    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2008, Book I)]
    [June 13, 2008]
    [Pages 801-806]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development in
    Paris, France
    June 13, 2008

        Thank you. Thank you very much. Mr. Secretary-General, thank you for your hospitality. It's good to see you
    again. I remember our days together in the la frontera de Tejas y
    Mexico, when I was the Governor of Texas and you were one of the leading
    officials of Mexico. And it's great to see you here in Paris, tambien su
    esposa. Madam Secretary, thank you; Ambassadors, World War II veterans,
    and distinguished guests. Laura and I have--are
    having a wonderful trip through Europe, and we are so pleased to be back
    in Paris. It's been a little more than 4 years since we were last in
    Paris together, and a lot has changed. Laura wrote a book. [Laughter]
    Our daughter got married. [Laughter] My dad jumped out of an airplane. [Laughter] And my hair
    is a lot grayer. [Laughter]
        What has not changed is the friendship between America and France.
    Recent history has made clear that no disagreement can diminish the deep
    ties between our nations. France was America's first friend. And over
    the centuries, our nations stood united in moments of testing, from the
    Marne to Omaha Beach to the long vigil of the Civil War [cold war]. *
    After September the 11th, 2001, a major French newspaper published a
    headline my Nation will never forget: Nous sommes tous Americains.
    America is grateful to the people of France. We're proud to call you
    friends, and our alliance will stand the test of time.
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        * White House correction.
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        We gather to commemorate a landmark in the moment of that alliance,
    and that's the 60th anniversary of the start of the Marshall plan. In
    1948, the United States Congress passed and President Harry Truman
    signed legislation to fund this unprecedented effort. And just steps
    from here, at the Chateau de la Muette--the headquarters for the
    organization that implemented the Marshall plan and worked with our
    allies to promote open economies and strong free market policies across
    Europe.
        Through this building flowed friendly aid that helped renew the
    spirit of the continent, what one magazine called ``the D-day for
    peace.'' From this building came money for fuel and vehicles and
    machinery that helped bring Europe's economies back to life. And in this
    building were written the first chapters of European unity, a story of
    cooperation that eventually resulted in institutions like NATO and the
    European Union and the organization that carries the spirit of the
    Marshall plan into a new century, the OECD.
        The Marshall plan was the source of aid and assistant, and it wisely
    gave Europeans a leading role in reconstruction. By doing so, the plan
    conveyed a message of partnership and respect. And by offering help to
    nations across Europe, including Communist nations, the plan also had
    the effect of clarifying the new ideological struggle that was
    unfolding.
        When he announced the plan, Secretary Marshall made it clear it was
    ``directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger and
    poverty and desperation and chaos.'' With these words, he showed that we
    stood for a future of unity and prosperity and freedom throughout
    Europe. Yet the leaders in the Kremlin denied the Marshall plan aid to
    the suffering people of the Soviet Union and its captive nations. What
    followed was nearly a half century of repression and fear in the East,
    until at last freedom arrived. In an ironic final scene, the Soviets did
    accept some Western assistance after all. As the last Secretary General
    sat down to sign the papers ending

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    the Soviet Union, he discovered that his pen was out of ink, so he
    borrowed one from an American news crew. [Laughter]
        In the years since the cold war ended, Europe has taken inspiring
    strides toward a continent whole, free, and at peace. Over the past 8
    years, we have watched nations from the Baltics to the Balkans complete
    the transition from the Soviet bloc to the European Union. We've seen
    former members of the Warsaw Pact proudly sign the treaty to join NATO.
    We witnessed an Orange Revolution in Ukraine, a Rose Revolution in
    Georgia, a Declaration of Independence in Kosovo, and the rise of a
    democratic movement in Belarus. America admires these brave stands for
    liberty. We look forward to the day when all free people on this
    continent take their rightful place in the institutions of Europe.
        With these changes has come a revitalization between the
    relationship--of the relationship between Europe and the United States.
    Instead of focusing on issues within Europe, we're increasingly looking
    to matters of global reach. Instead of dwelling on our differences,
    we're increasingly united in our interests and ideals.
        On my first trip abroad of my second term as President, I traveled
    to Brussels and called for ``a new era of transatlantic unity.'' This
    week, I have seen the outlines of that new era. In leaders like
    Berlusconi and Brown and Merkel and
    Sarkozy, I see a commitment to a powerful
    and purposeful Europe that advances the values of liberty within its
    borders and beyond. And when the time comes to welcome a new American
    President next January, I will be pleased to report to him that the
    relationship between the United States and Europe is the broadest and
    most vibrant it has ever been. We see this broad and vibrant
    relationship in the expansive agenda for our meetings this week.
        America and Europe are cooperating to open new opportunities for
    trade and investment. And we're determined to help make this the year
    the world completes an ambitious Doha round.
        America and Europe are cooperating to address the twin challenges of
    energy security and climate change while keeping our economies strong.
    We will continue working to diversify our energy supplies by developing
    and financing new clean energy technologies. We will continue working
    toward an international agreement that commits every major economy to
    slow, stop, and eventually reverse the growth of greenhouse gases.
        America and Europe are cooperating to widen the circle of
    development and prosperity. We lead the world in providing food aid,
    improving education for boys and girls, and fighting disease. Through
    the historic commitments of the United States and other G-8 countries,
    we are working to turn the tide against HIV/AIDS and malaria in Africa.
    And to achieve this noble goal, all nations must keep their promises to
    deliver this urgent aid.
        America and Europe are cooperating on our most solemn duty of all:
    protecting our citizens. From New York and Washington to London and
    Madrid to Copenhagen and Amsterdam, we've seen terrorists and extremists
    rejoice in the murder of the innocent. So America and Europe are
    applying the tools of intelligence and finance and law enforcement and
    diplomacy, and, when necessary, military power to break up terror
    networks and deny them safe havens. And to protect the people of Europe
    from the prospect of ballistic missile attacks emanating from the Middle
    East, we're developing a shared system of missile defense.
        These measures are critical to the success in the fight against
    terror. Yet as in the cold war, we must also prevail in a wider
    struggle, the battle of ideas. On one side are all who embrace the
    fundamental tenets of civilization: the natural right to liberty,
    freedom of conscience and dissent, and the obligation of the strong to
    protect the weak. On the other side are men who place no value on life,
    allow no room for dissent,

    [[Page 803]]

    and use terror to impose their harsh ideology on as many people as
    possible.
        Ultimately, the only way to defeat the advocates of this ideology is
    to defeat their ideas. So the central aim of our foreign policy is to
    advance a more hopeful and compelling vision, especially in the broader
    Middle East, a vision on the ideals of liberty and justice and tolerance
    and hope. These ideals are the foundation of France's Declaration of the
    Rights of Man and America's Declaration of Independence. Yet these
    ideals do not belong to our nations alone. They are universal ideals.
    And the lesson of history is that by extending these ideals--it's more
    than just a moral obligation--that by expending these--extending these
    ideals is the only practical and realistic way to protect--to provide
    our security and to spread the peace.
        The rise of free and prosperous societies in the broader Middle East
    is essential to peace in the 21st century, just as the rise of a free
    and prosperous Europe was essential to peace in the 20th century. So
    Europe and America must stand with reformers and democratic leaders and
    millions of ordinary people across the Middle East who seek a future of
    hope and liberty and peace.
        In Afghanistan, we must stand with a brave young democracy
    determined to defeat Al Qaida and the Taliban. NATO has accepted an
    historic mission in Afghanistan. And I applaud the leadership of
    President Sarkozy, who hosted an
    international support conference yesterday and will soon deploy
    additional forces to Afghanistan. President Sarkozy has said, ``What is
    at stake in that country is the future of our values and that of the
    Atlantic alliance.'' He is right. Our nations must ensure that
    Afghanistan is never again a safe haven for terror.
        In Lebanon, we must stand with those struggling to protect their
    sovereignty and independence. We must counter the dangers posed by
    Hizballah terrorists supported by Iran and Syria. And together, we must
    show the people of Lebanon that they will have the lasting support of
    the free world.
        In the Holy Land, we must stand with Palestinians and Israelis and
    all others committed to a two-state solution, a permanent peace based on
    two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in
    security and peace. I firmly believe that with leadership and courage, a
    peace agreement is possible this year.
        In Iran and Syria, we must stand with the decent people of those two
    nations who deserve much better than the life they have today. We must
    stand--we must firmly oppose Iran and Syria's support for terror. And
    for the security of Europe and for the peace of the world, we must not
    allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon.
        In Iraq, we must stand with the courageous people who have turned
    the momentum against Al Qaida and extremists. From Anbar Province to
    mixed neighborhoods in Baghdad to the cities of Basra and Mosul, Iraqis
    of all backgrounds have made it clear they reject extremism and terror.
    Today, violence in Iraq is down to the lowest point since March of 2004.
    Civilian deaths are down; sectarian killings are down. And as security
    has improved, economic life has been revived. Reconciliation is taking
    place in communities across that country. And the Government in Baghdad
    is showing strong leadership and progress on the path to a free society.
    With the terrorists on the run and freedom on the rise, it is in the
    interests of every nation on this continent to support a stable and
    democratic Iraq.
        Since 2001, the freedom movement has been advancing in the Middle
    East. Kuwait has had elections in which women were allowed to vote and
    hold office for the first time. Algeria held its first competitive
    Presidential elections. Citizens have voted in municipal elections in
    Saudi Arabia, in competitive parliamentary elections in Jordan and
    Morocco and Bahrain, and in a multiparty Presidential election in Yemen.

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        Liberty takes hold in different places in different ways, so we must
    continue to adapt and find innovative ways to support those movements
    for freedom. The way to do so is to stand with civil society groups,
    human rights organizations, dissidents, independents, journalists and
    bloggers, and others on the leading edge of reform. We have taken
    important steps in this area, such as the Broader Middle East and North
    American [North Africa] * Initiative led by the United States, the Forum
    for Freedom [Forum for the Future] * led by the G-8, and the Partnership
    for Democratic Governance led by the OECD.
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        * White House correction.
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        Spreading the hope of freedom is the calling of our time. And as we
    look ahead to the great task, we can be guided by four key principles:
    unity, confidence, vision, and resolve.
        We must go forward with unity. Over the course of the cold war, the
    transatlantic alliance faced moments of serious tension, from the Suez
    crisis in the 1950s to the basing of missiles in Europe in the 1980s.
    Yet with the distance of time, we can see these differences for what
    they were, fleeting disagreements between friends. We'll have more
    disagreements in the decades ahead, but we must never allow those
    disagreements to undermine our shared purposes. Dividing democracies is
    one of our enemies' goals, and they must not be allowed to succeed.
        We must go forward with confidence. Our vision of freedom and peace
    in the Middle East and beyond is ambitious, and of course, there will be
    voices that will say it will never arrive. And that's natural, and it's
    not new. There were times when it seemed impossible that there could
    ever be peace between Britain and France, or France and Germany, or
    between Germany and Poland. Yet today, all those nations are at peace,
    and war in Europe is virtually unimaginable. Something happened in
    Europe that defied the skeptics and the pattern of the centuries, and
    that was the spread of human freedom.
        In truth, this is a strange time to doubt the power of liberty. Over
    the past 30 years, the number of democracies has grown from 45 to more
    than 120, which is the fastest advance of freedom in history. As some of
    the world's oldest democracies, we should never be surprised by the
    appeal of freedom. We should stand against the moral relativism that
    views all forms of government as equally acceptable. And we should be
    confident that one day, the same determination and desire that brought
    freedom to Paris and Berlin and Riga will bring freedom to Gaza,
    Damascus, and Tehran.
        We must go forward with a clear vision. In the cold war, we laid out
    a vision of liberty and trusted its power to transform societies. And
    that transformation took place in ways almost no one could foresee. In
    the late 1970s, for example, many in the West worried we were losing.
    And then one October afternoon, there came a sign as bright as the white
    smoke above the Sistine Chapel. Onto the balcony of St. Peter's stepped
    the first Polish Pope in history, who inspired millions behind the Iron
    Curtain with his call: ``Be not afraid.'' John Paul's election was
    followed by the elections of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan, who helped restore confidence in
    freedom's power and pursued a policy of peace through strength. And soon
    other remarkable events began unfolding: Shipyard workers in Gdansk
    brought down a government, a jailed playwright
    in Prague touched off a Velvet Revolution, and citizens of Berlin prayed
    for the end of a wall and then found the strength to tear it down.
        In today's struggle, we have again laid out a clear vision of
    freedom, and it will transform lives in the Middle East and beyond in
    ways we cannot fully predict. But we can see some of the sources of
    change. Sixty percent of the Middle East population is under 30 years
    old, and over time, these young people--surfing the Internet and
    watching satellite television and studying

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    abroad--will demand that their societies fully join the free world. The
    women's movement in the region is growing, and over time, this movement
    will spark reform, as mothers and daughters make clear that it is costly
    and unwise to keep half the population from fully contributing to the
    life of a nation. Middle Eastern immigrants here in Europe are seeing
    the benefits of freedom, and over time, they will insist that the
    liberty of their adopted homelands also belongs in the lands of their
    birth. The future of the region is the hands of its people, and those of
    us who live in free societies must continue to encourage these early
    stirrings of reform.
        And finally, we must go forward with resolve. In the years ahead,
    there will be periods of difficulty, yet history shows that freedom can
    endure even the hardest of tests. Picture what the future of Europe must
    have looked like for leaders meeting here in Paris 60 years ago. Moscow
    had occupied much of Central and Eastern Europe after World War II.
    Communist parties had threatened Governments in Italy and here in
    France. A severe Soviet threat imperiled Greece and Turkey. A Communist
    coup had toppled the elected Government of Czechoslovakia. Stalin
    ordered the blockade of Berlin.
        Yet in America and in free capitals of Europe, we summoned the
    resolve to prevail. We launched the Marshall plan and the Berlin
    Airlift. Then came the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty and the
    formation of West Germany. Looking back over the decades, we can see
    that these brave, early measures put us on the path to victory in the
    cold war.
        There are moments today when the situation in places like the Middle
    East can look as daunting as it did in Europe six decades ago. Yet we
    can have confidence that liberty once again will prevail. We can have
    confidence because freedom is the longing of every soul, and it is the
    direction of history. We can have confidence because men and women in
    the Middle East and beyond are determined to claim their liberty, just
    as the people of Europe did in the last century.
        Near the end of his life, George Marshall made a final trip to
    Europe. He came not for a military meeting or a diplomatic summit, but
    to accept the Nobel Peace Prize. In his address, Marshall offered a bold
    prediction: ``Tyranny inevitably must retire before the tremendous moral
    strength of the gospel of freedom.'' Sixty years ago, the faith in
    liberty helped the gospel of freedom ring out in nations devastated by
    war. Today, freedom rings out across this continent. And one day,
    freedom will ring out across the world.
        Thank you for having me. God bless.

    Note: The President spoke at 3:36 p.m. at the Organisation for Economic
    Co-operation and Development headquarters. In his remarks, he referred
    to Secretary-General Angel Gurria of the Organisation for Economic Co-
    operation and Development and his wife Lulu Quintana; Secretary of State
    Condoleezza Rice; Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi of Italy; Prime
    Minister Gordon Brown and former Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of the
    United Kingdom; Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany; President Nicolas
    Sarkozy of France; and former President Vaclav Havel of the Czech
    Republic.

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