[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2008, Book I)]
[January 9, 2008]
[Pages 49-57]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]
The President's News Conference With Prime Minister Ehud Olmert of Israel in Jerusalem
January 9, 2008
Prime Minister Olmert. Good evening. I am proud and delighted to
welcome President Bush to the Prime Minister's home in Jerusalem. We
spent more than 2\1/2\ hours talking privately and with the delegations,
and this was a very interesting and, I think, very important meeting,
Mr. President.
I think your visit is timely and is very important to encourage the
process that you and Secretary Rice helped start in Annapolis a few
weeks ago, and that we, both sides, I believe, are very seriously trying
to move forward with now in order to realize the vision of a two-state
solution, a Palestinian state for the Palestinian people and the State
of Israel, the homeland of the Jewish people and the Jewish state.
I want to thank you--this opportunity--for the friendship and the
support for the security of the State of Israel that you have manifested
for a long period of time, throughout your tenure as President of the
United States of America. This last year, you decided to increase the
annual support for the State of Israel for an overall package of $30
billion, which is remarkable and important and is very helpful for the
future of the State of Israel.
We discussed regional issues and the bilateral relations between
Israel and America and naturally, of course, the progress that we
envisage for the negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. And I
hope, Mr. President, that you felt through these talks that the Israeli
team is absolutely committed to carry on these negotiations in a very
serious manner, to deal with all the core issues that we need to deal in
order to bring about an agreement that will have to be implemented,
subject, of course, to the implementation of the roadmap, as we agreed
with the Palestinians and as you
[[Page 50]]
have announced in Annapolis in the international meeting. That was a
very important and encouraging meeting, with the participation of so
many countries coming from the region and from all parts of the world.
We are dealing with serious security problems. Only today the
terrorists were shooting many Qassam rockets on the southern part of
Israel, and mortar shells and few of the rockets landed inside the city
of Sderot. This is a serious problem. Israel does not tolerate and will
not tolerate the continuation of these vicious attacks on uninvolved and
innocent civilians living in our cities. And we made it clear to
everyone that we'll take all the necessary measures in order to reach
out for those who are responsible for these attacks, and we will not
hesitate to take all the necessary measures in order to stop them.
There will be no peace unless terror is stopped, and terror will
have to be stopped everywhere. We made it clear to the Palestinians;
they know it, and they understand that Gaza must be a part of the
package and that as long as there will be terror from Gaza, it will be
very, very hard to reach any peaceful understanding between us and the
Palestinians.
Mr. President, I want to thank you for your visit, for your efforts,
for your friendship, for the power that you use for good causes for this
region and for the world. Welcome.
President Bush. Mr. Prime Minister, thank you. I view this as an
historic moment. It's a historic opportunity, Mr. Prime Minister, first
of all, to work together to deal with the security of Israel and the
Palestinian people--a matter of fact, the security of people who just
simply want to live in peace.
We're in conflict with radicals and extremists who are willing to
murder innocent people to achieve a dark vision. And this is an historic
opportunity for the world to fight that--to fight those terrorists. It's
an historic opportunity to spread freedom as a great alternative to
their ideology, as a society based upon human rights and human dignity,
a society in which every man, woman, and child is free. And it's a
historic opportunity to work for peace. And I want to thank you for
being a partner in peace.
I believe that two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living
side by side in peace, is in the best interests of America and the
world. I believe it's in the long-term security interests of Israel,
and, I know, it'll provide a more hopeful society for the Palestinians.
And that's why I articulated this vision early in my Presidency. And
that's why I'm so pleased to have--to watch two leaders, you and
President Abbas, work hard to
achieve that vision.
It's in the interests of all of us that that vision come to be. I'm
under no illusions; it's going to be hard work. I fully understand that
there's going to be some painful political compromises. I fully
understand that there's going to be some tough negotiations. And the
role of the United States is to help in those negotiations.
It's essential that people understand America cannot dictate the
terms of what a state will look like. The only way to have lasting
peace, the only way for an agreement to mean anything, is for the two
parties to come together and make the difficult choices. But we'll help,
and we want to help. If it looks like there needs to be a little
pressure, Mr. Prime Minister, you know me well enough to know I'll be
more than willing to provide it. I will say the same thing to President
Abbas tomorrow as well.
I come--you know, people in America say, well, do you really think
these guys are serious? We've heard a lot of rhetoric in the past, a lot
of grand proclamations. I wouldn't be standing here if I did not believe
that you, Mr. Prime Minister, and President Abbas and your negotiators were serious. It is my
considered judgment that people now understand the stakes and the
opportunity. And our job, Mr. Prime Minister, is to help you seize that
opportunity.
[[Page 51]]
In the rest of my trip, I will be talking about the opportunity for
Middle Eastern peace and remind people in the neighborhood that if they
truly want to see two states living side by side in peace, they have an
obligation--Arab leaders have an obligation to recognize Israel's
important contribution to peace and stability in the Middle East and to
encourage and support the Palestinians as they make tough choices. I'm
an optimistic people--people say, do you think it's possible during your
Presidency? And the answer is, I'm very hopeful and will work hard to
that end.
We also talked about Iran. Iran is a threat to world peace. There
was a recent intelligence report that came out that I think sent the
signal to some that said, perhaps the United States does not view an
Iran with a nuclear weapon as serious--as a serious problem. And I want
to remind people, Mr. Prime Minister, what I said at the press
conference when I discussed that National Intelligence Estimate. I said
then that Iran was a threat, Iran is a threat, and Iran will be a threat
if the international community does not come together and prevent that
nation from the development of the know-how to build a nuclear weapon.
A country which once had a secret program can easily restart a
secret program. A country which can enrich for civilian purposes can
easily transfer that knowledge to a military program. A country which
has made statements that it's made about the security of our friend
Israel is a country that needs to be taken seriously. And the
international community must understand with clarity the threat that
Iran provides to world peace.
And we will continue to work with European countries and Russia and
China, as well as nations in this neighborhood, to make it abundantly
clear that--the threat that Iran poses for world peace.
So we've had a very constructive dialogue, and I'm not surprised.
This isn't the first time we've had a chance to visit. Every time we've
had, I've come away impressed by your steadfast desire to not only
protect your people but to implement a vision that will lead to peace in
the long term. Thanks for having me.
Prime Minister Olmert. Thank you.
Iran
Q. [Inaudible]--Israel's finding about Iran are completely different
than the NIE report. Given the duration and the unpopularity of the war
in Iraq, there is a fear, a concern in Israel that your administration
will not take the necessary action against Iran.
[At this point, the reporter asked a question in Hebrew, which was
translated by an interpreter as follows.]
And the question to Prime Minister Olmert: Did you perhaps present
to Mr. Bush positions that run counter to those of the Americans, and
perhaps you are concerned that what he said now actually indicates that
his hands are tied when it comes to Iran?
President Bush. [Inaudible]--what the NIE actually said. It said
that, as far as the intelligence community could tell, at one time, the
Iranians had a military--covert military program that was suspended in
2003 because of international pressure. My attitude is that a
nontransparent country, a country which has yet to disclose what it was
up to, could easily restart a program. The fact that they suspended the
program is heartening in that the international community's response had
worked. The fact that they had one is discouraging because they could
restart it.
Secondly, there are three aspects to a weapons program. One is the
capacity to have--enrich so that you can have the materials necessary to
make a bomb. They're claiming they're enriching for civilian purposes. I
believe that knowledge gained for civilian purposes could be transferred
for military purposes. Therefore, our efforts are to stop them from
enriching.
[[Page 52]]
Secondly, the knowledge of how to convert any materials into a
bomb--we don't know whether they have that knowledge or not. However,
for the sake of peace, we ought to assume they do and, therefore, rally
the world to convince others that they're a threat. Third, they've got
missiles in which they can use to deliver the bomb. So no matter how you
might have interpreted the NIE, I interpreted it to mean you better take
the Iranians' threat seriously.
Secondly, I have always told the American people that I believe it's
incumbent upon the American Presidents to solve problems diplomatically.
And that's exactly what we're in the process of doing. I believe that
pressure--economic pressure, financial sanctions--will cause the people
inside of Iran to have to make a considered judgment about whether or
not it makes sense for them to continue to enrich or face world
isolation. The country is paying an economic price for its intransigence
and its unwillingness to tell the truth.
The Iranian people, we have no qualm with the Iranian people; I'm
sure Israel doesn't either. It's people with a proud history and a great
tradition. But they are being misled by their Government. The actions of
their Government are causing there to be isolation and economic
stagnation. People went into office saying, we promise you this, and we
promise you this economic benefit, but they're simply not being
delivered. And so we'll continue to keep the pressure on the Iranians,
and I believe we can solve this problem diplomatically.
[Prime Minister Olmert spoke in Hebrew, which was translated by an
interpreter as follows.]
Prime Minister Olmert. We had a very thorough discussion, which, of
course, also covered the Iranian subject, as President Bush said. And we
discussed all aspects of this issue, and of course, it goes without
saying that we shared with one another what we know and what we--what
the Americans know when it comes to this topic. And without my sharing
with you right now all of the details, of course, despite the natural
curiosity, which I appreciate, I believe that what has just been said
now by the President of the United States is particularly important. The
President of the largest power in the world, the most important power in
the world, is standing right here, and he has said in no uncertain terms
that Iran was a threat and remains a threat.
And the fact that it has certain technological capacities is a fact.
And through this, it is capable of realizing that potential and creating
nuclear weapons. And considering the nature of the Government there and
the type of threats that they are voicing, one cannot possibly disregard
that power, and we must do everything possible to thwart them.
Of course, the United States will decide for itself just what steps
to take. I can only say one thing, namely, my impression based on this
conversation as well as previous talks that we had--and we talk quite
frequently, apart from the face-to-face meetings--my impression is that
we have here a leader who is exceptionally determined, exceptionally
loyal to the principles in which he believes. He has proven this
throughout his term in office in his preparedness to take exceptional
measures in order to defend the principles in which he believes and in
his deep commitment to the security of the State of Israel.
Inasmuch as I could sum up all of these impressions this evening, I
would say that I certainly am encouraged and reinforced having heard the
position of the United States under the leadership of George Bush,
particularly on this subject.
White House Press Secretary Dana Perino. Anne Gearan of the
Associated Press, please.
Middle East Peace Process
Q. Mr. President, are you disappointed that the Israelis and the
Palestinians haven't
[[Page 53]]
made more specific progress since Annapolis? And is it maybe time for
you to apply some of that direct pressure you referred to earlier?
And for the Prime Minister, did you offer any new assurances to the
President--or do you plan to--that Israel will stop disputed settlement
and construction activity?
President Bush. Step one of any complicated process that is going to
require a lot of hard work and serious dialogue is whether the mindset
is right. It's one thing for somebody to say to the President, sure,
we're for a two state, just to make the President feel okay. That's not
the case here. The fundamental questions that I was seeking at Annapolis
and on my return trip is the understanding about the power of what a
vision will do for peace.
You know, one of the concerns I had was that, whether it be the
unprovoked rocket attacks or the issues of settlement, that the leaders
would be so bogged down in the moment that they would lose sight of the
potential for a historic agreement. And I've come away with the belief
that while those issues are important and certainly create consternation
amongst the respective constituencies, that both leaders are determined to make the hard choices
necessary.
Now, implicit in your question is whether or not the President
should butt in and actually dictate the end result of the agreement. In
my judgment, that would cause there to be a nonlasting agreement. In my
judgment, the only way for there to be a vision that means something is
for the parties to seriously negotiate that vision. If you're asking me,
am I nudging them forward, well, my trip was a pretty significant nudge,
because yesterday they had a meeting.
And by the way, the atmosphere in America was, nothing is going to
happen, see; that these issues are too big on the ground. Therefore, you
two can't get together and come up with any agreements. You just heard
the man talk about their desire to deal with core issues, which, I guess
for the uneducated on the issue, that means dealing with the issues like
territory and right of return and Jerusalem. Those are tough issues--the
issue of Israeli security. And they're going to sit down at the table
and discuss those issues in seriousness.
And I've been briefed today from the Israeli perspective of those
discussions. Tomorrow I'll be briefed by the Palestinians about their
interpretation.
Now, there's three tracks going on, by the way, during this process.
One is the vision track. Let me just make sure everybody understands--in
our delegation--the goal. The goal is for there to be a clear vision of
what a state would look like so that, for example, reasonable
Palestinian leadership can say, here's your choice: You can have the
vision of Hamas, which is dangerous and will lead to war and violence,
or you can have the vision of a state, which should be hopeful.
The second track is to help both parties deal with roadmap issues.
Settlements is a roadmap issue; security is a roadmap issue, in a
certain limited sense. Third issue is to help the Palestinians, one,
organize their security forces so that they can better assure their own
people and, equally importantly, better assure Israel that they can deal
with the extremists in their midst. That's what General Dayton is doing here, for example. Or an economic track--
listen, the best way to make sure that the Palestinians realize there's
a hopeful future in which it's in their interests to live at peace with
Israel is for them to realize that they've got an economy in which they
can make a living. And Tony Blair is helpful on
that, and so is America.
And so you're watching three tracks parallel each other. And the
one, of course, you're asking about is whether or not the leadership has
got the willingness and the
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desire and the drive to design a state, compatible to both sides. And my
answer is, yes, I think they will.
Prime Minister Olmert. I hope that I don't disappoint anyone--
certainly not the President, because we talked at length--if I will say
that the President didn't ask for me to make any commitments other than
the ones that Israel made already with regard to the peace process and
as I have spelled it out on many different occasions, including in
Annapolis, which was a very, as I said, a very important event. The
commitment of Israel is absolutely to carry on in this process in order
to realize the vision of two states living side by side, as I said
before.
Now, there are many issues. Settlement is one of the issues. We made
clear our position. And I know that sometimes not everyone is happy with
this position, but we are very sincere. And we were never trying to
conceal any of these facts from anyone, starting with President Bush and
Secretary Rice and, of course, our Palestinian partners.
They know that there is a moratorium on new settlements and the new
expropriation of land in the Territories. But they also know, and we
have made it clear, that Jerusalem, as far as we are concerned, is not
in the same status. And they know that the population centers are not in
the same status. And there might be things that will happen in the
population centers or in Jerusalem which they may not be in love with,
but we will discuss them, and we will not hide them. We are not going to
build any new settlements or expropriate land in the Territories. We
made it clear, and we will stand by our commitments. And we will fulfill
all our commitments as part of the roadmap because this is an essential
part for any progress that will have to take place in the future.
But there are some aspects only just realized which one can't
ignore, and everyone knows that certain things in Jerusalem are not in
the same tactical level as they are in other parts of the Territories
which are outside the city of Jerusalem. And so it's true about some
population centers. So there was nothing that happened that was not
known in advance to all our partners in this process. We made clear our
positions. We made clear exactly what we can do, what we can't do, what
we want to do, and what we will not be able to do. And I think that they
all know it, and they--at least even when sometimes they disagree with
us, they at least respect our sincerity and openness about these issues.
Obligations of Middle East Peace Process Participants
Q. Mr. President, regarding the issues of rockets and settlements
that you mentioned before, what should--what could Israel do regarding
the ever-growing threat from Gaza? And regarding the settlements, did
you get any new assurances from the Prime Minister regarding the removal
of illegal outposts? Do you believe that this time it will be
implemented? Do you care about it?
President Bush. Yes.
[The reporter asked a question in Hebrew, which was translated by an
interpreter as follows.]
Q. Mr. Prime Minister, are you concerned that the core issues are
going to be affected? Because as soon as Mr.--Member of Knesset, Mr.
Lieberman, is going to withdraw from the coalition.
President Bush. As to the rockets, my first question is going to be
to President Abbas: What do you intend to do
about them? Because ultimately, in order for there to be the existence
of a state, there has to be a firm commitment by a Palestinian
Government to deal with extremists and terrorists who might be willing
to use Palestinian Territory as a launching pad into Israel. So I'll be
asking that question tomorrow. And what can we do to help you?
[[Page 55]]
I believe that he knows it's not in his interests to have people
launching rockets from a part of the Territory into Israel. A matter of
fact, maybe the Prime Minister can comment on this in a while, in a
second, but at least he's told me that he fully recognizes, in order for
there to be a state, he cannot be a safe haven for terrorists that want
to destroy Israel. You can't expect the Israelis--and I certainly
don't--to accept a state on their border which would become a launching
pad for terrorist activities. And that's why the vision of a democracy
is an important vision.
How Israel deals with the rocket attacks, I would hope is done in a
way that not only protects herself but worries about innocent life. And
I'm convinced the Prime Minister does. He understands he has an
obligation to protect Israel. He also understands that he's got to be
circumspect and reasonable about how he does it so that innocent people
don't suffer. He just gave you the answer on the settlements.
In terms of outposts, yes, they ought to go. Look, I mean, we've
been talking about it for 4 years. The agreement was, get rid of
outposts, illegal outposts, and they ought to go. And----
[Prime Minister Olmert spoke in Hebrew, and his remarks were translated
by an interpreter as follows.]
Prime Minister Olmert. [Inaudible]--earlier, and I say once again--I
think it's important to repeat this--Israel has commitments, and the
Palestinians have commitments. We must abide by our commitments, and we
shall do so. I do not want to use this as an excuse, as a pretext, and
therefore, I say, we demand of the Palestinians that they uphold all of
their commitments.
And some have not been upheld, not a single one, particularly the
most important things that have to do with terrorism, that have to do
with the security of the State of Israel--not only in Gaza. The fact
that we, over the past year, have had fewer casualties from terrorism
than in any year of the recent years previously is not because the
Palestinians have made fewer attempts, but because we have been more
successful, in a very sophisticated and courageous way, of our general
security service and our IDF in preventing these terrorist acts.
I'm not using this as a pretext. I'm saying, we must uphold our
commitment. I believe that the President has said this fairly and
appropriately. We have made commitments; we should uphold them; and we
shall. But let us present a balanced picture. By the same token, we will
not refrain from demanding and insisting that the Palestinians abide by
all of their commitments. And their commitments when it comes to
terrorism are the central key, the pivot to bringing this negotiation
process to a successful conclusion. And I hope it will happen this year,
as all of us hope.
I very much sincerely hope that all of those in the coalition will
remain in the coalition as full partners, and I would certainly not like
to have a political crisis. I don't think that anyone who is
responsible--has a responsibility such as I have would like to see any
kind of an undermining of the stability of this Government. It is a
stable Government, a Government that has been operating in many
different directions, with very impressive achievements, which the party
of Avigdor Lieberman, Yisrael Beiteinu, is part of this effort, part of
these achievements; whether it's in the economic field or the political
one or in--when it comes to security or the deterrence ability of the
State of Israel.
And everyone knows that this Government has had some very impressive
achievements on its record over the past year. And Lieberman's party was
certainly a partner in this process, and I'd like them to stay part of
the process. I think that the gap between us is smaller than it appears,
and I will do everything within my power to ensure that the coalition
remains stable. The State of Israel must be part
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of a serious peace process. We cannot forego this; we cannot obscure it;
we must not delay it. It would be wrong to delay it.
Let me say something in Hebrew--since I know that the President does
not speak Hebrew, I'll say it in Hebrew because, after all, you know,
you're not supposed to praise people in their presence, so I'll say it
in Hebrew. Well, then, what I'd like to say is, thank God I can conduct
political negotiations with George Bush at my side as one of my
partners. Thank God we can conduct political negotiations when the
largest and most important power in the world, and the most important
for us, is headed by such an important friend of Israel.
We have no interest in delaying matters. We don't want to
procrastinate with the negotiations, lest changes for the worse take
place on the Palestinian front. And we certainly don't want to delay the
negotiation process when we have such political assistance, assistance
in--with respect to our security too, when it comes to the most
important power in the world, being led by a person who is so deeply
committed to the security of the State of Israel and to realizing the
vision of two states; a person who is fair, who does not hide his
viewpoints, who speaks openly about his will to establish a Palestinian
state alongside Israel, a state that will be secure not at the expense
of the interests of the State of Israel.
I believe that any responsible political leader in the State of
Israel will understand that this is a moment that must not be missed.
This is an opportunity that must not be passed up. We must do everything
we can. Okay, we can have occasional internal arguments. The President
has said that some very difficult decisions must be made. He is right,
but I am not afraid of difficult decisions. I am willing to contend with
difficult decisions. I am willing to make decisions that will entail
painful compromises, so long as they enable us to reach the goal that we
have dreamt of for so long, to secure ourselves--to ensure ourselves of
security and to give the Palestinians the state of their own that will
be vibrant, democratic, open, and living in peace alongside Israel.
At the head of our negotiating team is the Deputy Prime Minister and
Foreign Minister. She bears a very heavy responsibility. We work in full
cooperation, and I am convinced that she will wisely succeed, together
with Abu Ala, head of the Palestinian team, in navigating through these
negotiations in such a manner that the vital interests of the State of
Israel are served well on the basis of a deep understanding.
President Bush. The interpreter got it right. [Laughter] Thank you.
Prime Minister Olmert. Thank you, Mr. President.
President Bush. Yes, Toby [Tabassum Zakaria, Reuters].
Strait of Hormuz Naval Incident
Q. Mr. President, what is the United States prepared--what action is
the United States prepared to take if there is another confrontation
with Iranian ships in the Strait of Hormuz? Your National Security
Adviser this morning spoke about consequences if there was a repeat.
And, Mr. Prime Minister, why is there no three-way meeting scheduled
on this trip?
President Bush. The National Security Adviser was making it
abundantly clear that all options are on the table to protect our
assets.
She's referring to, Mr. Prime Minister, the fact that our ships were
moving along very peacefully off the Iranian border in territorial
water--international waters, and Iranian boats came out and were very
provocative. And it was a dangerous gesture on their part. We have made
it clear publicly, and they know our position, and that is, there will
be serious consequences if they attack our ships, pure and simple. And
my advice to them is, don't do it.
[[Page 57]]
United States-Israel-Palestinian Authority Meeting
Q. Why is there no three-way meeting on this trip?
Prime Minister Olmert. We had a three-way meeting in the United
States just a month ago. We are starting now a serious process directly
with the Palestinians. The President met with the Israeli delegation and
with me today. He will meet tomorrow with the--with President Mahmoud
Abbas, and I'm sure that all the necessary information will be provided
and all the curiosity of the President will be satisfied. And ideally,
this is a very good and comfortable--[inaudible].
I don't rule out, by the way, trilateral meetings. Maybe in the
future we'll have trilateral meetings. We are not against it. We just
found out at this time in life, considering what we have achieved
already and what we are about to start now in a serious manner, that it
was not essential in order to fulfill the desires that we all share,
which is to move forward on this process between us and the
Palestinians.
I can reassure you, and perhaps through you, many of your people in
America, that we think, and I'm sure that the Palestinians think, that
the visit of the President is very, very helpful to the process that we
are engaged in and that it contributes--and it will contribute a lot to
the stability and the very comfortable environment within which we will
conduct our negotiations.
And therefore, I again want to take this opportunity, Mr.
President--now you don't even get--[laughter]--to thank you very much,
really, to thank you for your friendship and your support and the
courage that you inspire in all of us to carry on with our obligations.
It's not easy. You know, sometimes it's not easy, but when I look at
you--and I know what you have to take upon your shoulders and how you do
it, the manner in which you do it, the courage that you have, the
determination that you have, and your loyalty to the principles that you
believe in--it makes all of us feel that we can also--in trying to match
you, which we can--we can move forward. Thank you very much.
President Bush. Thank you, sir.
Note: The President's news conference began at 6:36 p.m. at the Prime
Minister's residence. In his remarks, he referred to President Mahmoud
Abbas of the Palestinian Authority; Lt. Gen. Keith W. Dayton, USA, U.S.
Security Coordinator to Israel and the Palestinian Authority; and former
Prime Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom, Quartet Representative
in the Middle East. Prime Minister Olmert referred to Knesset Member and
Yisrael Beiteinu Party leader Avigdor Lieberman and Deputy Prime
Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Tzipora ``Tzipi'' Livni of
Israel; and former Prime Minister Ahmed Qurei (Abu Ala) of the
Palestinian Authority.