    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2008, Book I)]
    [June 14, 2008]
    [Pages 808-815]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    The President's News Conference With President Nicolas Sarkozy of France in Paris, France
    June 14, 2008

        President Sarkozy. Ladies and gentlemen, thank you for coming to
    work with us on this Saturday morning. I wanted to thank President Bush
    for his visit to Paris

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    on his European tour. I see there how much importance he attaches to
    Franco-American relations and the transatlantic relation. And I think
    everyone should firmly bear in mind the importance of this transatlantic
    relation between the United States and Europe, especially as we
    celebrate the 60th anniversary of the Marshall plan. This is an
    opportunity for me to extend the same sort of hospitality, warm
    hospitality that was extended to me last November when I went to
    Washington and to Mount Vernon.
        It's also an opportunity to continue to pursue this confident,
    trusting, regular dialogue between France and the United States on all
    issues that we have in common--and there are so many of them. We had an
    extended discussion on the international situation on the Middle East,
    but also on economic and trade matters. We checked that--once again saw
    that there were many areas of convergence, although perhaps slight
    differences, and that's only right and normal. Friendship should not
    prevent France or the United States from expressing independent views.
    But if there are differences, we can discuss them calmly in a level-
    headed manner. And this is once again an opportunity for me to say to
    the American people the deep gratitude of the French people and our
    friendship.
        President Bush. Yesterday I reminded the world, really, Nicolas,
    that America's first friend was France. And frankly, we wouldn't be
    where we are today without French support early in our Revolution. You
    are not only our first friend, you've been a consistent friend. And the
    meetings here have reconfirmed and strengthened our friendship between
    our countries and our personal friendship.
        I really enjoy being with President Sarkozy. He's an interesting
    guy. [Laughter] He is full of energy, he's full of wisdom, he tells me
    what's on his mind, and we've had--every time I've met with him, we've
    had very meaningful discussions. We discussed Afghanistan. And thank you
    very much for supporting the Paris support conference. It made a big
    difference for that young democracy. And I do thank the people of France
    for supporting the women and children and the young democrats in
    Afghanistan. And thank you too, Nicolas.
        We talked about Lebanon, of course. Talked to him about the Holy
    Land, about our deep desire for there to be two states living side by
    side in peace: two democracies, a Palestinian democracy and Israel,
    having a--resolving this conflict which creates so much difficulty for
    not only the Palestinians and the Israelis but for much of the Middle
    East.
        And we talked about Darfur. And I want to thank you very much for
    having your troops there in Chad.
        We talked about Iran--spent a lot of time talking about Iran. And I
    will tell you that we both have a mutual desire to prevent the Iranians
    from gaining the knowledge so that they could build a weapon. And we do
    that for the sake of peace and security of the world.
        We talked about Doha, the importance of a Doha round. And frankly--
    and then we spent some time on climate change. We had a meaningful, good
    discussion. And I thank you very much for the dinner last night. And
    it's a great pleasure to have been able to meet your wife too. She's a really smart, capable woman, and I can see
    why you married her. [Laughter] And I can see why she married you too.
    [Laughter]
        Anyway, thanks. It's been a good visit. We'll be glad to take some
    questions.
        President Sarkozy. Thank you, George. Perhaps a first question from
    the French press.

    Syria/Iran/Lebanon

        Q. To both of you, what specific, concrete requests do you wish to
    make or send to the Syrian President, Bashar al-Asad, so that he
    normalize his relations with the West, and of course, to achieve
    stability in Lebanon and in the rest of----

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        President Bush. Well, my message would be, stop fooling around with
    the Iranians and stop harboring terrorists. Serve as a constructive
    force in the Middle East to help the advance of a Palestinian state.
    Make it clear to Hamas that their terror is a--should stop for the sake
    of peace; and make it clear to their Iranian allies that the West is
    serious when we talk about stopping them from learning how to enrich,
    which would be the first--a major step for developing a bomb; and to
    make it clear to their Iranian allies that Hizballah is a destabilizing
    force for not only Lebanon but elsewhere.
        That would be my message. I'd make it clear to him that there is a
    better way forward for Syria. And Nicolas and I talked about this
    subject today.
        President Sarkozy. Well, George and I totally agree on the need to
    guarantee Lebanon's independence. Lebanon is entitled, like any other
    country anywhere in the world, to its independence and to remain
    independent. And this is one of the preconditions that I have laid down:
    the election of a new President for Lebanon. That is exactly what
    happened. It was done with the election of General Sleiman.
        Second point, we will go through with the process--the procedure of
    the international tribunal to track down those who assassinated Mr.
    Rafiq Hariri. But once I have said to Bashar al-Asad to let the
    Presidential process take--run its course, we would go back--get back
    into contact with them, and that is exactly what we've done. We have to
    let Lebanon stand free.
        I also share the view of the United States of America on the fact
    that the Iranian question--and the fact that they might get their hands
    on a nuclear weapon--is of the essence; it is a major issue. Syria has
    to peel off, as much as possible, from Iran in its desire to lay its
    hands on a nuclear weapon. Once that has happened, then the process will
    continue.
        Lastly, I told the President of the United States that we have taken
    the initiative of convening a summit for the Mediterranean, and to my
    knowledge, Syria is part of the Mediterranean region--is a Mediterranean
    country. Now if you go around the Mediterranean region and start picking
    and choosing and simply inviting those who correspond to exactly our
    criteria, then we'll probably have a meeting with very few people
    attending it.
        President Bush. I want to call on Bill Plante from CBS, but before I
    do, I want to say something about one of your colleagues.
        America lost a really fine citizen yesterday when Tim
    Russert passed away. I've had the privilege of
    being interviewed by Tim Russert. I found him to be a hard-working,
    thorough, decent man. And Tim Russert loved his country, he loved his
    family, and he loved his job a lot. And we're going to miss him all, and
    we send our deepest sympathies to Maureen, his
    wife, and Luke, his son. I know they're hurting
    right now, and, hopefully, the prayers of a lot of Tim's friends and a
    lot of Americans will help them during this time of difficulty.
        Plante.

    Iran

        Q. Mr. President, Iran's Government spokesman, shortly after the
    package had been presented by the Europeans, dismissed it out of hand,
    saying that if it does not--if it includes suspension of enrichment, it
    absolutely will not fly. Can you convince the rest of your allies and
    partners to enforce the sanctions which are envisioned in that package?
    It seems that many of them are reluctant.
        President Bush. That's probably a question you ought to ask the
    President of France, but let me just give you my impressions of the
    situation. We have worked hard--``we'' being our allies--have worked
    hard to say to the Iranian people, there is a better way forward for
    you. You've got a Government that has isolated you. You've got a
    Government that is creating

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    the conditions so that you can't live a full and hopeful life. And the
    reason why that's happening is because your Government has defied the
    demands--the just demands of the free world. In other words, they refuse
    to abandon their desires to develop the know-how which could lead to a
    nuclear weapon.
        Now, they say, ``Well, we want a civilian nuclear power.'' And as I
    explained to Nicolas today, I agree, they should have the right to have
    civilian nuclear power. As a matter of fact, Vladimir Putin delivered that very message to the Iranian
    regime. He also delivered this message: That because you have been
    untrustworthy, because you haven't fully disclosed your programs to the
    IAEA in the past, that we can't trust you to enrich. And therefore,
    Russia will provide the fuel necessary for the civilian nuclear reactor.
    And therefore, you don't need to rich [enrich]. *
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        * White House correction.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        And so our demands are just and fair. And, Bill, we have been
    implementing the sanctions through the United Nations. And we're working
    with our friends and allies. As a matter of fact, much of my discussions
    on this trip have been dominated by this subject because our allies
    understand that a nuclear-armed Iran is incredibly destabilizing, and
    they understand that it would be a major blow to world peace.
        And so I'm disappointed that the leaders rejected this generous
    offer out of hand. It's an indication to the Iranian people that their
    leadership is willing to isolate them further. And our view is, we want
    the Iranian people to flourish and to benefit. We want their economy to
    be strong so people can grow up in peace and hope. And yet they've got
    a--this Ahmadi-nejad is obviously--takes
    a different position from that and--so his policies are what's creating
    the deprivation inside Iran.
        President Sarkozy. Well, I think France's position is well known. If
    Iran gets a nuclear bomb, that is totally unacceptable. I mean, that's
    very clear. It is an unacceptable threat to world stability, especially
    when you think of the repeated statements made by the President of Iran
    right now. Anyone is entitled--including Iran--to access to civilian
    nuclear energy. We will help them to do so if they act in good faith. If
    the Iranian authorities are in good faith, then they should let
    inspections run their course. If they have nothing to hide, then they
    have nothing to hide; let's show it.
        And meanwhile, the only solution in order to persuade the Iranians
    of this is a faultless, seamless sanction system, you see? The door is
    wide open to access to civilian nuclear technology--straightaway, now.
    But as far as military nuclear energies--nuclear access is concerned,
    this is ``no'' on the part of the international community. And as the
    President just said, Vladimir Putin has, with us, sung from the same
    hymn sheet, and our position will not change. The Iranian people--which
    is a--who are great people and a major civilization--they need economic
    progress; they need growth; they deserve better than the impasse, the
    dead-end into which some of their leaders are leading them.

    European Union/Lisbon Treaty

        Q. President, good morning.
        President Sarkozy. Hold it the other way around, madam.
        Q. Well, I should actually know what--how to hold a microphone, but
    thank you. President--to you, Mr. Sarkozy, it would appear that the
    building and shaping of Europe has been seriously shaken yesterday by
    the Irish ``no.'' In fact, some have called for the ratification
    procedure to be suspended. Can this not be the case? And secondly, do
    you want your Presidency, the French Presidency to be one which, as you
    called for, continues to push Europe forward? And do you not think that
    the Irish ``no'' is going to hinder this?
        President Sarkozy. Well, it's going to make things more difficult,
    but when you're a head of state and when the bubble--

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    you take over the Presidency of the Union, if you like easy jobs, then
    you should step down straightaway.
        Now, the Irish ``no'' is a political reality. It's a fact; it's
    happened. But the issue is not whether we like or not. It's a fact; we
    have to live with it. The Irish people said what they had to say, and we
    have to accept that. Now, having said that, we, with Angela Merkel,
    believe that we have to continue with the ratification process, because
    at this stage, 18 European states have ratified the treaty. We have to
    continue doing so, and that is Gordon Brown's intention, as he explained
    to me yesterday over the telephone, so that this Irish hiccup not become
    a major crisis.
        So, despite that, let's continue to ratify. But at the same time, we
    have to put our heads together, all of us. It is no coincidence, it is
    no surprise to a certain extent--in fact, I spoke yesterday with the
    Irish Taoiseach, the Irish Prime Minister. A lot of Europeans do not
    understand how we are shaping Europe right now and building Europe, and
    we have to take account of that. And we have to do so very fast. We have
    to change our way of building Europe.
        The idea of a European construct, it was one of the most wonderful
    ideas that the founding fathers had some half a century ago. We are not
    allow--we shouldn't sabotage it. But perhaps we should do it
    differently. Europe was set up to protect, and yet it worries so many
    Europeans. We can't not take account of this. We have to do so, and we
    have to do so now. So I have every intention of taking initiatives. I'm
    thinking, for instance, of a European immigration policy. I'm thinking
    of a European response to this endless increase in oil prices. It seems
    to me that we have a duty to be more effective and look at what the
    daily lives of our citizens--fellow citizens--look like. And I take the
    Irish ``no'' as a call for us to do things differently and do things
    better.
        Now, of course, it's not going to simplify the work and the task of
    the French President--Presidency of the European Union, but----
        President Bush. Olivier [Olivier Knox, Agence France-Presse].
    Tossing a bone to somebody who's got a French name. [Laughter] Might
    want to use the mike, Olivier.

    Iraq/France-U.S. Relations

        Q. Yes, I will. Thank you, Mr. President. Merci, Monsieur President.
    First----
        President Bush. Speaks the language too. [Laughter]
        Q. Just wait. [Laughter] I'd like to ask you each a question.
        President Bush. In the great tradition of David Gregory [NBC News].
        Q. Who?
        President Bush. Yes, just trying to work him in the news here.
        Q. I'd like to ask you a question first, Mr. President. Et ensuite
    une au President de la Republique.
        Interpreter. I'm going to question the President of the Republic.
        Q. President Bush, Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki says that
    talks on a status of forces agreement are at an impasse, or a dead end--
    not dead, but in trouble. How do you break this impasse, and are the
    conditions that the United States have set forward in support so far
    nonnegotiable?

    [At this point, the reporter asked a question in French, and it was
    translated as follows.]

        Q. And to you, President, is the Franco-American relationship the
    privilege, the priority number-one relationship in the transatlantic
    context?
        President Bush. Olivier, if I were a betting man, we'll reach an
    agreement with the Iraqis. And it's--you know, of course we're there at
    their invitation; this is a sovereign nation. And therefore, we're
    working hard with the elected Government of Iraq about, you know, U.S.
    presence and coalition presence in a way that the elected Government is
    comfortable.

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        And it's interesting to be in--working with a democracy where, you
    know, people are trying to prepare the ground to get something passed
    through Parliament, for example, or the free press is vibrant. But we're
    going to work hard to accommodate their desires. It's their country.
        And at the same time, we believe that a strategic relationship with
    Iraq is important. It's important for Iraq; it's important for the
    United States; it's important for the region. And I repeat to you that
    whatever we agreed to, it will not commit future Presidents to troop
    levels, nor will it establish permanent bases.
        Anyway, we'll see how it goes. And thanks for the question in
    English. [Laughter]
        President Sarkozy. Well, the Americans and the French have had a
    privileged relationship for two centuries now. I mean, when the United
    States of America was born, France made a choice. It was not a European
    choice, because we chose to side with the Americans or the United States
    of America as opposed to Britain at the time. And in two World Wars,
    we've been together. We share the same values.
        So yes, it is a privileged relationship, but it's not privileged
    since I came to be elected; it's been privileged for two centuries now.
    You can't neglect that. Now, through this--throughout that, we have had
    ups and downs--hiccups--because two peoples--I'm talking about the
    French and the American peoples--that actually resemble one another. We
    express our feelings. The American people can be heard, and likewise for
    the French people. We have to be careful about this. We have to be
    mindful of this when we talk to one another in our relations.
        I have always seen American leaders--and thank you to President
    Bush--for accepting European originality and independence and, of
    course, French originality and independence. And I've always noted that
    we can talk very frankly when we had points of disagreement. But we have
    to do so in--as allies and as friends, and be mindful of not hurting one
    another. We can agree on an issue, on the substance of issue, but we
    don't have to say so in an unpleasant manner. It so happens that today
    we have a lot of areas of convergence. But yes, maybe on such and such
    an issue, we don't totally agree, but it doesn't in any way undermine
    the basis of what I have to say, which is that the Americans are our
    friends and our allies. They know they can count on us.
        Might I add that it seems to me that the more you trust somebody,
    the more trust there is on both sides of the Atlantic, the more leeway
    we have. We don't ask the United States to apologize to us because they
    have their own vision of their strategic interests, and they don't ask
    us to apologize for the fact that we are defending our own strategic
    interests, precisely because the relationship is a strong one; it is a
    calm one. And when a relationship is that strong, you accept one's
    divergences or differences. And that is my whole point. You've got to
    understand, if you're in a strong relationship, then you have more room
    for freedom, more room for maneuver. That's what this is all about.
        Perhaps one last question?
        President Bush. Oh. [Laughter]
        President Sarkozy. One more, last.

    Middle East Peace Process

        Q. You have set the target before leaving the White House that, by
    the end of this year, you will, hopefully, achieve an historical peace
    between the Israelis and the Palestinians. However, in light of what's
    happening to the fragile position of Ehud Olmert--Prime Minister Ehud
    Olmert and the continuous process of building illegal settlements in
    the--in eastern Jerusalem and certain parts of the occupied territories,
    do you think that peace is far away right now in light of those
    obstacles?
        President Bush. Yes. Thank you. First of all, I view the concept of
    a Palestinian state and the idea of a Palestinian state for

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    Israeli security, as well as Palestinian security and hope, as bigger
    than the political process. And I fully recognize there's a lot of
    uncertainty in the Israeli political scene now.
        On the other hand, what is not uncertain is that most people--or
    many people in Israel understand that for their own security, there has
    to be a Palestinian state with clearly defined borders, a state that
    doesn't look like Swiss cheese, a resolution of the refugee issue and
    the security issue, and of course, issues surrounding Jerusalem.
        Most Palestinians want to coexist in peace with Israel. And that
    peace must be in a state that is clearly visible, well-
    defined, and in actuality is a state. And so in other words, the
    concept--and by the way, this is newly arrived. I'm actually the first
    President ever to have articulated a two-state solution, two democracies
    living side by side with peace--in peace. And during my time as
    President, I've seen a notable shift amongst folks in the Middle East
    that recognize the importance of having that state.
        So my point to you is, is that, you know, it's been a--there's
    always difficulties in democracies, but the notion is a--of getting this
    work done is important. And therefore, our diplomacy is to remind all
    the parties involved that they have now an opportunity to get a state
    negotiated. And I think it can be done by the end of the year.
    Condi is very much involved with it on a--
    you know, a nearly weekly, it seems like, basis. And of course, I'm in
    touch with the leaders. The Palestinians are discouraged by the
    settlement activity--all the more reason to get the borders clearly
    defined as quickly as possible.
        I want to thank Nicolas and the EU, for
    example, for helping build civil society in the Palestinian Territory as
    well as helping Prime Minister Fayyad with
    security measures.
        I'll also remind you that it's essential that we get a state defined
    as quickly as possible so that leaders such as President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad can say to their people, here's an alternative vision
    to what's taking place in Gaza. You support us, and you're going to get
    a state. You support Hamas, and you're going to get Gaza. Take your
    pick.
        And therefore, there it's imperative that we, you know, convince the
    parties to get this done. Now, I know some say, ``All America has got to
    do is say, `Do it.' '' No, the way it works is, is that the parties have
    got to come to this agreement. Our job, along with the EU through the
    Quartet, is to keep the process moving.
        And so I'm optimistic. I understand how difficult it is, but
    difficulty should not cause people to do the right thing. If you believe
    in your soul something is right, then you have an obligation to work.
    And in this case, I firmly believe that the establishment of the
    Palestinian state will bring hope and peace to the Israelis and the
    Palestinians.
        Thank you.

    Note: The President's news conference began at 11:45 a.m. at Elysee
    Palace. In his remarks, he referred to Carla Bruni-Sarkozy, wife of
    President Sarkozy; Timothy J. Russert, moderator of NBC's ``Meet the
    Press,'' who died on June 13; Prime Minister Vladimir V. Putin of
    Russia, in his former capacity as President of Russia; President Mahmud
    Ahmadi-nejad of Iran; and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad and President
    Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority. President Sarkozy referred
    to President Michel Sleiman of Lebanon; Chancellor Angela Merkel of
    Germany; Prime Minister Gordon Brown of the United Kingdom; and Prime
    Minister Brian Cowen of Ireland. A reporter referred to Prime Minister
    Ehud Olmert of Israel. President Sarkozy and some reporters spoke in
    French, and their remarks were translated by an interpreter.

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