    [Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2007, Book II)]
    [August 28, 2007]
    [Pages 1116-1124]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]

    Remarks at the American Legion National Convention in Reno, Nevada
    August 28, 2007

        Thank you all very much. Thank you all. Please be seated.
    Commander, thank you very much for the
    invitation to come. I'm honored to be here. I'm honored to represent
    Post 77 of Houston, Texas. I hope my fellow Texans behave themselves
    here in Reno. [Laughter] You won't? Okay, well--[laughter].
        I appreciate the fact that nearly every community in America has
    been enriched by the American Legion and the Women's Auxiliary. I
    appreciate the work that you do to remind our citizens about the
    blessings of America. You have the profound gratitude of the President
    and the people of this country. Thank you for your service.
        I particularly appreciate the work you do with our country's young.
    I like the fact that you have a oratorical competition that, according
    to your organization, helps Americans communicate their ideas clearly
    and effectively. Paul suggested I might want
    to sign up. [Laughter] I appreciate the fact that through Boys and Girls
    Nation, you teach young people who are interested in public service
    about how Washington really works. [Laughter] I'm not going there.
    [Laughter]
        We meet today at a critical time for our country. America is engaged
    in a great ideological struggle, fighting Islamic extremists across the
    globe. Today I want to talk to you and to the American people about a
    key aspect of the struggle: the fight for the future of the Middle East.
    I'm going to explain why defeating the extremists in this troubled
    region is essential to our Nation's security and why success in Iraq is
    vital to winning this larger ideological battle.
        I do want to thank your commander. It's
    been my pleasure to work with Paul. He's been in the White House a lot,
    along with the executive director, John Sommer. He's represented you well, and he's served with
    distinction. I thank JoAnn Cronin, the national
    president of the American Legion Auxiliary. I appreciate Bob
    Spanogle, the national adjutant of the
    American Legion.
        I want to welcome the Governor of the great State of Nevada with us
    today; Governor Jim Gibbons is with us. Mr.
    Governor, thanks for coming. The Congressman from this district is a
    fine Representative named Dean Heller. His wife
    Lynne sang the national anthem. Thank you both
    for being here today.
        I'm honored to be in the presence of those who wear our Nation's
    uniform. I thank General Charles Campbell, commanding general, U.S. Army Forces Command, for joining
    us--Major General Gale

    [[Page 1117]]

    Pollock, Acting Surgeon General of the U.S.
    Army. And for all those who wear the uniform, thank you for volunteering
    to defend this Nation in a time of peril. I'm proud to be your Commander
    in Chief.
        For nearly a century, Presidents have looked to the American Legion
    to provide an example of vision, valor, and love of country. In times of
    peace, you counseled vigilance. In times of war, you counseled resolve.
    And in every era, you have carried the well-being of our men and women
    in uniform in your prayers and in your hearts. We're grateful to your
    service.
        You have an appreciation for how special America is because you have
    defended her. You know how fragile freedom is because you have seen it
    under attack. And you know the pain of war because you have lost friends
    and family members on distant shores, including those whose fates are
    still unknown. We must not and we will not end our search until we have
    accounted for every member of our Armed Forces from every war and every
    corner of the Earth.
        I appreciate your efforts to honor the American flag. There are
    those who say the flag is just a piece of cloth. That's not the view of
    those who bled for it and saw it drape the caskets of some of our finest
    men and women. It was the American flag that we planted proudly on Iwo
    Jima, that first graced the silver surface of the Moon. The country is
    careful to protect many things because of what they symbolize. Surely we
    can find a way to show equal respect for the symbol that our soldiers
    and sailors and airmen and marines and coast guards men and women have
    risked their lives for the flag of our Nation. So today I join the
    Legion in calling on the United States Congress to make protection of
    the flag the law of our land.
        I also thank you for your strong support of our Nation's veterans.
    We share a common goal: to make sure our veterans have all the help they
    need. We have worked together to achieve that goal. The budget this year
    that I submitted is nearly $87 billion for our veterans. That's a 77-
    percent increase since I took office. It is the highest level of support
    for veterans in America's history.
        I know health care is a concern of yours, and that's why we've
    extended treatment to a million additional veterans, including hundreds
    of thousands of men and women returning from Afghanistan and Iraq. We're
    building new VA facilities in places where veterans are returning so
    more veterans can get top-quality health care closer to your home. We've
    expanded grants to help homeless veterans in all 50 States and the
    District of Columbia. My point is this: The veterans were there when we
    needed them, and this administration will be with the veterans when they
    need us.
        Perhaps the most important duty that Legion members undertake is to
    serve as living reminders that a great country has great
    responsibilities. Once again, America finds itself a nation at war. Once
    again, we're called to assume the mantle of global leadership. And once
    again, the American Legion is walking point. I thank you for your
    fervent and enthusiastic defense of our men and women in uniform as they
    take the fight to the enemy in Afghanistan, in Iraq, and across the
    world. They're the finest military on Earth, and we are right to be
    proud of them.
        Many people in this country are asking whether the fight underway
    today is worth it. This is not the first time Americans have asked that
    question. We always enter wars reluctantly, yet we have fought whenever
    dangers came. We fought when turmoil in Europe threatened to shroud the
    world in darkness. America sent its military to fight two bitter and
    bloody conflicts; we did what we had to do to get the job done. We
    fought when powers in Asia attacked our country and our allies. We sent
    Americans to restore the peace, and we did what we had to do to get the
    job done. And we responded when radicals and extremists attacked our
    homeland in the first ideological

    [[Page 1118]]

    war of the 21st century. We toppled two regimes in Afghanistan and Iraq
    that gave harbor to terrorists, defied the international community, and
    threatened the security of our Nation. And now we're working to help
    build free and secure societies in their place. And like the past, we
    will do what we have to do to get the job done.
        We've learned from history that dangers in other parts of the
    world--such as Europe and Asia--directly affect our security here at
    home. On September the 11th, 2001, we learned that there's another
    region of the world that directly threatens the security of the American
    people, and that is the Middle East. America has enduring and vital
    interests in the region. Throughout our history, the American people
    have had strong links with this region through ties of commerce and
    education and faith. Long before oil and gas were discovered in the
    Middle East, the region was a key source of trade. It is the home to
    three of the world's great religions. It remains a strategic crossroads
    for the world.
        Yet the hope and prosperity that transformed other parts of the
    world in the 20th century has bypassed too many in the Middle East. For
    too long, the world was content to ignore forms of government in this
    region in the name of stability. The result was that a generation of
    young people grew up with little hope to improve their lives, and many
    fell under the sway of violent Islamic extremism. The terrorist movement
    multiplied in strength, and bitterness that had simmered for years
    boiled into violence across the world. The cradle of civilization became
    the home of the suicide bomber. And resentments that began on the
    streets of the Middle East are now killing innocent people in train
    stations and airplanes and office buildings around the world.
        The murderers and beheaders are not the true face of Islam; they are
    the face of evil. They seek to exploit religion as a path to power and a
    means to dominate the Middle East. The violent Islamic radicalism that
    inspires them has two main strains. One is Sunni extremism, embodied by
    Al Qaida and its terrorist allies. Their organization advances a vision
    that rejects tolerance, crushes all dissent, and justifies the murder of
    innocent men, women, and children in the pursuit of political power. We
    saw this vision in the brutal rule of the Taliban in Afghanistan, where
    women were publicly whipped, men were beaten for missing prayer
    meetings, young girls could not go to school.
        These extremists hope to impose that same dark vision across the
    Middle East by raising up a violent and radical caliphate that spans
    from Spain to Indonesia. So they kill fellow Muslims in places like
    Algeria and Jordan and Egypt and Saudi Arabia in an attempt to undermine
    their Governments. And they kill Americans because they know we stand in
    their way. And that is why they attacked U.S. Embassies in Africa in
    1998 and killed sailors aboard the USS Cole in 2001 [2000].* And that is
    why they killed nearly 3,000 of--people on 9/11. And that is why they
    plot us--to attack us again. And that is why we must stay in the fight
    until the fight is won.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        *White House correction.
    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
        The other strain of radicalism in the Middle East is Shi'a
    extremism, supported and embodied by the regime that sits in Tehran.
    Iran has long been a source of trouble in the region. It is the world's
    leading state sponsor of terrorism. Iran backs Hizballah, who are trying
    to undermine the democratic Government of Lebanon. Iran funds terrorist
    groups like Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which murder the
    innocent and target Israel and destabilize the Palestinian Territories.
    Iran is sending arms to the Taliban in Afghanistan, which could be used
    to attack American and NATO troops. Iran has arrested visiting American
    scholars, who have committed no crimes and pose no threat to their
    regime. And Iran's active pursuit of technology that could lead to
    nuclear weapons threatens to put a region already known for instability

    [[Page 1119]]

    and violence under the shadow of a nuclear holocaust.
        Iran's actions threaten the security of nations everywhere. And that
    is why the United States is rallying friends and allies around the world
    to isolate the regime, to impose economic sanctions. We will confront
    this danger, before it is too late.
        I want our fellow citizens to consider what would happen if these
    forces of radicalism and extremism are allowed to drive us out of the
    Middle East. The region would be dramatically transformed in a way that
    could imperil the civilized world. Extremists of all strains would be
    emboldened by the knowledge that they forced America to retreat.
    Terrorists could have more safe havens to conduct attacks on Americans
    and our friends and allies. Iran could conclude that we were weak and
    could not stop them from gaining nuclear weapons. And once Iran had
    nuclear weapons, it would set off a nuclear arms race in the region.
        Extremists would control a key part of the world's energy supply,
    could blackmail and sabotage the global economy. They could use billions
    of dollars of oil revenues to buy weapons and pursue their deadly
    ambitions. Our allies in the region would be under greater siege by the
    enemies of freedom. Early movements toward democracy in the region would
    be violently reversed. This scenario would be a disaster for the people
    of the Middle East, a danger to our friends and allies, and a direct
    threat to American peace and security. This is what the extremists plan.
    For the sake of our own security, we'll pursue our enemies, we'll
    persevere, and we will prevail.
        In the short term, we're using all elements of American power to
    protect the American people by taking the fight to the enemy. Our troops
    are carrying out operations day by day to bring the terrorists to
    justice. We're keeping the pressure on them. We're forcing them to move.
    Our law enforcement and intelligence professionals are working to cut
    off terrorist financing and disrupt their networks. Our diplomats are
    rallying our friends and allies throughout the region to share
    intelligence and to tighten security and to rout out the extremists
    hiding in their midst. Every day we work to protect the American people.
    Our strategy is this: We will fight them over there so we do not have to
    face them in the United States of America.
        In the long term, we are advancing freedom and liberty as the
    alternative to the ideologies of hatred and repression. We seek a Middle
    East of secure, democratic states that are at peace with one another,
    that are participating in the global markets, and that are partners in
    this fight against the extremists and radicals. We seek to dry up the
    stream of recruits for Al Qaida and other extremists by helping nations
    offer their people a path to a more hopeful future. We seek an Iran
    whose Government is accountable to its people instead of to leaders who
    promote terror and pursue the technology that could be used to develop
    nuclear weapons. We seek to advance a two-state solution for the
    Israelis and Palestinians so they can live side by side in peace and
    security. We seek justice and dignity and human rights for all the
    people of the Middle East.
        Achieving this future requires hard work, strategic patience over
    many years, yet our security depends on it. We have done this kind of
    work before in Europe. We have done this kind of work before in Japan.
    We have done this kind of work before, and it can be done again.
        The future course of the Middle East will turn heavily on the
    outcome of the fight in Iraq. Iraq is at the heart of the Middle East.
    And the two dangerous strains of extremism vying for control of the
    Middle East have now closed in on this country in an effort to bring
    down the young democracy.
        In Iraq, Sunni extremists led by Al Qaida are staging sensational
    attacks on innocent men, women, and children in attempt to stoke
    sectarian violence. Their operatives

    [[Page 1120]]

    have assassinated those seeking to build a new future for the Iraqi
    people. Their targets include everyone they consider infidels, including
    Christians and Jews and Yazidis and Shi'a and even fellow Sunnis who do
    not share their radical distortion of Islam. Their ranks include foreign
    fighters who travel to Iraq through Syria. Their operations seek to
    create images of chaos and carnage to break the will of the American
    people. These killers don't understand our country. America does not
    give in to thugs and assassins, and America will not abandon Iraq in its
    hour of need.
        Shi'a extremists backed by Iran are training Iraqis to carry out
    attacks on our forces and the Iraqi people. Members of the Qods Force of
    Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps are supplying extremist groups
    with funding and weapons, including sophisticated IEDs. And with the
    assistance of Hizballah, they've provided training for these violent
    forces inside of Iraq. Recently, coalition forces seized 240-millimeter
    rockets that had been manufactured in Iran this year that had been
    provided to Iraqi extremist groups by Iranian agents. The attacks on our
    bases and our troops by Iranian-supplied munitions have increased in the
    last few months, despite pledges by Iran to help stabilize the security
    situation in Iraq.
        Some say Iran's leaders are not aware of what members of their own
    regime are doing. Others say Iran's leaders are actively seeking to
    provoke the West. Either way, they cannot escape responsibility for
    aiding attacks against coalition forces and the murder of innocent
    Iraqis. The Iranian regime must halt these actions. And until it does, I
    will take actions necessary to protect our troops. I have authorized our
    military commanders in Iraq to confront Tehran's murderous activities.
        For all those who ask whether the fight in Iraq is worth it, imagine
    an Iraq where militia groups backed by Iran control large parts of the
    country. Imagine an Iraq where Al Qaida has established sanctuaries to
    safely plot future attacks on targets all over the world, including
    America. We've seen what these enemies will do when American forces are
    actively engaged in Iraq. And we can envision what they would do if we--
    if they were emboldened by American forces in retreat.
        The challenge in Iraq comes down to this: Either the forces of
    extremism succeed or the forces of freedom succeed; either our enemies
    advance their interests in Iraq or we advance our interests. The most
    important and immediate way to counter the ambitions of Al Qaida and
    Iran and other forces of instability and terror is to win the fight in
    Iraq.
        Together, our coalition has achieved great things in Iraq. We
    toppled one of the world's most brutal and dangerous dictators. This
    world is better off without Saddam Hussein in power. The Iraqi people
    held three national elections, choosing a transitional government,
    adopting the most progressive and democratic Constitution in the Arab
    world, and then electing a Government under that Constitution. Despite
    endless threats from the car bombers and assassins, nearly 12 million
    Iraqi citizens came out to vote in a show of hope and solidarity that we
    should never forget.
        In 2006, a thinking enemy struck back. The extremists provoked a
    level of sectarian violence that threatened to unravel the democratic
    gains the Iraqi people had made. Momentum was shifting to the
    extremists. The Iraqi people saw that their Government could not protect
    them or deliver basic services. Many Shi'a turned to militias for
    security. Many Sunnis did not see a place for them in the new Iraq.
    Baghdad was descending into chaos. And one of our military intelligence
    analysts wrote that Anbar Province--Al Qaida's base in Iraq--was lost to
    the enemy.
        Given the stakes in Iraq, given the fact that what happens in Iraq
    matters in the United States, it became clear that we needed to adjust
    our approach to address these changes on the ground. So in January,

    [[Page 1121]]

    I laid out a new strategy. This strategy was designed to help bring
    security to the Iraqi population, especially in Baghdad. It was designed
    to help clear the terrorists out of Iraqi cities and communities so that
    local governments could retake control, resume basic services, and help
    revive businesses in their communities. It was designed to give the
    Iraqi security forces time to grow in size and capability so that they
    can ultimately bring security to their country. It was designed to
    provide a secure environment in which national reconciliation could take
    place. And it was designed to encourage more members of the
    international community to recognize their interests in a free and
    democratic Iraq and to do more to make that possible.
        The central objective of this strategy was to aid the rise of an
    Iraqi Government that can protect its people, deliver basic services,
    and be an ally in this war on terror. And we understood that none of
    these goals could be met until the Iraqi people feel safer in their own
    homes and neighborhoods.
        To carry out this new strategy, I sent reinforcements to Baghdad and
    Anbar Province. I put a new commander in place, General David
    Petraeus, an expert on counterinsurgency.
    Those reinforcements have been fully operational for just over 2 months,
    yet there are unmistakable signs that our strategy is achieving the
    objectives we set out. Our new strategy is showing results in terms of
    security.
        Our forces are in the fight all over Iraq. Since January, each month
    we have captured or killed an average of more than 1,500 Al Qaida
    terrorists and other enemies of Iraq's elected Government. Al Qaida is
    being displaced from former strongholds in Baghdad and Anbar and Diyala
    Provinces. We've conducted operations against Iranian agents supplying
    lethal munitions to extremist groups. We've targeted Shi'a death squads
    and their supply networks. The Prime Minister of Iraq, Prime Minister Maliki, has courageously committed to pursue
    the forces of evil and destruction. Sectarian violence has sharply
    decreased in Baghdad. The momentum is now on our side. The surge is
    seizing the initiative from the enemy and handing it to the Iraqi
    people.
        Our new strategy is also showing results in places where it matters
    most, the cities and neighborhoods where ordinary Iraqis live. In these
    areas, Iraqis are increasingly reaching accommodations with each other,
    with the coalition, and with the Government in Baghdad. This
    reconciliation is coming from the bottom up. It's having an impact in
    the fight against the enemy, and it's building a solid foundation for a
    democratic Iraq.
        In Anbar, the Province that had been thought to be lost to the enemy
    is increasingly becoming more peaceful because members of local Sunnis
    are turning against Al Qaida. They're sick and tired of the dark vision
    of these murderers. Local sheikhs have joined the American forces to
    drive the terrorists out of the capital city of Ramadi and elsewhere.
    Residents are providing critical intelligence, and tribesmen have joined
    the Iraqi police and security forces.
        People want to live in peace. Mothers want to raise their children
    in a peaceful environment. The local Iraqis, given a chance, are turning
    against these murderers and extremists.
        Many Iraqis who once felt marginalized in a free Iraq are rejoining
    the political process, and now it's the enemy of a free Iraq that is
    being left on the margins. Last month, Provincial officials reopened
    parts of the war-damaged government center with the help of one of our
    Provincial Reconstruction Teams. Listen, similar scenes are taking place
    all across Anbar, the Province once thought lost. Virtually every city
    and every town in the Province now has a mayor and a municipal council.
    Local officials are forming ties with the central Government in Baghdad
    because these

    [[Page 1122]]

    Sunni leaders now see a role for their people in a new Iraq. And in an
    encouraging sign, the central Government is beginning to respond with
    funding for vital services and reconstruction and increased security
    forces.
        In other Provinces, there are also signs of this kind of bottom-up
    progress. In Diyala Province, the city of Baqubah reopened six banks,
    providing residents with capital for the local economy. In Ninawa
    Province, local officials have established a commission to investigate
    corruption, with a local judge empowered to pursue charges of fraud and
    racketeering. These are signs that our strategy to encourage political
    cooperation at the grassroots level is working. And over time, see--and
    over time, as the Iraqis take control over their lives at the local
    level, they will demand more action from their national leaders in
    Baghdad. That's how democracy works. And that's why the encouraging
    developments at the local level are so important for Iraq's future.
        At the moment, our new strategy is showing fewer results at the
    national level. Iraq is overcoming decades of tyranny and deprivation,
    which left scars on Iraq's people and their psyche. The serious
    sectarian violence of 2006 and early 2007 further tore at the fabric of
    Iraqi society, increasing distrust between Iraq's ethnic and religious
    communities. In the midst of the security challenges, Iraq's leaders are
    being asked to resolve political issues as complex and emotional as the
    struggle for civil rights in our own country. So it's no wonder that
    progress is halting and people are often frustrated. The result is that
    it has been harder for--than anticipated for Iraqis to meet the
    legislative benchmarks on which we have all been focused.
        In my weekly consultations with Ambassador Crocker, we discuss these challenges. We also discuss the signs of
    hope. We're encouraged by the agreement reached Sunday night by the top
    leaders in Iraq's Government. They agreed on several draft pieces of
    legislation that are at the core of national reconciliation and are
    among the benchmarks identified by the United States Congress. For
    example, the draft law on de-Ba'athification reform addresses the
    question of how Iraqis will deal with their past. The draft legislation
    on Provincial powers tackles how Iraqis will map out their future. These
    measures still have to be passed by the Iraqi parliament. Yet the
    agreement shows that Iraq's leaders can put aside their differences,
    they can sit down together, and they can work out tough issues central
    to the fate of their country.
        The agreement by Iraq's leaders was significant for another reason.
    It thanks coalition--it thanks the coalition for our sacrifices and
    recognizes the importance of maintaining a coalition presence in Iraq.
    It also calls for the development of a long-term relationship with the
    United States. I welcome this invitation. I've committed our Government
    to negotiating such a partnership soon. This long-term relationship need
    not require the level of engagement that we have in Iraq today, but it
    can serve the common interests of both Iraq and the United States to
    combat terrorism and to help bring stability to an important country and
    region.
        Iraq's Government still has more work to do to meet many of its
    legislative benchmarks. Yet it's also important to note that many of the
    goals behind these benchmarks are being achieved without legislation.
    Here's an example. Now, we believed that an equitable sharing of oil
    revenues would require the Iraqi parliament to pass an oil sharing law.
    In fact, the national Government is already sharing oil revenues with
    the Provinces, despite the fact that no formal law has been passed.
    Iraq's Government is making gains in other important areas. Electricity
    production is improving. The parliament has passed about 60 pieces of
    legislation, including a $41-billion budget. Despite the slow progress
    in the Iraqi parliament--here's the evidence--Iraq as a whole is moving
    forward.

    [[Page 1123]]

        Our strategy is also showing results at the international level. The
    United Nations and Iraq, with support from the International Monetary
    Fund, the World Bank, and nations from around the globe, have finalized
    an International Compact for Iraq that will bring new economic
    assistance and debt relief in exchange for aggressive economic reforms.
    So far, the Iraqis have made significant progress in meeting the IMF's
    economic benchmarks. The Iraqis have convened a Neighbors Conference
    that's bringing together nations in the region. The goal is to help the
    Iraqis through specific security and economic and diplomatic
    cooperation.
        As part of these diplomatic initiatives, Prime Minister
    Maliki has met with counterparts in
    Turkey, Syria, and Iran to urge the support
    for his nation. Saudi Arabia is looking to open a new Embassy in
    Baghdad. The United Nations Security Council has decided to expand its
    mission in Iraq and is seeking to help with local elections and
    reconciliation. The United Nations will soon name a new, high-ranking
    envoy to Iraq to coordinate the U.N.'s expanded effort to that country.
    Here's what I'm telling you: The international community increasingly
    understands the importance of a free Iraq. They understand a free Iraq
    is important for world peace. And that is why we'll continue to rally
    the world for this noble and necessary cause.
        All these developments are hopeful--they're hopeful for Iraq, and
    they're hopeful for the Middle East, and they're hopeful for peace. In 2
    weeks, General Petraeus and Ambassador
    Crocker will return to Washington to deliver
    an interim assessment of the situation on the ground and the prospects
    for the future. This status report comes in less than 3 months after the
    surge became fully operational. It will likely assess what's going well
    in Iraq and what needs to be improved and what changes we need to make
    in our strategy and force deployments in the months ahead. Congress
    asked for this assessment. Congress should listen to it in its entirety.
    And I ask Members of the Congress to withhold any conclusions until they
    can hear these men out.
        Unfortunately, some who had complained about a lack of security in
    Iraq are now attempting to change the terms of the debate. Their
    argument used to be that security was bad, so the surge has failed. Now
    their argument seems to be, security is better, so the surge has failed.
    They disregard the political advances on the local level and instead
    change--charge that the slow pace of legislative progress on the
    national level proves our strategy has not worked. This argument gets it
    backwards. Improving security is the precondition for making gains in
    other areas.
        Senator Joe Lieberman puts it this
    way: ``While it is true there is no pure `military' solution to the
    violence in Iraq, it is worth remembering that neither is there any pure
    `political' solution.'' Security progress must come first. And only then
    can political progress follow, first locally and then in Baghdad. So
    it's going to take time for the recent progress we have seen in security
    to translate into political progress. In short, it makes no sense to
    respond to military progress by claiming that we have failed because
    Iraq's parliament has yet to pass every law it said it would.
        The American people know how difficult democracy can be. Our own
    country has an advanced and sophisticated political system in place. Yet
    even we can't pass a budget on time, and we've had 200 years of
    practice. Prime Minister Maliki and other
    Iraqi leaders are dealing with the issues far more controversial and
    complicated, and they are trying to do it all at once, after decades of
    a brutal dictatorship. Iraq's leaders aren't perfect, but they were
    elected by their people. They want what we want: a free Iraq that fights
    terrorists instead of harboring them. And leaders in Washington need to
    look for ways to help our Iraqi allies succeed, not excuses for
    abandoning them.

    [[Page 1124]]

        The challenge is before us--the challenge before us is hard, but
    America can meet it. And the conflict has come at a cost, on behalf of a
    cause that is right and essential to the American people. It's a noble
    cause. It is a just cause. It is a necessary cause. I wouldn't have
    asked the young men and women of our military to go in harm's way if I
    didn't think success in Iraq was necessary for the security of the
    United States of America. I know it can be difficult to see sometimes,
    but what happens on the streets of Baghdad and in the neighborhoods of
    Anbar has a direct impact on the safety of Americans here at home. And
    that is why we're in this fight, and that's why we'll stay in the fight,
    and that is why we're going to win this fight.
        One of the great blessings of this country is that our men and women
    in uniform understand it. One of those young men was Specialist First
    Class Steven Davis of Fayetteville, North Carolina. Steven came from a
    proud military family. His father and grandfather
    were veterans. His younger brother, his
    mother, and her father were
    all stationed with him in Iraq.
        When Steven was killed by an insurgent grenade on the Fourth of
    July, their hearts were broken. And yet somehow this remarkable family
    found a way to put aside their grief and continue to serve our country.
    Steven's mother said that Steven was proud of
    what they were doing in Iraq, so 6 days after the funeral, she went back
    on duty as a medic. His father, Buck, a gulf war
    veteran, says he wants to go to Iraq today. This family represents the
    best of the American spirit, a spirit that shows we have the grit and
    the will to defend the American people.
        One day years from now, another President will be in a room like
    this. That President will look out upon a sea of caps worn by those who
    show a quiet pride in their service. Some in that audience will include
    people who won the fight against fascism and nazism and communism.
    You'll be joined by younger veterans who have fought in places like
    Kandahar and Ramadi. And just like you, the new generation of veterans
    will be able to say proudly they held fast against determined and
    ruthless enemies, helped salvage an entire region from tyranny and
    terror, and made a safer world for the American people.
        To those future members of the American Legion and to all of you, I
    offer the gratitude of our Nation, and I offer my prayers for a future
    of peace. Thank you. And may God bless America.

    Note: The President spoke at 10:14 a.m. at the Reno-Sparks Convention
    Center. In his remarks, he referred to Paul A. Morin, national
    commander, American Legion; Gen. David H. Petraeus, USA, commanding
    general, Multi-National Force--Iraq; Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan
    of Turkey; President Bashar al-Asad of Syria; and President Mahmud
    Ahmadi-nejad of Iran.