[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2008, Book I)]
[January 4, 2008]
[Pages 9-18]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Interview With Foreign Print Media
January 4, 2008

    The President. How are you doing? Welcome. Pleasure to be with you 
all. Thank you.
    What are the ground rules here, Dana, in 
terms of the American press?
    White House Press Secretary Dana Perino. 
It's all on the record, but can't be used until after these fine folks 
are able to publish.
    The President. Yes, so delay your stories, will you? [Laughter]
    Q. It's very hospitable of you, Mr. President.
    The President. A couple of things--one, I'm excited about going on 
the trip. I have never been to Saudi Arabia. I have never been to 
Bahrain. I have never been to Kuwait. I have been to Egypt. I have not 
been to the Palestinian Territories or Israel as a sitting President.
    So this is a really good opportunity to travel and be with friends 
and have frank discussions about particularly three items: one, the 
United States commitment to the peace process; that what happened in 
Annapolis is the beginning of serious discussions, a serious attempt by 
the United States to encourage the Israelis and the Palestinians to 
develop a vision of what a Palestinian state will look like.
    And I am very optimistic that such a vision will come into being by 
the time I leave office. And the reason I am is because I know the 
two leaders well, and 
I believe both are committed to a two-state solution, and both 
understand that in order for that state to come into being, subject to 
the roadmap, that there has to be more than just words; there has to be 
clarity in what a Palestinian state will look like.
    Secondly, I'm looking forward to sitting down with friends and 
allies to assure them of my commitment to Middle Eastern peace and to 
work with them to make sure they're committed to Middle Eastern peace; 
that I will remind them that we've got a three-track strategy: one is 
the vision; two is the implementation of the roadmap--in other words, 
the United States chairs a committee with the Palestinians and the 
Israelis to deal with roadmap issues; and three, a commitment by the 
United States and others to build the institutions necessary for a 
Palestinian democracy to thrive.
    In other words, there's got to be a recognition that we need 
institution-building; there needs to be work. For example, the United 
States is very much involved in helping modernize their security forces 
and create a chain of command, so that when good men like President 
Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad see a security situation needs to be taken care of, 
they can give a command and something happens, for the good of the 
Palestinian people. In other words, a state, in order to be credible and 
viable, must be able to provide security for its people.
    The EU is very much involved with institution building and basically 
enhancing the entrepreneurial spirit of the Palestinian people, which is 
very strong. So I'll be visiting with Tony Blair, 
for example, when I'm there to see the progress he's making. My only 
point is, is that it's going to be very important for the nations that I 
visit to be active participants in not only helping the Palestinians, 
but recognizing that a two-state solution recognizes Israel's right to 
exist.
    Thirdly, I will be also talking to our friends and allies about our 
strong commitment to regional security, that the United States is 
engaged and will remain engaged in the security of the region.
    And so this is a trip that will be--it's going to be interesting, it 
will be stimulating, and it's going to be substantive. And

[[Page 10]]

as I say, I'm looking forward to it, I really am.
    We'll start--Joyce, why don't you crank her up here? We'll go a 
couple of rounds.

Lebanon

    Q. Thank you again, Mr. President, for having us. Happy New Year.
    The President. Thank you. It is going to be a happy New Year.
    Q. Hopefully, more peace in the region.
    The President. It will be a joyous New Year. [Laughter] Isn't that 
right, guys? Very skeptical--[laughter]. Don't be.
    Q. If I can open up by asking you about Lebanon. The country is 
entering the second month, and the Presidency is still void over there. 
Who do you think is responsible for creating this situation and 
maintaining it? And what is your administration and maybe the French--
Mr. Sarkozy, good friend of yours--doing to end this stalemate?
    The President. Thank you. First of all, the United States is 
strongly committed to Lebanese democracy. We believe that a Lebanon that 
is democratic and peaceful is in the interests of world peace.
    I have been very impressed by Prime Minister Siniora, by the way, as a man who's committed to the well-being 
of all the Lebanese people. Secondly, I am disappointed that the 
Presidency has not been selected and believe very much that Syrian 
influence is preventing the selection. Thirdly, part of my trip is to 
remind our friends and allies how important it is for Lebanon to succeed 
and how important it is for all of us to work to free that Government 
from foreign interference.
    My position has been that the March 14th coalition, if it had 
mustered a majority plus one, 50 percent plus one, should be allowed to 
go forward with the selection of the President. We are working with not 
only our friends in the region who share the commitment for Lebanon to 
be free of foreign interference, but also the European countries.
    And so there needs to be a clear message to the Syrians from all us 
that you will continue to be isolated, you will continue to be viewed as 
a nation that is thwarting the will of the Lebanese people. There needs 
to be a focused voice, and so our efforts diplomatically are to convince 
others that they must continue to pressure Syria so that the Lebanese 
process can go forward.
    Sa'ad.

Iran

    Q. Yes, again, Mr. President, I'd like to reiterate the remark of 
Joyce of thanking you for giving us this----
    The President. Yes, thrilled to do it.
    Q. ----historic opportunity. You talked about the regional security. 
And back in the Gulf States, the number-one issue nowadays, in terms of 
security of the region, is the Iranian nuclear profile and issue. And 
we'd like to know your position on that now, the development of that. 
The region is nervously--nervous about having another war, 
confrontation, on the one hand; yet they are also very nervous about the 
Iranians possessing the nuclear weapons. And I'd like to follow up on 
that.
    The President. Well, thank you. First of all, the NIE, the National 
Intelligence Estimate, ought to be viewed as a clear signal that Iran is 
a threat to peace, that--the NIE said the following things: One, the 
Iranians had a covert military nuclear weapons program, and that 
international pressure caused them to suspend the program.
    There are three elements to a nuclear weapons program: one, the 
ability to enrich uranium that can be converted into the basis of a 
bomb; secondly, the know-how to be able to assemble that enriched 
material into a bomb; and third, the capacity to deliver the weapon 
through rocketry. As far as we know, two of those programs still are 
ongoing. One is the rocketry program; two, there is a civilian 
enrichment program. And the danger of a civilian enrichment program is, 
once that knowledge is gained,

[[Page 11]]

that it could be easily transferred back to a covert military program. 
And therefore, the NIE should be a clear signal to all of us that Iran 
is a threat to peace. And they're a threat to peace because they have 
been nontransparent. They have not lived up to their obligations under 
the IAEA. They have not been truthful about their program.
    And so one of my messages is that I, too, take the Iranian issue 
seriously, and that we have a plan to deal with it in a diplomatic way. 
It's important for the people in the region to know that while all 
options remain on the table, that I believe we can solve this problem 
diplomatically. And the way to do that is to continue to isolate Iran in 
the international community.
    My message to the Iranian people is that there's a better way 
forward for you, that your Government has made decisions that have 
caused you to be isolated from the world, have caused there to be 
economic deprivation, because they refuse to be transparent and open 
about their enrichment programs.
    And so I understand this is an issue, and it's going to be an agenda 
item on my travel. It's not going to be the only item, of course. The 
Middle Eastern peace process is something that will be on the leaders' 
minds. The commitment of the United States to remain active in the 
region will be on their minds. I'm sure that these leaders fear that the 
United States may become isolationist and basically throw up its hands 
and say, who cares what happens. I will remind them that what happens in 
parts of the world matters to the security of the United States of 
America, and that we look forward to being a constructive force and 
working with allies like allies should do.
    And so I'm sure the subject will come up, and I'm looking forward to 
clarifying once again our position.
    Jasim.

Bahrain

    Q. Thank you, Mr. President, for this opportunity. It is a dream 
comes true.
    The President. Thank you, sir. The American press feels the same way 
when they talk to me. It's a dream come true. [Laughter] You might want 
to clarify that. [Laughter] Some of them are very serious this morning. 
They're very grim, serious.
    Q. It's cold outside, sir.
    The President. It is cold outside.
    Q. King Hamad of Bahrain has launched democratic reforms that 
included a new Constitution, and Bahrain now has an elected Parliament. 
How do you assess this experiment, especially in light of your drive to 
spread democracy in the region?
    The President. I have complimented His Majesty on recognizing that Bahraini-style democracy, a 
democracy that reflects the traditions, customs of Bahrain, is a 
important part of dealing with real threats that we face in the world, 
which is extremism based upon hopelessness; and that there is a true 
threat to peace, and that is radicals who prey upon frustrations of 
people in order to convince them to become suicide bombers and to kill 
in the name of an ideology. And the best antidote to that is democracy.
    And I applaud his efforts. And we are very active in helping 
nations, if they so choose to receive our help, in moving forward 
through the MEPI program, for example. And it is a way to help people 
build the institutions necessary for a--I repeat--a democracy that 
reflects their traditions and history of the respective countries.
    And people go at different paces. And I don't expect Jeffersonian 
democracy to break out instantly, nor do I expect the forms of 
government to reflect that which we have in the United States. But I do 
hope that people recognize that popular sovereignty, that listening to 
people and responding to people, is how to build a stable and peaceful 
world.

[[Page 12]]

    And so I applaud His Majesty. I'm looking forward to bringing up the subject with 
the Amir of Kuwait as well. 
You know, women are now very active in the Kuwaiti Parliament. And I 
think--I feel these are constructive engagements. My friend King 
Abdallah of Saudi 
Arabia doesn't get enough credit for beginning to reform his society.
    And again, I want to repeat: It is important for the American 
President not to insist that countries do it our way. I believe it is 
incumbent upon the American President to listen very carefully to the 
concerns of other leaders and to recognize obstacles and problems, but 
also remind them of this ideological struggle in which we're involved, 
all of us are involved; and that--I'll repeat it: Extremists prey upon 
hopelessness, and forms of government can create hopeless people, people 
who are frustrated, people who don't feel like the government is 
responsive to their needs.
    The people that we--that kill the innocent have no positive vision. 
The only thing they can do is prey upon frustration--and that a way to 
deal with this ideological conflict is to defeat the ideology of hate 
with one of hope. And that's what's happening in the Middle East. It's--
there's an awareness. And I'm looking forward to discussing that with 
the various leaders.
    Yes, sir, Talat.

Saudi Arabia

    Q. Yes, sir. Thank you for giving me this opportunity--and others. 
Sir, you're talking about the Middle East peace. I just would like to 
see, how do you see the role of King Abdallah in promoting the peace 
process and stability in the Middle East? And also, how do you evaluate 
the Saudi-American--comparing the terror in the region?
    The President. Well, thank you. First of all, I admire King 
Abdallah. I admire him 
because he is a man who commands a lot of respect from me personally and 
a lot of respect in the region. When he speaks, people listen. It's not 
to say that other people don't listen as well, but Saudi Arabia is 
geographically important, is the guardian of holy sites, and he's a 
well-respected man.
    And so in terms of the Middle Eastern peace process, the fact that 
he sent his Foreign 
Minister to Annapolis 
sent a very strong message that Middle Eastern peace is going to require 
the participation of more than just the United States and Israel and the 
Palestinians, that a true peace is going to require a commitment in the 
neighborhood of supporting two states living side by side in peace--two 
democratic states living side by side in peace. So he has laid out his 
own initiative in the past. It commanded great respect. It is a 
commitment to a process. And so I value him as--I view him as invaluable 
in the process.
    Secondly, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia recognized that murderers 
threaten not only other parts of the world, but threaten the Kingdom's 
own security. And the security forces there have done a magnificent job 
of using intelligence to find the few that would murder the many. I have 
been impressed--and any objective observer would be impressed--by Saudi 
Arabia's commitment to finding those people that use murder as a weapon.
    And so I--to answer your question, I am satisfied with our 
cooperation. I'm appreciative of the efforts that the intelligence 
community inside Saudi has been making to deal with these extremists, 
some of whom conduct murder in--within the Kingdom, some of whom leave 
the Kingdom to conduct murder. And the King is fully aware that this is a--such a presence 
is a threat to his own internal securities, as well as recognizing an 
obligation to prevent those from going outside the country to murder.
    Talha.

President's Upcoming Visit to the Middle East

    Q. Thank you. Thank you again, Mr. President. Mr. President, I 
wanted to ask

[[Page 13]]

you, your visit to the region will not include the Maghreb Arab.
    The President. Will not include----
    Q. The Maghreb Arab----
    The President. Yes, that's right.
    Q. ----Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia. Those countries actually 
played a very important role in the peace process in the past, and I 
think that they are willing to do it again. And my question, Mr. 
President, if there is any reason for excluding the Maghreb Arab from 
your visit?
    The President. Only because I ran out of time. It's certainly not as 
a result of any lack of respect or understanding that the contribution 
of those--of that area would be a significant contribution to achieving 
peace. And I appreciate very much the leadership in the King of 
Morocco as well as President 
Bouteflika. I'd like to go some time. I 
just--I don't want to make excuses, but I will. I've got to prepare the 
State of the Union Address. [Laughter] And so I'm leaving for a lengthy 
period of time and need to get back home.
    And having said that, one of my great trips as a civilian--I guess 
you'd call me a civilian--non-President, nonpolitical figure--was when I 
went to Morocco. I had the great pleasure of going to Marrakesh, for 
example. And I'll never forget drinking crushed almond milk, and enjoyed 
the wonders of the desert and then was able to see snow-capped mountains 
shortly in the distance--in the short distance. And so it's--I threw 
snowballs in Morocco one time in the Atlas mountain range. So I had a 
wonderful experience there. Not to be kind of nostalgic, looking back, 
but--you know, it's interesting--for example, there are a lot of 
Moroccan Jews in Israel.
    Q. And in Morocco also.
    The President. What?
    Q. And in Morocco.
    The President. Yes, and in Morocco, which provides the King an interesting opportunity to be a healer and a 
unifier. And I believe he's committed to that. So I view these three 
countries as important, and I am--wish I could have gone, but I was 
unable to do so.

Middle East Peace Process

    Q. I want to ask you about the peace process. You voiced confidence 
that there might be a deal before the end of your second term. However, 
previous attempts to broker such a peace between Palestinians and 
Israelis have not succeeded. President Clinton, when he tried with Camp 
David, the intifada broke. And today, with the situation on the ground, 
with Syria and Iran not being fully engaged in the process, what makes 
you more confident that this might really go through?
    The President. First of all, the Annapolis meeting was able to 
happen because of a lot of work we had done prior to the meeting with 
the parties. Step one is for there to be a recognition that the two-
state solution was necessary for the security of both peoples. There had 
to be a philosophical change of attitude. People had to recognize that 
two states was the vision necessary for Israel to feel secure and for 
the Palestinians to feel hopeful.
    Secondly, leadership had to emerge on both sides that was committed 
to the two-state solution and leadership that was committed to 
recognizing that extremists are trying to undermine that solution and 
must be dealt with, particularly the Palestinian leadership. President 
Abbas understands that there are people, 
sometimes inspired by foreign government, that will do everything in 
their power to stop the advance of a democracy. He is committed to 
dealing with that. Sometimes you've got to make sure, though, that the 
commitment is coupled with the capacity to deal with it, and that's one 
of the concerns that we're helping them deal with.
    Thirdly, in order for there to be lasting peace, there has to be a 
regional commitment. In other words, the Palestinian leadership as well 
as the Israeli leadership has to know that when they negotiate a vision,

[[Page 14]]

it will be supported by people in the region. One of the failures of the 
past is that people attempted to lay out a state--lay out the vision of 
a state, and yet there wasn't regional support, which made the 
political--the politics on the ground much more difficult for the 
leadership. And so I--those three issues have been addressed in the 
runup to Annapolis.
    Finally, this really is a leadership issue that we're talking about. 
There has to be a firm commitment by the leaders involved to do--to make 
hard decisions. The United States can help, and I will help, and the 
State Department under Condi Rice's 
leadership will help, and the National Security under Hadley's leadership will help. We will help them make hard 
decisions. But these decisions must be made by the leadership in order 
for there to be lasting peace. And when those decisions are made, they 
must be supported by the region. And so I think those ingredients are 
now in place, and I'm optimistic that it will get done by the time I 
leave office, and more importantly, so is President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert.
    Now, what's going to happen is, is that there will be moments--there 
will be issues over settlements or Katyusha rocket attacks. These are 
going to be opportunities for those who don't want the vision to go 
forward to keep the process mired. We have a way to deal with that, and 
that is through a trilateral--the roadmap group to deal with these 
issues. My job is to remind people that laying out a substantive, real 
vision around which people of good faith can rally is instrumental to 
peace.
    Now, keep in mind, when we define the state, it will be implemented 
subject to the roadmap. That's why the roadmap--the trilateral committee 
on the roadmap is important. And so there's going to be a lot of work to 
be done. And it's being done now. Institution-building is being done; 
security force modernization and reform is being done. The 
entrepreneurial spirit, which is strong amongst the Palestinians, can be 
tapped into. It's hard to get capital to invest, however, unless there 
is certainty--or more certainty about security and a vision.
    And so we're working a three-pronged strategy, and I believe all 
three of those prongs have come together in such a way as to give me 
confidence this deal can be done by the time I leave office.

Guantanamo Bay Detainees/Iran

    Q. Mr. President, allow me to communicate to you a Kuwaiti sort of 
question or hope or plea. Needless to say that Kuwait is a true ally of 
the United States. There is so much gratitude for the role the United 
States played in the liberation of Kuwait back in 1991. Kuwait was the 
only launching pad for Operation Iraqi Freedom. When push came to shove, 
we were true allies.
    Now, back in Kuwait, as your visit is approaching, the Kuwaitis are 
actually wondering if there will be an end to the four Kuwaiti detainees 
in Guantanamo. There are four of them. To the best of our knowledge, all 
paperwork has been done; all security assurances have been----
    The President. To be transferred back to----
    Q. To Kuwait.
    The President. ----from Guantanamo to Kuwait. We'll look at it. Our 
strategy, by the way, is to transfer as many Guantanamo detainees back 
to their countries of origin as possible, subject to the no torture 
agreement.
    Q. The security assurances and the paperwork----
    The President. Security assurances, right, as well as the assurances 
that the people will be treated humanely. I just will have to look into 
this.
    Q. That will be great news, Mr. President, actually.
    The President. Okay, we'll look into it.
    Q. If this is broken, that--the paperwork is done----

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    The President. I understand. Well, some of the detainees are going 
to need to be tried in our court system. The crimes were such that we 
believe they ought to be brought to justice in a U.S. court system, 
which is--it's having a little trouble getting started because we've had 
a few court challenges for our court system. The whole purpose of the 
exercise was to send people home and try those who remain. And I just 
have to check on the four.
    Q. That's very kind of you. If I may follow up on that earlier 
question----
    The President. Please.
    Q. ----which is, also--I'm here actually to reflect on some sort of 
a conspiratorial thinking back in the region. You know that's a region--
--
    The President. Has that ever happened? [Laughter]
    Q. ----whose middle name is actually ``conspiracy''--that everything 
seems to be going for the mullahs' regimes in Iran, over the past 20 
years of the United States strategy. The United States had eliminated 
the northern ideological enemy of Iran, U.S.S.R.; the eastern sectarian 
enemy of Iran, Taliban regime; the old-time foe, Saddam Hussein, in the 
west, without having--for the Iranians to resume the 8-long war--8-year-
long war--and everything seems to be going their way. And yet, at the 
same time, here we are. As true allies, we want to have sort of a clear 
strategy of what exactly are we to adopt with our main ally, the United 
States of America----
    The President. I appreciate that.
    Q. ----in terms of the confrontation of the threat for peace that is 
coming from Iran.
    The President. What you've just described is one way to look at it. 
I look--let me look at it a different way, that now on the Iranian 
borderst exists a democracy, with a Constitution that is the most modern 
Constitution written in the Middle East; a democracy that is beginning 
to grow in confidence; a democracy that will recognize the rights of all 
citizens within its border; a democracy that will be responsive to the 
people, which stands in stark contrast to the system of government in 
Tehran that's not a democracy; it is in many ways a theocracy.
    Secondly, there is a--within Iran, there is--I mean, Iraq, there's a 
different attitude of the Shi'a. There's a quietus school; there's a 
school that says religion definitely has a part in society, but religion 
isn't going to run government, which is a--it's just an interesting way 
to view the neighborhood. Secondly, Afghanistan is now a democracy, a 
functioning democracy. Are these easy situations? No, they're difficult 
situations. Democracy takes a while to grow and flourish. But 
nevertheless, there is a competing form of government in Afghanistan, a 
different kind of form of government in Afghanistan.
    Thirdly, Russia is very much engaged in the region. Russia has been 
helpful with Iran. Russia has supported the U.N. Security Council 
resolutions. Russia put forth an interesting proposal, which I've 
supported, that said, if you want to have a civilian nuclear program, 
you say your program is civilian in nature, there's no need for you to 
enrich because we'll provide the fuel for you. In other words, Russia 
has basically taken that argument away from the Iranians that said, we 
are--have the sovereign right to have a civilian nuclear program, and 
they said, fine.
    This, by the way, I have said publicly. Of course they have a 
sovereign right to have a civilian nuclear program. The problem is, 
because this nation did not level with the IAEA, they are to be not 
trusted with the capacity to enrich, because once you learn to enrich, 
you could easily transfer that to a covert military program.
    And so I view the situation differently, and I will be--I'm looking 
forward to talking to the Amir about it. What he'll want to know is whether or not we 
take the Iranian threat seriously. That's what he's going to want to 
know. And as my first answer to the question was, it should be

[[Page 16]]

clear to you, I do. And secondly, he's going to want to know, do we have 
a strategy to deal with it? And I'll be glad to lay out again the 
strategy to deal with it. And thirdly, he'll want to know whether or not 
the United States is going to remain active in the region, will we be 
working with friends and allies on developing a security plan? And the 
answer to that question is, absolutely, we will be. That's one of the 
main purposes of the trip, to talk about U.S. commitment to the region.
    Jasim.

Bahrain-U.S. Relations

    Q. Bahrain and the United States are now benefiting from the free 
trade agreement----
    The President. Yes.
    Q. ----they signed in 2004. Are there any new initiatives to 
reinforce economic and military cooperation? And how true are the 
reports which are saying that the United States will abandon its base in 
Bahrain?
    The President. Well, I can handle that one right now: They're not 
true. You're right about the conspiracy theory. [Laughter] He's asking 
whether we're going to pull the 5th Fleet out of Bahrain, and the answer 
is no. And if that's a concern of His Majesty, it won't take long for me to allay his concerns. As a 
matter of fact, I'm looking forward to not only dealing with the 
Bahraini officials and His Majesty, of course, but to talk to our troops 
there in Bahrain. I'm looking forward to thanking them for their service 
to the country, which ought to be a very powerful signal that the answer 
is no.
    Bahrain is a very hospitable place for our Navy and other Armed 
Forces, and that in itself is a--should be a signal to people that we 
view Bahrain as a stable, strong country, which is all part of tracking 
investment. You asked about how do you enhance trade. Well, one way you 
enhance trade is to make sure that capital is--capital looks for secure 
places. Capital doesn't like to invest and have a high-risk component 
based upon instability. So that in itself ought to--that signal in 
itself ought to facilitate division of a free trade agreement.
    Talat.

Energy

    Q. Yes, sir. Sir, you're talking about civilian nuclear, and you 
don't have any objection for that if it's going to be under the 
supervision of the international arena. DCC recently approached to have 
a civilian nuclear facility for water desalinization for power. What is 
your stand on that?
    The President. It's a--very interesting, Talat. First of all, 
desalinization requires an enormous amount of power. And the best power 
source for desalinization, to make it more economical, is nuclear power.
    Secondly, I believe if the world is serious about dealing with 
global warming, emissions, then the best way to deal with it is for us 
to power up through nuclear power. And so therefore, I'm a advocate for 
nuclear power, with proper safeguards to make sure that untrustworthy 
nations, nations that will not subject themselves to IAEA scrutiny, are 
called to account. So I would support nuclear power for the sake of 
desalinization.
    People say: ``Well, you're awash with oil. Why do you need nuclear 
power?'' Well, nuclear power is environmentally sound, and nuclear power 
is really the best way to deal with issues such as desalinization. If I 
were in the Middle East and worried about water, which is a valuable 
resource, I too would be looking for economic ways to desalinize the 
water. I think it's a smart policy.
    Q. Thank you, sir.
    The President. Final question. It's been an interesting session.
    Q. Thank you.
    The President. You're trying to--one more question, Joyce. Quick. If 
I give you, then I have to go around again. [Laughter]

[[Page 17]]

Situation in Darfur

    Q. Thank you, Mr. President. You will visit Egypt, sir, which has 
recently deployed troops in Darfur----
    The President. Yes.
    Q. ----part of the hybrid force. You also signed a bill against 
Sudan, which it seems from my point of view again to affect the people--
the Sudanese people, but not the Government. My question, Mr. President: 
If Darfur would be part of your agenda when you meet with President 
Mubarak?
    The President. Absolutely. First, I'll thank him for sending troops. 
Secondly, I'm going to correct you on the sanctions. The sanctions were 
aimed at individuals within the Sudanese regime, people that were 
obstructing the peace process--including a rebel leader. They were aimed 
at the elite and companies owned by the elite, as opposed to the 
Sudanese people.
    In order for there to be the peace that we all want--now, this is 
dealing with Darfur--and as you know, the situation is very complicated 
because we're not only dealing with Darfur, we're dealing with the 
north-south agreement as well--in order to--well, let me do north-south 
very quickly. We have been working with the southern leaders to get them 
to participate in the Government of Khartoum, so long as the Government 
of Khartoum is forthcoming with their agreements, such as the sharing of 
oil revenues.
    Secondly, we have insisted that both parties not be provocative when 
it comes to military incursions upon an ill-defined border.
    Thirdly, we're providing aid to the people of southern Sudan. And 
it's interesting; one of the really interesting things about America is, 
total strangers are going to help total strangers all the time. And 
there's a lot of church and faith-based groups involved in southern 
Sudan trying to improve the lot of people living there--in other words, 
the great humanitarian outreach that takes place.
    Darfur--in order for there to be the peace that we all want in 
Darfur, there has to be, one, a united rebel group willing to sit down 
at the table with Khartoum in good faith. And one of the reasons I put 
the sanctions on individuals in Sudan--we did have sanctions prior to 
that, general sanctions, but these ones you're referring to are targeted 
at folks--is because there was a lack of effort by the Government on 
truly trying to promote the peace process. I recognize, however, that 
there has to be a more united effort by the rebel groups. In other 
words, the rebel groups cannot take advantage of--continue to take 
advantage of this notion that they can do what they want without being 
serious about the peace. And so the United States is sending a dual 
message: one, to the Government of Khartoum; and two, to the rebels.
    When we first got going in the process, by the way, there was three 
major rebel groups, which made it easier to convince people to come to 
the table. Now there are 20; the groups are beginning to split. And so 
we support the U.N. process, coupled with the AU: one, to get troops in 
there as quickly as possible to be able to help the folks who are living 
in these dispersed camps have a normal life. And the United States, by 
the way, when you talk about direct humanitarian aid, has provided more 
direct humanitarian aid than any country in the world by far because we 
care about the human condition, we care about people's lives.
    Secondly, that we support the U.N. efforts to get the rebels to the 
table. There was one attempt in Libya, as you know, recently, and our 
efforts are to support Jan Eliasson--he was the 
former Ambassador for Sweden here--as he works to bring cohesion so that 
there's a cohesive unit of rebels to negotiate with the Government.
    And so I'm--I have been frustrated, frankly, with the pace of the 
United Nations and the AU to get troops in there because, as I say, my 
concern is about the

[[Page 18]]

individual that's out in the remote regions of Darfur, maybe going 
hungry, definitely worried about violence. But I would repeat to you 
that in order to solve this problem, there has to be cohesion amongst 
the rebels and a genuine, real peace process where people sit down 
seriously--to seriously discuss a better way forward. And the United 
States will participate. We have participated by sanctioning, to send 
the signal that we expect the Government to participate seriously. And 
we're also--by the way, as I told you, we sanctioned a rebel leader--
trying to send the same message. It's a terrible situation and one that 
we hope can be resolved as quickly as possible.
    With that, I want to thank you all. Looking forward to seeing you 
again.
    Q. Thank you, same here.
    The President. Enjoyed it.

Note: The interview was taped at 10:25 a.m. in the Roosevelt Room at the 
White House. In his remarks, the President referred to Prime Minister 
Ehud Olmert of Israel; President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam 
Fayyad of the Palestinian Authority; former Prime Minister Tony Blair of 
the United Kingdom, Quartet Representative in the Middle East; Prime 
Minister Fuad Siniora of Lebanon; King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa of 
Bahrain; Amir Sabah al-Ahmad al-Jabir al-Sabah of Kuwait; Minister of 
Foreign Affairs Saud al-Faysal bin Abd al-Aziz Al Saud of Saudi Arabia; 
King Mohamed VI of Morocco; President Abdelaziz Bouteflika of Algeria; 
President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak of Egypt; and United Nations Secretary-
General's Special Envoy for Darfur Jan Eliasson. A reporter referred to 
President Nicolas Sarkozy of France. A tape was not available for 
verification of the content of this interview.