    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2008, Book II)]
    [January 12, 2009]
    [Pages 1552-1564]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    The President's News Conference
    January 12, 2009

        The President. Thank you. Tapper [Jake Tapper, ABC News]. We have
    been through a lot together. As I look through the room, I see Jake,
    Mike [Mike Emanuel, FOX News], Herman [Ken Herman, Cox News], Ann
    Compton [ABC News]. Just seemed like yesterday that I was on the
    campaign trail, and you were analyzing my speeches and my policies. And
    I see a lot of faces that travel with me around the world and to places
    like Afghanistan and Iraq and Africa. I see some new faces, which goes
    to show there's some turnover in this business.
        Through it all, it's been--I have respected you. Sometimes I didn't
    like the stories that you wrote or reported on. Sometimes you
    misunderestimated me. But always the relationship, I have felt, has been
    professional. And I appreciate it.
        I appreciate--I do appreciate working with you. My friends from--
    say, ``What is

    [[Page 1553]]

    it like to deal with the press corps?'' I said, ``These are just people
    that--trying to do the best they possibly can.''
        And so here at the last press conference, I'm interested in
    answering some of your questions. But mostly, I'm interested in saying
    thank you for the job.
        Ben [Ben Feller, Associated Press].

    National Economy/President-Elect Barack Obama

        Q. Thank you for those comments, Mr. President. Here's a question.
    I'm wondering if you plan to ask Congress for the remaining $350 billion
    in bail money. And in terms of the timing, if you do that before you
    leave office, sir, are you motivated in part to make life a little
    easier for President-elect Obama?
        The President. I have talked to the President-elect about this
    subject. And I told him that if he felt that he needed the 350 billion,
    I would be willing to ask for it, in other words, if he felt like it
    needed to happen on my watch.
        The best course of action, of course, is to convince enough Members
    of the Senate to vote positively for the request. And, you know, that's
    all I can share with you, because that's all I know.
        Q. So you haven't made the request yet?
        The President. Well, he hasn't asked me to make the request yet. And
    I don't intend to make the request unless he specifically asks me to
    make it.
        He is--you know, I've had my third conversation with him, and I
    genuinely mean what I say. I wish him all the very best. I have found
    him to be a very smart and engaging person. And that lunch the other day
    was interesting--to have two guys who are nearly 85, two 62-year-olders, and a 47-year-old--so kind of the classic
    generational statement.
        And one common area, in at least the four of us--we all had
    different circumstances and experiences, but one thing is we've all
    experienced what it means to assume the responsibility of the
    Presidency. And President-elect Obama is fixing to do that. And he'll
    get sworn in, and then they'll have the lunch and all the deal up there
    on Capitol Hill. And then he'll come back and go through the
    Inauguration, and then he'll walk in the Oval Office, and there will be
    a moment when the responsibilities of the President land squarely on his
    shoulders.
        Toby [Tabassum Zakaria, Reuters]. Yes, we'll get everybody here.

    Situation in the Middle East/Middle East Peace Process

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Do you believe that the Gaza conflict
    will have ended by the time you leave office? Do you approve of the way
    that Israel has conducted it? And why were you unable to achieve the
    peace deal that you had sought?
        The President. Remind me of the three points, will you, because I'm
    getting----
        Q. Will it end----
        The President. ----I'm getting a little older.
        Q. Will it end by the time you leave office? Do you approve of
    Israel's conduct?
        The President. I hope so. I'm for a sustainable cease-fire. And a
    definition of a sustainable cease-fire is that Hamas stops firing
    rockets into Israel. And there will not be a sustainable cease-fire if
    they continue firing rockets. I happen to believe the choice is Hamas's
    to make. And we believe that the best way to ensure that there is a
    sustainable cease-fire is to work with Egypt to stop the smuggling of
    arms into the Gaza that enables Hamas to continue to fire rockets. And
    so countries that supply weapons to Hamas have got to stop. And the
    international community needs to continue to pressure them to stop
    providing weapons.
        Hamas, obviously, if they're interested in a sustainable cease-fire,
    needs to stop arming. And then, of course, countries contingent to the
    Gaza need to work to stop the smuggling. And it's a difficult task. I

    [[Page 1554]]

    mean, there's tunnels and, you know, great opportunities for people who
    want to continue to try to disrupt democracy to provide the weapons to
    do so.
        The second part of your question, please, ma'am?
        Q. Do you approve of the Israeli conduct in this?
        The President. I think Israel has a right to defend herself.
    Obviously, in any of these kinds of situations, I would hope that she
    would continue to be mindful of innocent folks, and that they help, you
    know, expedite the delivery of humanitarian aid.
        And third, why haven't we achieved peace?
        Q.  Why were you unable to----
        The President. That's a good question. It's been a long time since
    they've had peace in the Middle East. Step one is to have a vision for
    what peace would look like. And in 2002, on the steps of the Rose
    Garden, I gave a speech about a two-state solution: two states, two
    democracies living side by side in peace. And we have worked hard to
    advance that idea. First thing is to convince all parties that the two
    states were necessary for peace.
        And one thing that's happened is, is that most people in the Middle
    East now accept the two-state solution as the best way for peace. Most
    Palestinians want their own state, and most Israelis understand there
    needs to be a democracy on their border in order for there to be long-
    lasting peace.
        The challenge, of course, has been to lay out the conditions so that
    a peaceful state can emerge, in other words, helping the Palestinians in
    the West Bank develop security forces, which we have worked hard to do
    over the past years. And those security forces are now becoming more
    efficient, and Prime Minister Fayyad is using
    them effectively. The challenge is to develop--help the Palestinians
    develop a democracy, I mean, and a vibrant economy in their--that will
    help lead to democracy.
        And the challenge, of course, is always complicated by the fact that
    people are willing to murder to stop the advance of freedom. And so the
    Hamas, or for that matter Al Qaida, or other extremist groups, are
    willing to use violence to prevent free states from emerging. And that's
    the big challenge.
        And so the answer is, will this ever happen? I think it will. And I
    know we have advanced the process.
        Yes, Suzanne [Suzanne Malveaux, Cable News Network]. I finally got
    your name right, after how many years? Six years?

    War on Terror

        Q. Eight years. [Laughter]
        The President. Eight years. You used to be known as ``Suz-anne.''
    Now you're ``Suz-ahn.''
        Q. ``Suz-ahn.'' Thank you. [Laughter]
        The President. I'm ``Jawdg.'' [Laughter]
        Q. In your 2002 State of the Union Address, you identified U.S.
    threats as an axis of evil: Iran, Iraq, and North Korea. Iraq is
    relatively calm; North Korea, no longer on the terrorist threat list.
    How would you define, if, in fact, there is still an axis of evil? And
    what is the greatest and most urgent threat when it comes to security
    that Barack Obama has to deal with?
        The President. The most urgent threat that he'll have to deal with,
    and other Presidents after him will have to deal with, is an attack on
    our homeland. You know, I wish I could report that's not the case, but
    there's still an enemy out there that would like to inflict damage on
    America, Americans. And that will be the major threat.
        North Korea is still a problem. There is a debate in the intel
    community about how big a problem they are. But one of my concerns is
    that there might be a highly enriched uranium program. And therefore, it
    is really important that out of the six-party talks comes a strong
    verification regime. In other words, in order to advance our relations
    with North Korea, the North Korean Government must honor the commitments
    it made to allow for strong

    [[Page 1555]]

    verification measures to be in place, to ensure that they don't develop
    a highly enriched uranium program, for example.
        So they're still dangerous, and Iran is still dangerous.
        Yes.

    The Republican Party

        Q. You said in an interview earlier this weekend, one of these, I
    guess, exit interviews, that----
        The President. This is the ultimate exit interview.
        Q. ----that you think the Republican Party needs to be more
    inclusive. Who needs to hear that message inside the Republican Party?
        The President. Yes. You see, I am concerned that, in the wake of the
    defeat, that the temptation will be to look inward and to say, well,
    here's a litmus test you must adhere to.
        This party will come back. And--but the party's message has got to
    be that different points of view are included in the party. And take,
    for example, the immigration debate. That's obviously a highly
    contentious issue. And the problem with the outcome of the initial round
    of the debate was that some people said, ``Well, Republicans don't like
    immigrants.'' Now, that may be fair or unfair, but that's what--that's
    the image that came out.
        And you know, if the image is we don't like immigrants, then there's
    probably somebody else out there saying, ``Well, if they don't like the
    immigrants, they probably don't like me as well.'' And so my point was,
    is that our party has got to be compassionate and broadminded.
        I remember the 1964 elections. My dad
    happened to be running for the United States Senate then and, you know,
    got landslided with the Johnson landslide in the State of Texas. But it
    wasn't just George Bush who got defeated, the Republican Party was
    pretty well decimated at the time. At least that's what they--well, I
    think that's how the pundits viewed it. And then '66, there was a
    resurgence. And the same thing can happen this time, but we just got to
    make sure our message is broad-gauged and compassionate: That we care
    about people's lives, and we've got a plan to help them improve their
    lives.
        Jake, yes. How you doing?

    The President's Record

        Q. I'm good. How you doing, sir?
        The President. So what have you been doing since 2000? Never mind.
    [Laughter]
        Q. Working my way to this chair.
        The President. So are you going to be here for President
    Obama?
        Q. I will. I will.
        The President. That's a pretty cool job.
        Q. It's not bad.
        The President. Yes. [Laughter]
        Q. Yours might be better.
        The President. Yes--what, retirement? [Laughter]
        Q. In the past, when you've been asked to address bad poll numbers
    or your unpopularity, you've said that history will judge that you did
    the right thing, that you thought you did the right thing. But without
    getting into your motives or your goals, I think a lot of people,
    including Republicans, including some members of your own
    administration, have been disappointed at the execution of some of your
    ideals, whether Iraq or Katrina or the economy. What would your closing
    message be to the American people about the execution of these goals?
        The President. Well, first of all, hard things don't happen
    overnight, Jake. And when the history of Iraq is written, historians
    will analyze, for example, the decision on the surge. The situation
    was--looked like it was going fine, and then violence for a period of
    time began to throw the progress of Iraq into doubt. And rather than
    accepting the status quo and saying, ``Oh, it's not worth it,'' or,
    ``The politics makes it difficult,'' or you know, ``The party may end up
    being--you know, not doing

    [[Page 1556]]

    well in the elections because of the violence in Iraq,'' I decided to do
    something about it and sent 30,000 troops in as opposed to withdrawing.
        And so that part of history is certain, and the situation did
    change. Now, the question is, in the long run, will this democracy
    survive? And that's going to be the challenge for future Presidents.
        In terms of the economy, look, I inherited a recession; I am ending
    on a recession. In the meantime there were 52 months of uninterrupted
    job growth. And I defended tax cuts when I campaigned. I helped
    implement tax cuts when I was President, and I will defend them after my
    Presidency as the right course of action. And there's a fundamental
    philosophical debate about tax cuts. Who best can spend your money, the
    Government or you? And I have always sided with the people on that
    issue.
        Now, obviously, these are very difficult economic times. When people
    analyze the situation, there will be--this problem started before my
    Presidency; it obviously took place during my Presidency. The question
    facing a President is not when the problem started, but what did you do
    about it when you recognized the problem? And I readily concede I
    chucked aside some of my free market principles when I was told by chief
    economic advisers that the situation we were facing could be worse than
    the Great Depression.
        So I've told some of my friends who said--you know, who have taken
    an ideological position on this issue--why did you do what you did? I
    said, well, if you were sitting there and heard that the depression
    could be greater than the Great Depression, I hope you would act too,
    which I did. And we've taken extraordinary measures to deal with the
    frozen credit markets, which have affected the economy. Credit spreads
    are beginning to shrink; lending is just beginning to pick up. The
    actions we have taken, I believe, have helped thaw the credit markets,
    which is the first step toward recovery.
        And so yes, look, there's plenty of critics in this business, I
    understand that. And I thank you for giving me a chance to defend a
    record that I am going to continue to defend, because I think it's a
    good, strong record.
        Jim [Jim Axelrod, CBS News].

    The President's Critics

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. I'd also like to ask you about your
    critics.
        The President. Sure. You know any? [Laughter]
        Q. Well, a couple years ago, Charles Krauthammer, columnist and
    Harvard-trained psychiatrist, coined a term, ``Bush derangement
    syndrome,'' to talk about your critics who disagreed with you most
    passionately, not just your policies, but seemed to take an animosity
    towards you. I'm just wondering, as you look back, why you think you
    engendered such passionate criticism, animosity, and do you have any
    message specifically to those--to that particular part of the spectrum
    of your critics?
        The President. You know, most people I see, you know, when I'm
    moving around the country, for example, they're not angry. And they're
    not hostile people. And they--well, they say, you never meet people who
    disagree; that's just not true. I've met a lot of people who don't agree
    with the decisions I make. But they have been civil in their discourse.
        And so I view those who get angry and yell and say bad things and,
    you know, all that kind of stuff, it's just a very few people in the
    country. I don't know why they get angry. I don't know why they get
    hostile. It's not the first time, however, in history that people have
    expressed themselves in sometimes undignified ways. I've been reading,
    you know, a lot about Abraham Lincoln during my Presidency, and there
    was some pretty harsh discord when it came to the 16th President, just
    like there's

    [[Page 1557]]

    been harsh discord for the 30--43d President.
        You know, Presidents can try to avoid hard decisions, and therefore,
    avoid controversy. That's just not my nature. I'm the kind of person
    that, you know, is willing to take on hard tasks, and in times of war
    people get emotional, I understand that. Never really, you know, spent
    that much time frankly worrying about the loud voices. I of course hear
    them, but they didn't affect my policy, nor did they affect how I made
    decisions.
        You know, the President-elect Obama will
    find this too. He'll get in the Oval Office, and there will be a lot of
    people that are real critical and harsh. And he'll be disappointed at
    times by the tone of the rhetoric. And he's going to have to do what he
    thinks is right, Jim. And if you don't, then I don't see how you can
    live with yourself. I don't see how I can get back home in Texas and
    look in the mirror and be proud of what I see if I allowed the loud
    voices, the loud critics, to prevent me from doing what I thought was
    necessary to protect this country.
        Mike.

    President-Elect Obama/National Economy

        Q. Mr. President, thank you very much. Since your philosophy is so
    different from President-elect Obama's, what concerns you the most about
    what he may attempt to do?
        The President. You know, Michael, I'm not going to speculate about
    what he's going to do. It's going to be--you know, he's going to get in
    the Oval Office, he's going to analyze each situation, and he's going to
    make the decisions that he think is necessary.
        And the other thing is, when I get out of here, I'm getting off the
    stage. I believe there ought to be, you know, one person in the klieg
    lights at a time. And I've had my time in the klieg lights. You know,
    I'm confident, you know, you'll catch me opining on occasion, but I wish
    him all the best.
        And people say, ``Oh, you just--that's just a throwaway line.'' No,
    it's not a throwaway line. The stakes are high. There is an enemy that
    still is out there. You know, people can maybe try to write that off as,
    you know, he's trying to set something up. I'm telling you there's an
    enemy that would like to attack America, Americans again. There just is.
    That's the reality of the world. And I wish him all the very best.
        And of course, he's going to have his hands full with the economy. I
    understand. It's tough for a lot of working people out there. People are
    concerned about their economic future. You know, one of the very
    difficult parts of the decision I made on the financial crisis was to
    use hard-working people's money to help prevent there to be a crisis,
    and in so doing, some of that money went into Wall Street firms that
    caused the crisis in the first place. I wasn't kidding when I said Wall
    Street got drunk and we got the hangover. And--but nevertheless,
    President-elect Obama will find the problems and the situations
    surrounding problems sometimes cause people to have to make decisions
    that they, you know, weren't initially comfortable with. And there was
    such a decision when it came to Wall Street.
        I mean, I had a lot of people--when I went out to Midland that
    time--say, ``What the heck are you doing, boy? Those people up East
    caused the problem.'' I said, ``I know, but if we hadn't worked to fix
    the problem, your situation would be worse.'' And anyway, I really do
    wish him all the best.
        Sheryl [Sheryl Gay Stolberg, New York Times].

    Presidential Pardons

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, in recent days, there's
    been a fair amount of discussion in legal circles about whether or not
    you might give preemptive pardons, pardons in advance, to officials of

    [[Page 1558]]

    your administration who engaged in anything from harsh interrogation
    tactics to perhaps dismissing U.S. Attorneys. And I'd like to know, have
    you given any consideration to this? And are you planning on it?
        The President. I won't be discussing pardons here at this press
    conference.
        Q. Can I have a follow-up?
        The President. Would you like to ask another question?
        Q. Yes, I would, sir. Thank you. Four years ago----
        The President. That's the spirit, isn't it? [Laughter]
        Q. I appreciate that.
        The President. Thank you. [Laughter]

    Reflections on the President's Time in Office

        Q. Four years ago, you were asked if you had made any mistakes.
        The President. Yes.
        Q. And I'm not trying to play ``gotcha,'' but I wonder, when you
    look back over the long arc of your Presidency, do you think, in
    retrospect, that you have made any mistakes? And if so, what is the
    single biggest mistake that you may have made?
        The President. Gotcha. Hey, look, I have often said that history
    will look back and determine that which could have been done better, or
    you know, mistakes I made. Clearly, putting a ``Mission Accomplished''
    on a aircraft carrier was a mistake. It sent the wrong message. We were
    trying to say something differently, but nevertheless, it conveyed a
    different message. Obviously, some of my rhetoric has been a mistake.
        I've thought long and hard about Katrina, you know, could I have
    done something differently, like land Air Force One either in New
    Orleans or Baton Rouge. The problem with that and--is that law
    enforcement would have been pulled away from the mission. And then your
    questions, I suspect, would have been, ``How could you possibly have
    flown Air Force One into Baton Rouge, and police officers that were
    needed to expedite traffic out of New Orleans were taken off the task to
    look after you?''
        I believe that running the Social Security idea right after the '04
    elections was a mistake. I should have argued for immigration reform.
    And the reason why is, is that--you know, one of the lessons I learned
    as Governor of Texas, by the way, is legislative branches tend to be
    risk averse. In other words, sometimes legislatures have the tendency to
    ask, ``Why should I take on a hard task when a crisis is not imminent?''
    And the crisis was not imminent for Social Security, as far as many
    Members of Congress was concerned.
        As an aside, one thing I proved is that you can actually campaign on
    the issue and get elected. In other words, I don't believe talking about
    Social Security is the third rail of American politics. I, matter of
    fact, think that in the future, not talking about how you intend to fix
    Social Security is going to be the third rail of American politics.
        And the one thing about the Presidency is that you can make--only
    make decisions, you know, on the information at hand. You don't get to
    have information after you've made the decision. That's not the way it
    works. And you stand by your decisions, and you do your best to explain
    why you made the decisions you made.
        There have been disappointments. Abu Ghraib obviously was a huge
    disappointment during the Presidency. Not having weapons of mass
    destruction was a significant disappointment. I don't know if you want
    to call those mistakes or not, but they were--things didn't go according
    to plan, let's put it that way.
        And anyway, I think historians will look back, and they'll be able
    to have a better look at mistakes after some time has passed. I--along
    Jake's question, there is no such thing as short-term history. I don't
    think you can possibly get the full breadth of an administration until
    time has passed. Where does a President's--did a President's decisions
    have the impact that he thought they would, or he thought they would
    over time? Or how did this President

    [[Page 1559]]

    compare to future Presidents, given a set of circumstances that may be
    similar or not similar? I mean, there's--it's just impossible to do. And
    I'm comfortable with that.
        Yes, Mike [Michael Abramowitz, Washington Post].

    U.S. Standing in the World

        Q. One of the major objectives that the incoming administration has
    talked frequently about is restoring America's moral standing in the
    world. And many of the allies of the new President--and I believe that
    the President-elect himself has talked about--how damage that Gitmo,
    that harsh interrogation tactics that they consider torture, how going
    to war in Iraq without a U.N. mandate have damaged America's moral
    standing in the world.
        The President. Yes.
        Q. I'm wondering, basically, what is your reaction to that? Do you
    think that is that something that America--that the next President needs
    to worry about?
        The President. I strongly disagree with the assessment that our
    moral standing has been damaged. It may be damaged amongst some of the
    elite, but people still understand America stands for freedom, that
    America is a country that provides such great hope.
        You go to Africa, you ask Africans about Americans' generosity and
    compassion; go to India, and ask about, you know, America's--their view
    of America; go to China and ask. Now, if--no question, parts of Europe
    have said that we shouldn't have gone to war in Iraq without a mandate,
    but those are a few countries. Most countries in Europe listened to what
    1441 said, which is disclose, disarm, or face serious consequences.
        Most people take those words seriously. Now, some countries didn't,
    and even though they might have voted for the resolution. I disagree
    with this assessment that, you know, people view America in a dim light.
    I just don't agree with that. Now, I understand that Gitmo has created
    controversies. But when it came time for those countries that were
    criticizing America to take some of those detainees, they weren't
    willing to help out. And so, you know, I just disagree with the
    assessment, Mike.
        I'll remind--listen, I tell people, yes, you can try to be popular.
    In certain quarters in Europe, you can be popular by blaming every
    Middle Eastern problem on Israel, or you can be popular by joining the
    International Criminal Court. I guess I could have been popular by
    accepting Kyoto, which I felt was a flawed treaty, and proposed
    something different and more constructive.
        And in terms of the decisions that I had made to protect the
    homeland, I wouldn't worry about popularity. What I would worry about is
    the Constitution of the United States and putting plans in place that
    makes it easier to find out what the enemy is thinking, because all
    these debates will matter not if there's another attack on the homeland.
    The question won't be, you know, were you critical of this plan or not.
    The question is going to be, why didn't you do something?
        Do you remember what it was like right after September the 11th
    around here? In press conferences and opinion pieces and in stories--
    that sometimes were news stories and sometimes opinion pieces--people
    were saying, ``How come they didn't see it? How come they didn't connect
    the dots?'' Do you remember what the environment was like in Washington?
    I do. When people were hauled up in front of Congress, and Members of
    Congress were asking questions about, ``How come you didn't know this,
    that, or the other?'' And then we start putting policy in place--legal
    policy in place--to connect the dots, and all of a sudden people were
    saying, ``How come you're connecting the dots?''
        And so, Mike, I've heard all that. I've heard all that. My view is,
    is that most people around the world, they respect America. And some of
    them doesn't like me, I understand that, some of the writers

    [[Page 1560]]

    and the, you know, opiners and all that. That's fine; that's part of the
    deal. But I'm more concerned about the country and our--how people view
    the United States. They view us as strong, compassionate people who care
    deeply about the universality of freedom.
        Roger [Roger Runningen, Bloomberg News].

    Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP)/National Economy

        Q. Thank you. Mr. President, you spoke a moment ago about using
    taxpayers' money for the TARP program.
        The President. Yes, I did.
        Q. The first $350 billion is out the door; it's been spent. Are you
    satisfied that it's been spent wisely? And for the second 350 that's
    under consideration, do you think--are you supportive of Congress
    putting some restrictions on it?
        The President. I'm supportive of the President-elect working out a plan with Congress that best suits him--
    and Congress. That's what he's going to have to do. He's going to have
    to go up there, and he's going to have to make his case as to why the
    350 [billion]* is necessary. And he knows that. This is nothing new.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        *White House correction.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        And in terms of the first 350 [billion],* I am pleased with this
    aspect of the expenditure, and that is that the financial markets are
    beginning to thaw. In the fall, I was concerned that the credit freeze
    would cause us to be headed toward a depression greater than the Great
    Depression. That's what I was told, if we didn't move. And so therefore,
    we have moved aggressively.
        And by the way, it just wasn't with the TARP. If you think about
    AIG, Fannie and Freddie, a lot of the decisions that were made in this
    administration are very aggressive decisions, all aiming at preventing
    the financial system from cratering.

    President-Elect Obama/The Presidency

        Q. Mr. President, you spoke of the moment that the responsibility of
    the office would hit Barack Obama. The world is a far different place
    than it was when it hit you. When do you think he's going to feel the
    full impact? And what, if anything, have you and the other Presidents
    shared with him about the effects of the sometimes isolation, the so-
    called bubble of the office?
        The President. Yes, that's a great question. He will feel the
    effects the minute he walks in the Oval Office. At least, that's when I
    felt. I don't know when he's going--he may feel it the minute he's--gets
    sworn in. And the minute I got sworn in, I started thinking about the
    speech. [Laughter] And so--but he's a better speechmaker than me, so
    he'll be able to--I don't know how he's going to feel. All I know is
    he's going to feel it. There will be a moment when he feels it.
        I have never felt isolated, and I don't think he will. One reason he
    won't feel isolated is because he's got a fabulous family, and he cares
    a lot about his family. That's evident from my discussions with him.
    He'll be--he's a 45-second commute away from a great wife and two little
    girls that love him dearly.
        I believe this--the phrase ``burdens of the office'' is overstated.
    You know, it's kind of like, why me? Oh, the burdens, you know. Why did
    the financial collapse have to happen on my watch? It's just--it's
    pathetic, isn't it, self-pity? And I don't believe that President-elect
    Obama will be full of self-pity. He will find--you know, your--the
    people that don't like you, the critics, they're pretty predictable.
    Sometimes the biggest disappointments will come from your so-called
    friends. And there will be disappointments, I promise you. He'll be
    disappointed. On the other hand, the job is so exciting and so profound
    that the disappointments are--will be clearly, you know, a minor
    irritant compared to the----

    [[Page 1561]]

        Q. So it was never the ``loneliest office in the world'' for you?
        The President. No, not for me. We had a--people--we--I had a
    fabulous team around me of highly dedicated, smart, capable people, and
    we had fun. I tell people that, you know, some days happy, some days not
    so happy, every day has been joyous. And people, they say, ``I just
    don't believe it to be the case.'' Well, it is the case. Even in the
    darkest moments of Iraq, you know, there was--and every day when I was
    reading the reports about soldiers losing their lives, no question,
    there was a lot of emotion. But also there was times where we could be
    light-hearted and support each other.
        And I built a team of really capable people who were there not to
    serve me or there to serve the Republicans, they were there to serve the
    country. And President-elect Obama will find, as he makes these tough
    calls and tough decisions, that he'll be supported by a lot of really
    good people that care about the country as well.
        John [John McKinnon, Wall Street Journal].

    Trade

        Q. You've talked a lot about your concerns over the rise of
    protectionism in the current----
        The President. Yes.
        Q. ----economic environment. What do you think the future holds for
    that? Do you think the trend is a good one or a bad one?
        The President. I hope the trend is bad against protectionism. A
    disappointment--not a mistake, but a disappointment--was not getting the
    three trade bills out of Congress on Colombia, Panama, and South Korea.
    That was a disappointment. I actually thought we had a shot at one time,
    and then I was disappointed that they didn't move out of the House.
        And I am concerned about protectionism. In tough economic times, the
    temptation is to say, well, let's just throw up barriers and protect our
    own and not compete. That was the sentiment, by the way, that was in
    place during decent economic times. After all, we got CAFTA out of the
    Congress by one vote. And it would be a huge mistake if we become a
    protectionist nation.
        And that might be a good thing for the Bush Center to do at SMU, is
    to remind people about the benefits of free and fair trade: benefits for
    our own workers, benefits for workers overseas, and benefits when it
    comes to promoting development and helping lift people out of poverty,
    in particularly, third world countries. The best way to enhance economic
    growth in a third world country and to give people a chance to realize a
    better future is through trade. It's been proven; it's a fact. And I'm
    hopeful that the country doesn't slip into protectionist policy.
        April [April Ryan, American Urban Radio Networks], yes, ma'am.

    Aftermath of Hurricane Katrina/Race Relations in America

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President.
        The President. Yes. You were sound asleep back there, so I decided--
    [laughter]----
        Q. No, I wasn't. There was a whole clear row before me. I thought
    you were going to go there first. But either way, thanks for the
    surprise.
        Mr. President, on New Orleans, you basically talked about a moment
    ago about the photo opportunity. But let's talk about what you could
    have done to change the situation for the city of New Orleans to be
    further along in reconstruction than where it is now. And also, when you
    came--or began to run for the Oval Office about 9 years ago or so, the
    James Byrd dragging death was residue on your campaign. And now at this
    time, 2009, we have the first black President. Could you tell us what
    you have seen on the issues of race, as you see it from the Oval Office?

    [[Page 1562]]

        The President. Sure, thanks. First of all, we did get the $121
    billion, more or less, passed, and it's now being spent. Secondly, the
    school system is improving dramatically. Thirdly, people are beginning
    to move back into homes. This storm was a devastating storm, April, that
    required a lot of energy, a lot of focus, and a lot of resources to get
    New Orleans up and running.
        And has the reconstruction been perfect? No. Have things happened
    fairly quickly? Absolutely. And is there more to be done? You bet there
    is.
        Q. What more needs to be done?
        The President. Well, more people need to get in their houses. More
    people need to have their own home there. But the systems are in place
    to continue the reconstruction of New Orleans.
        People said, well, the Federal response was slow. Don't tell me the
    Federal response was slow when there was 30,000 people pulled off roofs
    right after the storm passed. I remember going to see those helicopter
    drivers, Coast Guard drivers, to thank them for their courageous efforts
    to rescue people off roofs. Thirty thousand people were pulled off roofs
    right after the storm moved through. That's a pretty quick response.
        Could things have been done better? Absolutely. Absolutely. But when
    I hear people say, the Federal response was slow, then what are they
    going to say to those chopper drivers or the 30,000 that got pulled off
    the roofs?
        The other part of the--look, I was affected by TV after the
    elections, when I saw people saying, ``I never thought I would see the
    day that a black person would be elected President.'' And a lot of the
    people had tears streaming down their cheeks when they said it. And so I
    am--I consider myself fortunate to have a front-row seat on what is
    going to be an historic moment for the country. President-elect
    Obama's election does speak volumes about how
    far this country has come when it comes to racial relations. But there's
    still work to do. There's always going to be work to do to deal with
    people's hearts.
        And so I'm looking forward to it, really am. I think it's going to
    be an amazing moment.
        Michael Allen [Politico]. Yes, Michael Allen.

    Post-Presidency Agenda

        Q. Mr. President----
        The President. Would be you.
        Q. Mr. President, often Presidents go--leave here; they say they're
    going to decompress, and then pretty soon they're right back in their
    office. I wonder how quickly you think you're going to be back at it,
    whether it's writing your book, whether it's speaking, whether it's
    traveling, whether it's overseas----
        The President. You know, Mike, I don't know. Probably the next day.
    I'm a type A personality, you know. I just can't envision myself, you
    know, the big straw hat and Hawaiian shirt sitting on some beach.
    [Laughter]
        Q. No one else can either.
        The President. So--[laughter]. Particularly, since I quit drinking.
    Anyway, so I predict to you that--first of all, I'm not sure what to
    expect. For the last 8 years, I have had a national security briefing
    every day but Sunday. And when you get a national security briefing, it
    is a reminder of the responsibilities of the job. It's just a daily
    reminder about what may or may not happen.
        The interesting thing about this job, by the way, is it's one thing
    to deal with the expected, what you anticipate; the real challenge is to
    be in a position to deal with the unexpected. And that's why those intel
    briefings are so important, because there is an awareness in the
    briefings by the analyst to try to help anticipate problems. And of
    course, you hope they don't arise, but you better be prepared when they
    do.
        And that in itself creates a--you know, gets your attention, when
    you start thinking about what could happen. And the key

    [[Page 1563]]

    there, of course, is that--to take these different analyses seriously,
    and then have a structure so that your team will be in a position to
    analyze and then to lay out potential avenues for the President--from
    which the President can choose.
        I say all that because that's--this has been--this notion about
    being briefed and thinking about this issue or that issue has been just
    a part of my life for 8 years. People say, well, there you are in
    Crawford on vacation. You never escape the Presidency. It travels with
    you everywhere you go. And there's not a moment where you don't think
    about being President, unless you're riding mountain bikes as hard as
    you possibly can, trying to forget for the moment.
        And so I wake up in Crawford Tuesday morning--I mean, Wednesday
    morning, and I suspect I'll make Laura coffee and
    go get it for her. And it's going to be a different feeling. And I
    can't--it's kind of like--I'll report back after I feel it.
        Last question. Ann, since you've been there from day one.

    Political Tone in Washington, DC/Cooperation With Congress

        Q. Well, thank you, and I wanted to ask you about day one. You
    arrived here wanting to be a uniter not a divider. Do you think Barack
    Obama can be a uniter not a divider? Or is, with the challenges for any
    President and the unpopular decisions, is it impossible for any
    President to be uniter, not a divider?
        The President. I hope the tone is different for him than it has been
    for me. I am disappointed by the tone in Washington, DC. I have tried to
    do my part by not engaging in the name-calling and, by the way, needless
    name-calling. I have worked to be respectful of my opponents on
    different issues.
        There--we did find some good common ground on a variety of issues:
    No Child Left Behind, Medicare prescription drugs, PEPFAR, in the end,
    the funding for troops in Iraq. We--tax cuts, to a certain extent, got
    some bipartisan votes on them. There had been areas where we were able
    to work together. It's just the rhetoric got out of control at times----
        Q. Why?
        The President. I don't know why. You need to ask those who used the
    words they used. As I say, it's not the first time it's ever happened,
    as I think I answered that to Jim there. It's happened throughout our
    history. And I would hope that frankly for the sake of the system
    itself, that if people disagree with the President-elect Obama, they treat him with respect. I worry about people
    looking at our system and saying, ``Why would I want to go up there and
    work in that kind of environment?''
        And so I wish him all the best. And no question, he'll be--there
    will be critics. And there should be. We all should welcome criticism on
    different policy; it's the great thing about our democracy; people have
    a chance to express themselves. I just hope the tone is respectful. He
    deserves it, and so does the country.
        It has been a honor to work with you. I meant what I said when I
    first got up here. I wish you all the very best. I wish you and your
    families all the best. God bless you.

    Note: The President's news conference began at 9:17 a.m. in the James S.
    Brady Press Briefing Room at the White House. In his remarks, he
    referred to former Presidents Jimmy Carter, George H.W. Bush, and
    William J. Clinton; Prime Minister Salam Fayyad of the Palestinian
    Authority; and Michelle Obama, wife, and Malia and Natasha ``Sasha''
    Obama, daughters, of President-elect Barack Obama. The Office of the
    Press Secretary also released a Spanish language transcript of these
    remarks.

    [[Page 1564]]