    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2008, Book I)]
    [April 1, 2008]
    [Pages 443-448]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    The President's News Conference With President Viktor
    Yushchenko of Ukraine in Kiev, Ukraine
    April 1, 2008

        President Yushchenko. Dear Mr. President, Excellencies, ladies and
    gentlemen: This is a great honor for Ukraine and Ukrainian Government to
    welcome the delegation of--chaired by the U.S. President. We just had
    one-on-one negotiations and expanded negotiations, and we can make
    general assessment of our talks. We are very pleased with the frankness
    and the atmosphere that the talks were carried out in.
        And they were about the positions of our bilateral relations, the
    visit of His Excellency President Bush--is very--[inaudible]--documents
    that were signed. And we also touched upon the issues of the
    international politics and regional politics. I also want to say that
    one of the major issues that a lot of attention was paid by us is
    Ukraine's joining the NATO Membership Action Plan.
        And once again, I wanted to prove to Mr. President and the American
    delegation that when we're speaking about the MAP, we mean political and
    security essence. The political essence of it is that this country, when
    we are speaking about the 20th century, has many times announced its
    independence, but many times this independence failed. For the last 80
    years, Ukraine has declared its independence six times, and five times
    it failed. It failed probably because there were no international
    signatures--honor our sovereignty. And very often, Ukraine looked like a
    diversified country, a parted country in an international community. And
    we are speaking here about the system of political decisions that fixed
    it right, and on the other hand, we are speaking about the security
    context.
        In my opinion, there are no alternatives for the--against the idea
    of collective security. And I believe that collective responsibility for
    security policy, or defense policy, if you may, is the best response to
    the challenges that currently exist in this society, that exist in the
    system of international coordinance.
        And we received full-fledged support from the U.S.A. in Ukraine's
    plan to join the MAP. And in the course of the Bucharest summit, I'm
    sure that we will receive a positive signal in Bucharest. And that's the
    spirit that we're going there with. And we're sure that it will be also
    an advantage for those countries who are only about to determine their
    way there. And it was very important for us to have the roadmap signed.
    It will determine, actually, our applicable action plan.
        This complex document determines the priorities of our cooperation
    in many sectors, starting from political dialogue, space exploration,
    nuclear policy, and ending with ecological and environmental issues.
        During Mr. President's visit, we signed a very important agreement,
    which is a trade and investment framework agreement. It lays the
    necessary foundation for--to start negotiations on the free trade area
    between our countries. And in my opinion, it's also--not less important
    is the framework agreement on research and use of space in peaceful
    manner. It opens new prospects for our relations. Still, the relations
    has already had good practices.

    [[Page 444]]

        And we also touched upon the energy issues and diversification of
    energy supplies. We paid attention to the energy summit that will take
    place in Kiev on the 22d, 23d of May, on the issues regarding Odessa-
    Brody EU pipeline project, in the concept of energy security, and other
    issues that will be considered in the course of the summit.
        We also spoke about the domestic political situation in Ukraine. And
    I would like to thank very much to Mr. President for this very fruitful
    and dynamic dialogue and for that open and trustful atmosphere that was
    during our dialogue. I thank you very much indeed. I really appreciate
    it.
        President Bush. Dobryi den'. Thank you all very much. I am thrilled
    to be here, as is my wife. And thank you for your
    gracious hospitality, Mr. President.
        I am proud to be sitting next to a leader who has strong convictions
    and a lot of courage. We come with a message for the people of Ukraine:
    Your sovereign nation has a friend and a solid partner in the United
    States.
        Our nations have built our friendship on the love of liberty. Our
    people believe that freedom is the gift of an Almighty to every man,
    woman, and child. And President Yushchenko and I understand that
    democracies are the best partners for peace and security in every part
    of the world. So we spent a lot of time talking about NATO.
        First, I do want to remind people that Ukraine and the NATO alliance
    have built a strong partnership. Ukraine is the only non-NATO nation
    supporting every NATO mission. In Afghanistan and Iraq, Ukrainian troops
    are helping to support young democracies. In Kosovo, Ukrainians are--
    help keep the peace.
        Ukraine now seeks to deepen its cooperation with the NATO alliance
    through a Membership Action Plan. Your nation has made a bold decision,
    and the United States strongly supports your request. In Bucharest this
    week, I will continue to make America's position clear: We support MAP
    for Ukraine and Georgia. Helping Ukraine move toward a NATO membership
    is in the interest of every member in the alliance and will help advance
    security and freedom in this region and around the world.
        We also share more than security interests; we share democratic
    values. Ukraine has demonstrated its commitment to democracy and free
    markets. You've held three elections since the Orange Revolution. Your
    commitment to open markets has allowed your economy to grow and earned
    your nation the opportunity to join the World Trade Organization.
        I know you're proud of these accomplishments, and you should be, Mr.
    President, and so should the people of Ukraine.
        We're working together to help Ukraine--Ukrainians build a better
    life. You're on the path to reform, and you can count on our continued
    support. We work together to fight corruption and support civil society
    groups and strengthen institutions of a free and prosperous economy. And
    as you mentioned, Mr. President, we're expanding our economic
    partnership through a trade and investment cooperation agreement.
        And so, Mr. President, we have a deep relationship, an important
    relationship. And I want to thank you for your friendship. Appreciate
    what you've done to advance the cause of freedom. And I look forward to
    continuing to work with you during my time as President to make sure our
    relationship endures for the years to come.
        President Yushchenko. Thank you.
        President Bush. Thank you, sir.

    North Atlantic Treaty Organization/Missile Defense System

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Do you think that Russia is applying
    undue pressure and threats to accomplish its goals at NATO on missile
    defense and stopping the Membership Action Plans of Ukraine and Georgia?

    [[Page 445]]

        And, Mr. President Yushchenko, what do you think of Moscow's
    tactics?
        President Bush. Just because there was a bunch of, you know, Soviet-
    era flags in the street yesterday doesn't--you shouldn't read anything
    into that. I--look, this is an interesting debate that's taking place.
    And it's--you know, as every nation has told me, Russia will not have a
    veto over what happens at Bucharest, and I take their word for it. And
    that's the right policy to have.
        I'm going to work as hard as I can to see to it that Ukraine and
    Georgia are accepted into MAP. I think it's in our interests as NATO
    members, and I think it's in Ukrainian and Georgian interests as well.
        And on missile defense, we'll see. I've made it abundantly clear to
    the--President Putin that the missile
    defense system is not aimed at defending against Russia. After all,
    Russia could easily overwhelm the missile defense systems that we have
    in--that we've envisioned. These systems are aimed at a nation out of
    the Middle East, for example, that could launch an attack against Europe
    and--just like our systems out in the Far East are aimed at helping
    protect ourselves from single- or dual-launch regimes.
        So obviously, we've got a lot of work to do to allay suspicions and
    old fears, but I believe we're making pretty good progress along those
    lines.
        President Yushchenko. When we're speaking about Ukrainian politics
    of joining the MAP and NATO membership, I would like to mention a couple
    basic things. First, this is not a policy against somebody. We are
    taking care of our national interest.
        Taking a look at our history, it's very rich in many tragedies for
    Ukrainian state that only the system of collective defense and
    security--international guarantees of the political sovereignty for
    Ukraine and territorial integrity will give the full response to the
    internal question in Ukraine. And I'm sure that for any Ukrainian who
    takes care of the future for Ukraine, a stable future for Ukraine, the
    issue of joining MAP is probably the most high-quality response to all
    the basic and fundamental interests of Ukraine.
        Secondly, I would like the debates that are now being carried out in
    Europe and in the world regarding Ukraine's prospects of joining the MAP
    and then after, NATO--form any new obstacle. I'm sure that we are
    going--we're taking the right track, and we are acting within the
    framework of our national sovereignty. Our nation is determined, and it
    corresponds to our political reasonability for the security of the
    state.
        I would like the basic and fundamental principle of work of the
    alliance--I mean, the open door policy would be replaced by the veto
    right by the country which is not even a member of the alliance. I'm
    sure that we're witnessing a very hot and overheated emotional
    discussion where there are few rules or even sometimes very little
    respect. But at the end of the day, the wisdom should win.
        And I want to firmly state that I'm only governed by a single issue.
    I want to bring calmness, stability, and security stability, in
    particular we--to this state. We want to be speaking about the Ukrainian
    presence in the world. We want to speak about the internal country.
    That's why only through these motives shall we want to have that
    dialogue, the talks.
        And what we have in our society--I mean, the part of the political
    forces who do not share this opinion--I think that this is all natural,
    because it's quite natural that today, like, hundreds--some hundreds of
    people and red flags were in the square. This is a remarkable because
    the Ukrainian famine was built under the same flags as the Ukrainian
    oppression. These were the flags that caused totalitarianism and
    sufferings that caused many deaths of millions of people. And I'm sure
    that the

    [[Page 446]]

    Ukrainian Communist Party may also appear one day in Ukraine that will
    be standing under the flags of the nation. But apparently we still need
    to have another Moses to bring people over the desert for 40 years, for
    those who lost national interest and forgot about it and continue living
    in the past. I don't want this personality, in person, and I just want
    to show my vision and the ideology.

    North Atlantic Treaty Organization/Ukraine

        Q. The question to President Bush: Were you able to persuade France
    and Germany to give positive answer on the Ukrainian issue? And how your
    visit is remarkable to deciding--to having that decision?
        President Bush. Thank you very much. We have been working with all
    nations in NATO for a positive outcome, because I strongly believe NATO
    membership is in--for Ukraine and Georgia is in the interest of our
    organization. And so I have personally talked to quite a few leaders.
    Secretary Rice has been talking to her
    counterparts. Mr. Hadley has been talking
    to his counterparts. And there's a lot of discussions going on. And I
    wouldn't prejudge the outcome yet. The vote will be taken in Bucharest.
        And my stop here is--should be a clear signal to everybody that I
    mean what I say, and that is, I mean that it's in our interest for
    Ukraine to join. I mean, that's--and so therefore, one should--but you
    ought to take more than my stop--more from my stop than just a--trying
    to send a signal on NATO. I firmly--well, first of all, I was impressed,
    like most Americans, by the Orange Revolution. You probably don't know
    this, but a lot of Americans were really, really touched and pleased to
    see what took place here.
        And I told the President that Ukraine is--you know, has caught the
    imagination of a lot of our fellow citizens over the last decade or so,
    and that you'll have good friends. The key, of course, is to have
    government that's open, government that's transparent, government that's
    noncorrupt, government that actually listens to the voices of the people
    as it makes laws, which is what's happening.
        But no, this is a good trip, and I'm really thrilled to be here. As
    the President said, ``It took you too long to get here,'' and I admit
    it. But nevertheless, better late than never, as they say. And I'm
    thrilled to be here, and I want to thank you for your hospitality.

    North Atlantic Treaty Organization/Missile Defense System

        Q. Thank you, Mr. President. How confident are you of resolving your
    differences over the missile shield with President Putin during your
    talks in Sochi? And also, sir, there was a growing impression that you
    are looking, perhaps, at a tradeoff in which the U.S. would soften its
    push for Membership Action Plans in NATO for Ukraine and Georgia if
    Russia acquiesces on missile defense. Could you please address that as
    well?
        President Bush. Yes, I'll be glad to address it. That is a
    misperception. I strongly believe that Ukraine and Georgia should be
    given MAP, and there's no tradeoffs--period. As a matter of fact, I told
    that to President Putin on my phone call
    with him recently. I said: ``You just got to know, I'm headed to
    Bucharest with the idea in mind of getting MAP for Ukraine and Georgia.
    And you shouldn't fear that, Mr. President. I mean, after all, NATO is a
    organization that's peaceful, or NATO is an organization that helps
    democracies flourish. Democracies are good things to have on your
    border.''
        And on the second point, on missile defense, it's in his interests
    that we participate and share information. After all, a missile from the
    Middle East can fly north just as easily as it could fly west. And the
    capacity to be able to share information and share technology to be able
    to deal with these threats is important for a lot of countries,
    including Russia.

    [[Page 447]]

        So yes, there's all kinds of rumors about things, but thank you for
    asking and giving me a chance to clarify. My position is absolutely
    solid. My position is absolutely solid. Ukraine and Georgia should be
    given MAP. Thank you.

    Missile Defense System/Russia

        Q. [Inaudible]--what are the chances, in your opinion, of achieving
    an agreement at Sochi on missile defense?
        President Bush. On Sochi, I don't know, but the chances are--
    advancing my logic is good, since I'll be there talking about it. And
    we'll see whether or not there's an agreement. But obviously, we've got
    work to do to convince the President and
    people around him that the missile defense system is not aimed at
    Russia. In other words, it's viewed as an anti-Russian device. Well,
    it's not, and therefore, it requires a lot of time, a lot of discussion.
    That's what Condi Rice and Bob Gates spent time doing when they were there in Russia,
    and that is to defuse any notions that this is aiming something at
    somebody in Europe. This is all aiming to protect people in Europe.
        Yes, I mean, the truth of the matter is, the Russian system could
    overwhelm the missile defense systems we have envisioned. I mean, these
    systems are designed to deal with, you know, limited launch
    capabilities. And they've got multiple launch capabilities. And so it's
    just--it requires a lot of work. We're dealing with a lot of history and
    a lot of suspicion throughout governments. And so the President and I will try to work through these for our
    common good. And I'm hopeful we can have some breakthroughs. We'll see.
        The other thing is, is that this will be my last chance to visit
    with him face to face, as you know, and I've worked with him for 8
    years. We've had a very interesting relationship. I like him.
    He's a person that has been a strong
    leader for Russia. And my view all along has been that it's in our
    interest--our interests, Ukrainian interests, European interests--to be
    able to have a working relationship with Russia. And I've had that. And
    this will be a chance to say, ``I appreciate being able to work
    together,'' and to be able to try to find some common interests in the
    waning days of his Presidency.

    Ukraine/North Atlantic Treaty Organization

        Q. The question to President Yushchenko: Please, Mr. President, say,
    if the positive decision is not taken in Bucharest on Ukraine, what are
    the next steps of Ukraine then?
        President Yushchenko. If not, the--I'm sure that we will win because
    the arguments that were just mentioned by Mr. President and the
    positions that Ukraine is standing with, within the framework of the
    international debate on this issue--we are every day approaching to the
    positive final result. This is a colossal international work, and I
    would like to thank you all--in your presence, I would like to thank
    President Bush for the work that's been done and that will be done in
    both public and nonpublic way.
        And we fully understand the value of the issue and its importance.
    Of course, we still have a lot of effort forward to receive a positive
    answer. I have very good belief that the position of our friends in the
    EU will play a very important role for tomorrow's decision. And I hope
    that we will be able to convince those states that still have an
    opportunity--that will have an opportunity to get more information about
    it and eliminate all the doubts.
        I--frankly speaking, I don't see any other way for Ukraine, no other
    alternative maybe--emotionally, I would like to say that for the nation,
    for the political forces, should be more devoted to this way. And the
    issue of whether Ukraine joins or not--the MAP--is not the complete
    target, the final target that we have in the Ukrainian society. And I'm
    sure that in order to avoid speculations on an international level, when
    somebody refers to the fact that the

    [[Page 448]]

    Ukrainian nation has not decided yet--I'm sorry, we have decided
    already. We're not speaking about joining NATO, we are only speaking
    about MAP.
        Why Ukraine should be deprived of that sovereign right is--there is
    a principle of open doors, which is the basic principle for NATO. Why
    can't we join MAP, and then let's have a meeting in a year or two, when
    we explain to the nation that--what the NATO mission is and what the
    collective security mission is and then how important is--a response for
    Ukraine it is and why there is no alternative answer for us. If any
    politician is troubled about this nation and is worried about this
    future, I am sure that Ukrainian nation is very wise, and it will make
    positive decision in the course of the referendum that we going to have
    regarding Ukraine to join NATO.
        I recall when, 3 years ago, we started this discussion, I think,
    from 17 percent of those who are for and who supported the alliance
    integration--a year ago, we were supported by 33 percent. During the
    last live debates, we've seen the analytics that raised up to 40
    percent. And we haven't started our work yet--I mean, the profound work.
    So this is the--quite a situation. I mean, the attention to this issue
    in the parliament for the last 2 months just made that big progress, and
    the nation started knowing better what NATO is and what its concept is.
    So I think everything will be fine.
        Thank you.

    Note: The President's news conference began at 11 a.m. in the House with
    Chimeras at the Presidential Secretariat. In his remarks, he referred to
    President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia. President Yushchenko and some
    reporters spoke in Ukrainian, and their remarks were translated by an
    interpreter.