[Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George W. Bush (2007, Book I)]
[March 6, 2007]
[Pages 237-244]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office www.gpo.gov]



Remarks to the American Legion
March 6, 2007

    Thank you very much, Paul, for that warm 
welcome. I appreciate the fact that you've given me a chance to come and 
address you. I welcome you to our Nation's Capital. I offer a special 
greeting to members of Post 77 from Houston, Texas. [Laughter] If you're 
here, my advice is, behave yourself. [Laughter] What happens in 
Washington stays in Washington. [Laughter]
    People who know something about the Legion understand firsthand how 
much this organization does for our men and women in uniform, for those 
who have been wounded on the field of battle, and for their remarkable 
families. Our Nation has been able to call upon the Legion in times of 
promise and peril, and our Nation is grateful for your service.
    I thank--not only do I thank your commander, I thank Earl Ruttkofsky. I 
appreciate Beverly, his wife, and JoAnn 
Cronin, who happens to be the president of the 
American Legion Auxiliary. She gets her hair done at the same place my 
mother does. [Laughter] Like, if you're 
listening, Mom, that's a compliment. [Laughter]
    I appreciate so very much Secretary Jim Nicholson, who's in my Cabinet, Department of Veterans Affairs--
Mr. Secretary. I want to thank the Members of the Congress who have 
joined us, starting with Senator Jim Bunning, Senator Orrin Hatch, and 
Senator Lindsey Graham. I'm honored you 
three men are here. Thanks for your time. And I thank you for your 
articulate defense for the support of our troops. I appreciate so very 
much Congressman Jim Saxton from New 
Jersey, Mike Pence from Indiana, and Joe 
Wilson from South Carolina. 
Welcome, and thank you for coming.
    Since its founding in the aftermath of World War I, the American 
Legion has assumed a sacred obligation: to preserve the traditions of 
our great democracy and to watch over those charged with its defense. In 
every war and in every era, our country's veterans have kept faith with 
the American people. And it's the obligation of the Government to keep 
faith with our veterans.
    The support of our veterans has been a high priority in my 
administration. This year I've asked Congress for more than $86 billion 
for veterans' services. And if Congress approves my request, this would 
amount to a 77-percent increase of the budget since I took office; it 
would be the highest level of support for our veterans in American 
history.
    We share with your concern about making sure our vets have good 
health care. I've talked to your commanders past, and suspect I'll be 
talking to your commanders future--[laughter]--about making sure that 
our veterans have got good, decent, quality health care. Since 2001, 
we've helped over 1 million more veterans--we've added a million 
veterans--take advantage of the VA health care system.
    The 2008 budget proposal will increase the VA health care budget by 
83 percent since I took office. The Department of Defense's health care 
budget has grown from 19 billion to 38 billion. And that's an important 
commitment, and I look forward to working with Congress to say to our 
veterans: We care about you.
    Money is one thing, delivery of services is another. I know I 
share--[applause]--listen, I am as concerned as you are about the 
conditions at Walter Reed Army Medical Center. My decisions have put our 
kids in harm's way, and I'm concerned about the fact that when they come 
back, they don't get the full treatment they deserve. Many people 
working at Walter Reed are fine people. If you've been out there, you 
know what I'm talking about. They're dedicated, honorable healers who 
care deeply about our soldiers. Fine doctors, nurses,

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and therapists work day and night to help the wounded. Yet some of our 
troops at Walter Reed have experienced bureaucratic delays and living 
conditions that are less than they deserve. It's unacceptable to me, 
it's unacceptable to you, it's unacceptable to our country, and it's not 
going to continue.
    I recently asked Secretary of Defense Bob Gates to assess the situation at Walter Reed firsthand and 
report back to me. He confirmed that there are problems, real problems. 
He has taken action to address those problems and hold people to 
account, including relieving the general 
in charge of the facility and accepting the resignation of the Secretary 
of the Army.
    As we work to improve conditions at Walter Reed, we are also taking 
steps to find out whether similar problems exist at other military and 
veterans hospitals. The best way to do so in a constructive way, in a 
way that will bring forth the truth, is to create a bipartisan 
Presidential Commission. I've asked two distinguished public servants to 
lead the Commission, and they have accepted: Senator Bob Dole and former Secretary of Health and Human Services 
Donna Shalala.
    The Commission will conduct a comprehensive review of the care 
America is providing our wounded service men and women returning from 
the battlefield. This review will examine their treatment from the time 
they leave the battlefield through their return to civilian life as 
veterans, so we can ensure that we're meeting the physical and mental 
health needs of all. As this Commission begins its work and considers 
its recommendations, I have also directed the Secretary of Veterans 
Affairs to lead a Task Force composed of 
seven members of my Cabinet to focus and respond to immediate needs.
    We have an obligation--we have a moral obligation to provide the 
best possible care and treatment to the men and women who have served 
our country. They deserve it, and they're going to get it.
    My administration appreciates your strong support of the flag. The 
flag is emblazoned on the uniforms of brave men and women who serve our 
country. It is draped on the coffins of those who fall on the field of 
battle. It is a symbol of a noble nation and of a higher calling. I join 
with you and the elected legislatures of all 50 States in urging 
Congress to provide the flag with the constitutional protection it 
deserves.
    My administration also shares your determination to keep faith with 
our prisoners of war and those missing in action. We cannot rest and 
must not rest until we have accounted for every member of our Armed 
Forces, from every war and every corner of the globe.
    American Legion halls have been mainstays of our communities and 
neighborhoods for generations. You have taught millions of young people 
the importance of good citizenship and the values of ``God and 
country.'' And I appreciate these valuable lessons in America. I saw 
them firsthand when I was the Governor of Texas. After all, you sponsor 
Boys State and Girls State. They're great programs. I found it very 
interesting how the executive director describes the programs. He says, 
quote, ``The programs don't''--the programs, quote--the program, quote, 
``does not emphasize''--he has a little trouble with the English--
[laughter]--and so do I--[laughter]--describes this as an initiative 
that, quote, ``does not emphasize classroom and textbook learning.'' 
That's my kind of program. [Laughter]
    Your example of service offers invaluable lessons for future 
generations. In times of peace, you counsel vigilance. In times of war, 
you counsel resolve. More than 5 years have passed since the attacks of 
September the 11th, 2001, and we find ourselves debating the causes of 
this conflict and the course we have followed. Yet even among our 
differences, there are a few questions that surely have been settled. 
One is that September the 11th was not only a crime

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but an act of war--a war waged by fanatics who believe it is their duty 
to kill Americans and impose their hateful ideology as far as they can 
spread it.
    Since 9/11, they have continued to try to attack us here at home. 
They're relentless, and they're determined. We stopped an Al Qaida plot 
to fly a hijacked airplane into the tallest building on the west coast. 
We stopped a Southeast Asian terror cell grooming operatives for attacks 
inside the United States. We stopped an Al Qaida cell developing anthrax 
to be used in attacks against America. For each life saved, we owe a 
debt of gratitude to our military and intelligence and law enforcement 
personnel who devote their lives to finding the terrorists and stopping 
and protect--stopping them and protecting the American people.
    Our most solemn duty is to protect you. The most solemn duty of this 
Government is to protect the American people from further harm, and the 
best way to do so is to stay on the offense. So we pursued the enemy 
aggressively around the world--degrading their ability to organize and 
coordinate new attacks here at home. In the wake of 9/11, Americans made 
a choice: Instead of waiting for the enemy to strike on their terms, we 
would fight the enemy on our terms.
    And we fight this war on many fronts. In Afghanistan and Iraq, we 
removed two of the world's most brutal regimes. And now we are 
undertaking the complex work of helping the people of these two 
countries establish functioning democracies that can protect their own 
people and be allies in this global war on terror. Sometimes we lose 
sight of the importance of this work in the midst of heated debates, and 
this is especially true when it comes to Iraq. The fight in Iraq is more 
than a conflict in one country, it is part of a larger struggle against 
extremism that is unfolding across the broader Middle East. The 
extremists are fighting to take control of Iraq so they can establish it 
as a base from which to overthrow moderate governments in the region and 
plan new attacks on the American people. If we fail in Iraq, the enemy 
will follow us home. Their success in Iraq would bring danger to 
America, and that is why America must prevail in Iraq.
    I appreciate your strong support for those who have volunteered to 
wear our uniform. Thousands of courageous men and women have stepped 
forward to protect us. And they're not alone. Since this war began, 
nearly 120,000 Iraqis have volunteered to serve in their army. More than 
8,000 Iraqis in uniform have died in the defense of their new nation. 
Recently in Anbar Province, where Al Qaida terrorists have gathered, 
1,000 Sunnis volunteered for the police force in a period of 2 weeks. 
Last month in Hillah, an Iraqi police officer threw himself onto a 
suicide bomber, a final, heroic act that saved an untold number of 
Iraqis gathered outside a local mosque.
    Every month, Iraqis risk reprisals from the terrorists and 
extremists to provide thousands of tips to coalition and Iraqi 
authorities. One recent tip from an Iraqi led to the discovery of a 
factory where insurgents developed sophisticated roadside bombs to kill 
our troops. With these acts of bravery, the Iraqis are standing up for 
the democratic future that 12 million of them voted for. The vast 
majority of Iraq's citizens want to live in peace, and they're showing 
their courage every day. And the United States of America will not 
abandon them in their hour of need.
    To reach our goals and to prevail, we must recognize that the nature 
of the war in Iraq has changed. In 2005, the terrorists tried and failed 
to stop the Iraqi people as they held three national elections. They 
chose a transitional government, as they adopted the most progressive, 
democratic Constitution in the Arab world, and then they elected a 
Government under that Constitution.
    So a thinking enemy adjusted their tactics, and in 2006, they 
struck. Last February, Al Qaida and other Sunni extremists

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blew up the Golden Mosque of Samarra. This atrocity was designed to 
provoke retaliation from the Iraqi Shi'a, and it succeeded. Radical 
Shi'a elements, some of whom receive support from Iran, formed death 
squads. And the result was a tragic escalation of sectarian rage and 
reprisal.
    This changed the nature of the conflict in Iraq. We still faced the 
threat from Al Qaida, but the sectarian violence was getting out of hand 
and threatened to destroy this young democracy before it had a chance to 
succeed. So last fall, I ordered my national security team to conduct a 
comprehensive review of our strategy in Iraq. We devised an approach 
that is markedly different from previous efforts. This approach demands 
more from Iraq's elected Government, makes bringing security to Baghdad 
our top priority, and gives our troops the reinforcements they need to 
carry out their missions. And to carry out this strategy, I put in place 
a highly regarded commander, an expert on counterinsurgency, General 
David Petraeus.
    General Petraeus's mission is to help 
Iraq's leaders implement the plan that they developed to secure Baghdad. 
Today, they can't do this on their own, so I have ordered reinforcements 
of more than 20,000 additional combat soldiers and marines to Iraq. The 
majority will go to Baghdad, where they will help Iraqi forces to clear 
and secure neighborhoods, and where they will partner with Iraqi units. 
The Iraqis in the lead, our forces will help secure the city by chasing 
down the terrorists and insurgents and murderers and roaming death 
squads.
    We're fixing one of the major problems with our previous approach in 
Baghdad. In the past, our forces would help Iraqis clear out 
neighborhoods during the day and then go back to their bases at night, 
and often the enemy returned as soon as American forces left. This time, 
we will hold the neighborhoods we have cleared by establishing over 30 
joint security stations throughout Baghdad. These will be neighborhood 
outposts where Iraqi forces, with U.S. help, will be deployed 24 hours a 
day to secure the population, provide emergency aid to the communities, 
and gather information to rout out extremist networks throughout the 
capital. At the same time, our forces will continue to train Iraqi Army 
and Police, so that we can help ensure that the Iraqi forces left behind 
are capable of providing security that Baghdad needs.
    It's too early to judge the success of this operation. General 
Petraeus recently arrived in the Iraqi 
capital. The plan he is executing is in its early stages. This strategy 
is going to take time, and we can expect Al Qaida and other extremists 
to try to derail the strategy by launching spectacular attacks.
    Yet even at this early hour, there are some encouraging signs. The 
Iraqi Government has completed the deployment of three additional Iraqi 
Army brigades to the capital. They said they were going to employ three 
brigades, and they did. Iraq's leaders have lifted restrictions on Iraqi 
and coalition forces that prevented them from going into certain areas. 
Already, about half of the joint security stations have been established 
in neighborhoods across Baghdad. Iraqi and U.S. forces have rounded up 
more than 700 people affiliated with Shi'a extremists. They have 
recovered large weapons caches, including mortar weapons systems and 
rocket-propelled grenades.
    Iraqi and American forces have also launched successful operations 
against the Sunni extremists. U.S. and Iraqi forces recently killed Al 
Qaida terrorists in Baghdad who were responsible for some of those bomb 
attacks that you're seeing on your TV screens. And in the past 2 weeks, 
U.S. and Iraqi forces have also uncovered large stockpiles of 
explosively formed projectiles, or EFPs, which are used by extremist 
groups to attack our troops. Iraqi and U.S. forces are making gradual 
but important progress almost every day, and we will remain steadfast 
until our objectives are achieved.

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    In addition to the steps they are taking to secure their capital, 
Iraq's leaders are also taking steps to achieve political 
reconciliation, reconciliation that is necessary after years of brutal 
tyranny. They have committed themselves to a series of benchmarks to 
advance this reconciliation: to share oil revenues amongst all Iraq's 
citizens, to put the wealth of Iraq into rebuilding of Iraq, to allow 
more Iraqis to reenter their nation's civic life, to hold local 
elections, and to take responsibility for security in every Iraqi 
Province.
    Iraqis have already begun to deliver on some of these promises. For 
example, Iraq's Council of Ministers recently agreed on legislation they 
will submit to their Parliament on the development of Iraq's oil 
resources and the sharing of revenues. Last month, the Iraqi Government 
approved a budget that includes $10 billion for reconstruction and 
capital investment. These are encouraging signs, and now Iraq's leaders 
must meet the other pledges they have made.
    To succeed, Iraq's leaders also need the help of the international 
community. So the United States supports the Iraqi Government as it 
pursues an international initiative to build diplomatic, economic, and 
security support for its young democracy. Last week, the Iraqis 
announced that they will hold a conference in Baghdad that will include 
officials from Iraq's neighboring countries, as well as the permanent 
members of the U.N. Security Council, the Arab League, and the 
Organization of Islamic Conference.
    It's going to be followed next month by a second conference that 
includes Secretary Rice and her 
counterparts from around the world. These meetings will be an important 
test. They'll be a test of whether Iran and Syria are truly interested 
in being constructive forces in Iraq. It will be a test for the 
international community to express its support for this young democracy, 
to support a nation that will be at peace with its neighbors.
    Diplomacy is going to play an important part of securing Iraq's 
future. Yet diplomacy will fail without a robust military strategy. The 
goal of the enemies in Iraq is power, and they're willing to kill 
themselves and innocent men, women, and children to achieve that goal. 
People like these can't be satisfied by negotiations or diplomatic 
concessions. Our strategy recognizes the hard truth. So we're going to 
continue to pursue our enemies in Iraq relentlessly, and at the same 
time, we'll work with moderate forces to achieve reconciliation between 
sectarian factions.
    Here in Washington, we have important decisions on Iraq ahead of us. 
And the most pivotal question is whether the United States Congress will 
stand behind General Petraeus and our 
troops as they work to secure Baghdad. General Petraeus has my 
confidence, and he also has the confidence of the United States Senate. 
In fact, he was recently confirmed to his post without one single vote 
against him. Yet almost immediately, the House passed a resolution that 
disapproved of his strategy for success in Iraq. I know you find that 
puzzling--[laughter]--you're not the only one. [Laughter] This may be 
the first time in the history of the United States Congress that voted 
to send a new commander into battle and then voted to oppose the plan he 
said was critical in winning that battle. [Laughter]
    Members of Congress have every right to express their opinion. They 
have every right. They also have a responsibility to fund our war 
fighters. Some in Congress have called for cutting off funds for our 
troops, only to find opposition from their colleagues on Capitol Hill. 
Now others in Congress are planning to use an emergency war spending 
bill that will provide funds for the war on terror as an opportunity to 
add on billions of dollars for unrelated domestic programs. Tacking 
extra domestic spending to an emergency war spending bill only will 
complicate Congress's ability

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to provide the support that our troops urgently need. I ask the Congress 
to approve the funds we requested, and our troops are counting on, 
without strings and without delay.
    Equally important to funding our troops is giving our commanders the 
flexibility to carry out their missions without undue interference from 
politicians in Washington. Some Members of Congress say that we can 
succeed in Iraq without providing the reinforcements that our forces 
have been promised and are expecting. I disagree. More importantly, our 
commanders disagree. Other Members of Congress seem to believe that we 
can have it all, that we can fight Al Qaida, pursue national 
reconciliation, initiate aggressive diplomacy, and deter Iran's 
ambitions in Iraq, all while withdrawing from Baghdad and reducing our 
force levels. That sounds good in theory, but doing so at this moment 
would undermine everything our troops have worked for.
    There are no shortcuts in Iraq. Our intelligence and military 
experts agree that given the current situation, Iraq will not be a 
stable nation until its capital is more secure. Political reconciliation 
is difficult when a country's seat of government is under constant 
siege. Economic improvements cannot take root when Baghdad's 
neighborhoods are the scene of daily sectarian violence and reprisals. 
And you cannot effectively battle Al Qaida by ignoring the sectarian 
violence they are inciting, especially in the capital.
    If American forces were to step back from Baghdad now, before it is 
more secure, the scale and scope of attacks would increase and the 
intensity would increase. A contagion of violence could spill out across 
the entire country and, in time, the entire region. The enemy would 
emerge from the chaos emboldened, with new safe havens and new recruits 
and new resources and an even greater determination to harm America.
    For our country, this is a nightmare scenario. For the enemy, it's 
their plan. They're not debating whether the war in Iraq is worth it. 
Hear the words of bin Laden in a message to 
the American people just last year. He says of Iraq: ``The war is for 
you or for us to win. If we win it, it means your defeat and disgrace 
forever.'' In the face of such a determined enemy, the idea of pulling 
back from the fight and hoping for the best is not a reasonable 
position. America did not drive Al Qaida out of their safe haven in 
Afghanistan only to let them set up a shop in a free Iraq.
    Now that the battle for Baghdad is underway, our country is best 
served by standing behind our troops and doing everything we can to aid 
in their success. The outcome of this conflict involves more than the 
fortunes of any one President or any political party. Our mission is 
America's mission, and our failure would be America's failure.
    Our country is fortunate that our mission is in the hands of 
America's finest citizens, the men and women who wear our uniform. 
They've been on the battlefield. They have seen this war up close. They 
know the consequences of failure. And they appreciate something larger: 
the consequences of success. We know what a free Iraq could mean for the 
region and the world, because we know how your sacrifices half a century 
ago helped create a free Germany that transformed Europe and a free 
Japan that sparked a wave of democracy and prosperity throughout much of 
Asia. We know that a free Iraq has the potential to spark a similar 
transformation in the Middle East and bring us closer to the day when 
moms and dads in the Arab world see a future of hope for their children. 
And we know that the sacrifices that our troops are making in Iraq today 
will lay the foundation of peace for generations of Americans to come.
    Last year, I received a letter from a Navy Seabee named Andy 
Clements. He was

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serving in Iraq. He says he worked alongside Iraqis on a daily basis and 
that they appreciate what America is doing for their country. He told me 
this story: ``I was at Baghdad International Airport several weeks ago 
and had a small Iraqi boy, near the same age as my own son, run up to me 
and salute. He kept repeating `thank you' in broken English and wanted 
to shake my hand. I will remember that chance meeting forever. And that, 
to me, is what being done--here is all about.''
    In the brief history of our Nation, we've seen freedom remake the 
world many times, and yet we always seem surprised by the quiet power of 
our ideals. It's in our power to show those who hunger for liberty the 
path away from tyranny and terror. Throughout our history, we have gone 
through tough moments, and we have come out stronger on the other side. 
We've been guided by our belief that freedom is not an American 
privilege but a value that belongs to all mankind.
    The struggle in Iraq may be hard, but this should not be a time for 
despair. We can have confidence in the final outcome of this struggle, 
because we have men on our side like Tommy Tardif. The 25-year-old marine was in an Iraqi town when his squad 
came under heavy fire. He was engaged in combat so intense that Marine 
Corps Commandant General Mike Hagee 
described it as a ``hand grenade-throwing contest.'' In that combat, 
Sergeant Tardif was seriously wounded by grenade fragments, yet he 
refused medical attention until the battle had been won. Later, when he 
was evacuated, he called his wife from the transit hospital in Germany, 
and he said this: ``Honey, I could come home right now, but I feel I 
have responsibilities, and I'm going back to Iraq.'' He borrowed a 
uniform; he convinced his doctor to let him out of the hospital; and the 
man returned to his squad.
    A lot of you can tell stories like this. Each of you knows a fellow 
patriot whose name is carried in your heart or who sits proudly beside 
you in this hall today. I want to thank you for the sacrifices you have 
made. I thank you for the example you have set. And I thank you for the 
steadfast support of the men and women who wear our uniform.
    You know that America can overcome any challenge or any difficulty. 
You know America's brightest days are still ahead. And you know that 
nothing we say here--no speech or vote or resolution in the United 
States Congress--means more to the future of our country than the men 
and women who wake up every morning and put on the uniform of our 
country and defend the United States of America.
    I thank you for your time. God bless.

Note: The President spoke at 10:05 a.m. at the Renaissance Hotel. In his 
remarks, he referred to Paul A. Morin, national commander, American 
Legion; Earl Ruttkofsky, national commander, Sons of the American 
Legion; Maj. Gen. George W. Weightman, USA, former commander, Walter 
Reed Army Medical Center; former Secretary of the Army Francis J. 
Harvey; Gen. David H. Petraeus, USA, commanding general, Multi-National 
Force--Iraq; Usama bin Laden, leader of the Al Qaida terrorist 
organization; and Sgt. Timothy C. Tardif, USMC, who was awarded the 
Silver Star on May 3, 2004.

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