economic ties, and cooperating on
    shared challenges--have given America and our allies valuable new
    platforms from which to confidently engage China. A peaceful and
    successful future for this region requires the involvement of both China
    and the United States. And it's important that America's engagement
    throughout the Asia-Pacific be purposeful and enduring.
        China and the United States share important economic interests. The
    growth sparked by China's free market reforms is good for the Chinese
    people, who are building a confident middle class with a stake in a
    peaceful future. China's new purchasing power is good for the world
    because it provides an enormous market for exports from across the
    globe. The key to ensuring that all sides benefits is insisting that
    China adhere to the rules of the international economic system. So
    America strongly supported China's accession to the World Trade
    Organization, where we're able to contest trade practices that we find
    unfair. I was disappointed that the Doha round of trade talks has
    stalled, and the United States will continue to engage China, India, and
    other nations to help reach a successful collusion--conclusion.
        America has also established a new strategic economic dialogue with
    China, where we discuss ways to ensure long-term growth and widely
    shared prosperity in both our economies, as well as issues like currency
    exchange rates and intellectual property rights. Through these
    discussions and others, we're making clear to China that being a global
    economic leader carries with it the duty to act responsibly on matters
    from energy to the environment to development in places like Africa.
        America and China have found other areas of cooperation. We're
    partnering to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
    China has played a critical leadership role in the six-party talks.
    America has also stressed our determination to maintain peace across the
    Taiwan Strait. From the beginning of my Presidency, I have stated
    clearly that America's approach to Taiwan would be based on our
    longstanding ``one China'' policy, our three joint

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    communiques, and our steadfast commitment to the security of Taiwan's
    democracy under the Taiwan Relations Act. I've also articulated a
    principle that there should be no unilateral attempts by either side to
    alter the status quo. And as a result of frank engagement and firm
    diplomacy, the tensions that once roiled the Taiwan Strait have calmed,
    and we're witnessing a new period of stability and peace.
        Our constructive relationship in these areas has placed America in a
    better position to be honest and direct on other issues. I have spoken
    clearly and candidly and consistently with China's leaders about our
    deep concerns over religious freedom and human rights. I have met
    repeatedly with Chinese dissidents and religious believers. The United
    States believes the people of China deserve the fundamental liberty that
    is the natural right of all human beings.
        So America stands in firm opposition to China's detention of
    political dissidents and human rights advocates and religious activists.
    We speak out for a free press, freedom of assembly, and labor rights not
    to antagonize China's leaders, but because trusting its people with
    greater freedom is the only way for China to develop its full potential.
    We press for openness and justice not to impose our beliefs, but to
    allow the Chinese people to express theirs. As Chinese scientist Xu
    Liangying has said, ``Human nature is universal
    and needs to pursue freedom and equality.''
        Ultimately, only China can decide what course it will follow.
    America and our partners are realistic, and we're prepared for any
    possibility. I'm optimistic about China's future. Young people who grow
    up with the freedom to trade goods will ultimately demand the freedom to
    trade ideas, especially on an unrestricted Internet. Change in China
    will arrive on its own terms and in keeping with its own history and its
    own traditions. Yet change will arrive. And it will be clear for all to
    see that those who aspire to speak their conscience and worship their
    God are no threat to the future of China. They're the people who will
    make China a great nation in the 21st century.
        This is my last trip to East Asia as President. I have great
    confidence that Asia will continue to grow in opportunity and
    achievement and influence. I'm confident because I know the creative and
    enterprising spirit of this region's people. I'm confident because the
    forces of freedom and hope that unleashed the transformation of Asia can
    never be turned back. And I'm confident because I know the bonds between
    America and our friends in Asia will never be broken.
        When forces from Imperial Japan entered Thailand during World War
    II, the Thai Ambassador in Washington was directed to declare war on the
    United States. He bravely refused to deliver the declaration. In turn,
    America refused to recognize Thailand as our enemy. Instead, we helped
    Thais in America band together in a movement called Seri Thai. They
    deployed across the Pacific, infiltrated behind enemy lines, and
    gathered intelligence that helped speed the liberation of this great
    land.
        Several members of the Seri Thai movement are still with us--here.
    And I'm honored you all are here, and I appreciate your presence more
    than you can possibly know. You've earned the lasting gratitude of the
    American people. And all in this region can count on a solemn promise
    from the United States: America stood with the free people of Asia in
    the past, America stands with the free people of Asia today, and we will
    stand with the free people of Asia long into your bright future.
        Thank you for your time, and may God bless you.

    Note: The President spoke at 9:30 a.m. at the Queen Sirikit National
    Convention Center. In his remarks, he referred to King Phumiphon
    Adunyadet and Queen Sirikit of Thailand; former Prime Minister Junichiro
    Koizumi of Japan; and Aung San Suu Kyi,

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    leader of the National League of Democracy in Burma.